The Volokh Conspiracy
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New Eleventh Circuit Amicus Brief In Special Counsel Appeal
"The District Court correctly dismissed the indictment. Amici advance four rationales to support the judgment below."
Today our team submitted an amicus brief in United States v. Trump before the Eleventh Circuit. This case is an appeal from Judge Cannon's decision declaring the appointment of the Special Counsel to be unlawful. Our brief was filed on behalf of Robert Ray, Professor Seth Barrett Tillman, and the Landmark Legal Foundation. We are grateful to Michael A. Sasso for serving as local counsel.
Tillman and Landmark joined our District Court brief. We are honored that Ray joined our effort on appeal. Ray served as one of the last Independent Counsels, replacing Kenneth W. Starr in October 1999, and was in charge of the Whitewater and Monica Lewinsky investigations. He concluded the investigations by March 2002 with the decision not to prosecute President Clinton once he left office.
Our brief makes four primary arguments:
The District Court correctly dismissed the indictment. Amici advance four rationales to support the judgment below.
First, from the 1850s through the 1950s, during six presidential administrations, Attorneys General retained outside lawyers as Special Counsels either: to assist a U.S. Attorney with prosecutions, or to assist the Attorney General with an investigation. Josh Blackman, A Historical Record of Special Counsels Before Watergate (2024), https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=4970972 (hereinafter"A Historical Record"). And the Watergate Special Prosecutor is a thin reed to stand on. United States v. Nixon expressly and repeatedly recognized that the Watergate Special Prosecutor had "unique authority and tenure." 418 U.S. 683, 694 (1974). Further, in 1973, the Acting Attorney General, with the acquiescence of the President, granted the Special Prosecutor unsurpassed insulation against removal. Apart from those compromises, this insulation would be inconsistent with Bowsher v. Synar. 478 U.S. 714 (1986). Whether the Nixon analysis is holding or dicta, it is not controlling, and it should not be extended to today's context under today's statutory and regulatory framework.
Second, Special Counsel Jack Smith ("Smith") cannot rely on the permanent indefinite appropriation found in a "note" to 28 U.S.C. §591. In 2004, the Government Accountability Office determined that this appropriation can be used for "investigat[ing] and prosecut[ing] high ranking government officials." GAO, Special Counsel and Permanent Indefinite Appropriation, B-302582, 2004 WL 2213560, at *4 (Comp. Gen. Sept. 30, 2004). But Trump was not a "high ranking" official when he was indicted, and all the alleged conduct took place after he was out of office. In these circumstances, the funding mechanism in Section 591's note cannot be used to pay Smith.
Third, Supreme Court precedent distinguishes between officers and employees. An "Officer of the United States" position must have a duration that is continuous. Though Smith's prosecution has already continued for several years, and his duties are regular, his position is not continuous, because his extant position would not continue to a successor. Morrison v. Olson, 487 U.S. 654, 672 (1988). At most, Smith is a mere "employee" who cannot exercise the sweeping powers of a Senate-confirmed U.S. Attorney.
Finally, Amici have properly preserved for review by the Supreme Court the question of whether Morrison v. Olson should be overruled.
The Special Counsel, like the Independent Counsel, still comes as a wolf. Id. at 699 (Scalia, J., dissenting).
We look forward to this litigation proceeding.
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What on earth are you taiking about? Amici are not parties. They cannot preserve anything for review.
Forget it, Jake. It's Blackmantown.
I mean, not that things like "preserved for review" or "facts before the trial court" or "arguments raised by the litigants" or little things like that seem to deter the roving eye of Sauron ... sorry, the Supreme Court from making decisions based on whatever they are thinking about at that time.
Unless they need a reason to kick something out. Then, sure.
This isn't an ordinary merits issue where all those principles apply. It feels closer to jurisdictional. There is some precedent hot off the presses saying it is not a full fledged jurisdictional issue. The District Court in US ex rel. Zafirov v. Florida Medical Associates, decided yesterday, ruled that a relator could not sue on behalf of the United States without being properly appointed as an officer of the United States. Judge Mizelle treated the plaintiff's status as a merits question rather than dismissing for lack of jurisdiction.
I think you're missing the point.
It's possible that the Supreme Court will seriously consider in this case to overturn Morrison v. Olson (though I doubt it). If they do, the fact that Prof. Blackman said that he thought they should in his district court filing is not going to be a factor.
It suffices in response merely to quote a portion of the brief that I guess you must have missed when you read it. "The Supreme Court has resolved constitutional questions that were raised only by amici. Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643, 646 n.3 (1961); Teague v. Lane, 489 U.S. 288, 300 (1989)."
Yes, the Warren court was pretty bad. Fortunately, we don't do things that way any more.
So the Supreme Court now refuses to resolve constitutional questions that were raised only by amici?
And the Nixon dicta, we still have to do things that way, right?
Way to miss the point. I didn't say that the Supreme Court can't decide that if it wants. SCOTUS can pretty much do anything it wants. Notwithstanding Sineneng-Smith, it can decide issues not raised by the parties. It can excuse waiver. It can ignore the QP and issue a ruling on a random proposition of law that it would rather address. It can act as a court of first view rather than of review. None of those are jurisdictional — and even if they were, who's going to tell SCOTUS that? ("It's not final because it's infallible; it's infallible because it's final.") But if SCOTUS decides to do any of those things, it does so because it wants to, not because of something that an amici did to "preserve" the issue.
Ok, even assuming, arguendo, the accuracy of everything you note, does it do any harm? Is it better advocacy to keep silent or make the statement to bolster your argument?
It’s better advocacy to not say stupid shit.
You may want to consider your own advice before commenting.
Maybe not, but I bet they can strenuously object.
Okay, I made the mistake of reading the brief. DMN- I will call your attention (if you can stomach it) to what they are saying on pgs. 11-12 (re the Nixon precedent).
I mean ... to quote Anchorman, I am not even mad, I am impressed.
Basically, they say that Nixon must be ignored because it is a unique case. And then they say that the Court stated unique several times. It is, as they say, a case that was a... wait for it ... "one-way ticket."
Of course, they are using all the examples of the Court having to deal with the alleged criminal activities of a sitting President, which was a unique situation. But I'm reasonable certain that the Court was remarking about the overall situation (which was pretty crazy) and not saying, "This? Never cite it again. Because UNIQUE!" Also, the case has been cited, including by THE SUPREME COURT.
Look, I think that Nixon is incredibly persuasive (especially because it is precedent from the Supreme Court, it isn't dicta, and another appellate court already construed to apply), but you can argue all sorts of ways to distinguish it. But this is ... ugh.
I feel like I've seen a brief that says, "Well, that case involved a red car. This case has a green car. Therefore, the binding precedent from that case about the privity requirements of collateral estoppel doesn't apply."
Oh, screw it. One more.
Page 13. They are arguing waiver (regarding funding source). Um, okay. So here's the thing.
The opinion of the district court wasn't based on that issue of fact (which is ... whatever). It's based on the district court's ... curious (I'm trying to be nice) interpretation that no "other law" funded the Special Counsel. The initial brief was so disdainful of this that they literally devote one paragraph to it.
Now, think whatever you want of the merits, but that's not waiver because that is not the issue.
I'm stopping now.
United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683 (1974), was indeed unique when it was decided -- no incumbent president had theretofore moved to quash a subpoena for materials in the possession of the President for use in prosecution of third party defendants. That does not mean that the reasoning of the Court is not binding precedent.
Every case of first impression is unique -- that is exactly what makes it a case of first impression. It is untenable to suggest that such cases are not controlling authority in subsequent cases.
I note that Blackman cites, but makes no attempt whatever to distinguish, the D.C. Circuit decisions of In re Sealed Case, 829 F.2d 50, 55 n.30 (D.C. Cir. 1987), and In re Grand Jury Investigation, 916 F.3d 1047, 1053–54 (D.C. Cir. 2019), regarding the precedential effect of Nixon.
I think it’s even dumber than that. As far as I can tell, the argument is that the Nixon special prosecutor appointment was unconstitutional for a completely different reason that has nothing to do with statutory analysis (and which isn’t true for Smith’s appointment), therefore the Supreme Court’s statement the appointment was authorized is irrelevant.
Although to be fair, it's more compelling than their treatment of Nixon in their original brief, which as far as I can tell was to just not mention it at all.
I am just going to wrap up my final thoughts.
Other than issues that other people can discuss, this brief fails as an amicus brief for a very simple reason. It tries to do too much ... and a lot of it poorly.
A really good amicus brief hits on issues that the the litigants aren't hitting (or aren't hitting well or correctly). The primary problem with this brief is that it's just trying to make a bunch of arguments to uphold the district court- WHICH IS WHAT THE APPELLEE IS DOING.
Look, if they wanted to file a brief explaining (again) their theories about the special counsel and why they believe Smith's cannot exercise that power, great. But this is more "We are going to make arguments about the litigation, and about waiver, and so on ..."
A more focused brief laying out their legal argument would be ... well, someone might like it. This? This is a "we really wanna be a party" brief. I hate those, and I know most judges do as well.
I don't follow you. The Defendants are arguing that the Nixon language is dicta. The amici are arguing that the Nixon language, if considered a holding, is not controlling given the unique statutory and regulatory framework at issue in that case. Seems like a perfectly appropriate example of an amicus brief. You just don't agree with their arguments.
To be fair, they do squander whatever credibility they might have otherwise had by repeating their very silly argument.
I note a consequence of the officer argument made here:
Buckley requires that an official who exercises significant authority must be an officer, but Lucia says that he can't be an officer unless he also holds a continuing position.
If we accept both premises, it is impossible to create a temporary official who has over-the-threshold authority.
I think Congress, if they wanted to, could probably create a temporary position that required Senate confirmation, and it would qualify as an officer on account of that confirmation requirement.
It's just that when does that ever happen?
Citing Lucia, Tillman argues if the office is temporary he is an employee not an officer. If you accept that I don't see how going through a mock confirmation would change anything. The Appointment Clause says that Senate confirmation is (sometimes) necessary for officerdom, not that it is sufficient.
Blackman, all you insurrectionists were screaming for a prosecutor not employed by the Biden Crime Family DOJ. And you got it. Now you bitch anew.
SCOTUS gave you a president that couldn't be tried for crimes. Now you want a POTUS that cannot be prosecuted even if he did legitimate crime.
It's mind-boggling that you are teaching students that the law should work in this fashion
The way you know the entire GOP is made up of people that only care about executive branch and judicial branch appointments is because Trump’s biggest accomplishments were surrendering to the Taliban, adding $8 trillion to the debt, and making Fauci a household name along with vaccines his strongest supporters believe are not only ineffective but dangerous!!!! WTF?? In 2004 the GOP believed Cheney had the greatest judgment of any human on the planet and now they believe he is a warmonger that sends Americans to their deaths so he can make a few bucks!!
There is a significant subissue that the District Court's order did not address. To my knowledge, no party nor any amicus has addressed it either. Assuming arguendo that the appointment or funding of the Special Counsel in this matter is defective, how does that vitiate an indictment found by a grand jury so as to require dismissal thereof?
Jack Smith did not indict Donald Trump, Waltine Nauta and Carlos De Oliveira; the United States grand jury for the Southern District of Florida indicted them. "An indictment returned by a legally constituted and unbiased grand jury, like an information drawn by the prosecutor, if valid on its face, is enough to call for trial of the charge on the merits." Costello v. United States, 350 U.S. 359, 363 (1956) [footnote omitted].
Rule 52(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure provides that "[a]ny error, defect, irregularity or variance which does not affect substantial rights shall be disregarded." That rule specifically applies to grand jury proceedings. SCOTUS has specifically held "that, as a general matter, a district court may not dismiss an indictment for errors in grand jury proceedings unless such errors prejudiced the defendants." Bank of Nova Scotia v. United States, 487 U.S. 250, 254 (1988). "Under this standard, dismissal of the indictment is appropriate only 'if it is established that the violation substantially influenced the grand jury's decision to indict,' or if there is 'grave doubt' that the decision to indict was free from the substantial influence of such violations." Id., at 256.
Prior to the appointment of Jack Smith, lead counsel for the United States was Jay Bratt, the chief of the Justice Department's Counterintelligence and Export Control Section. https://www.axios.com/2022/10/24/trump-mar-a-lago-documents-case-doj In order to show prejudice from the appointment of the Special Counsel, the Defendants would need to have shown before the District Court that the grand jury would not have indicted if the government's case had been presented by Mr. Bratt or by Markenzy Lapointe, United States Attorney, or one of his assistants.
This is not a mere “error, defect, irregularity” in the indictment. Smith’s appointment was unconstitutional and all actions flowing from that unconstitutional appointment were unlawful. All actions includes seeking the indictment. In Bank of Nova Scotia, no constitutional error occurred during the grand jury proceedings. Here, the court below properly recognized that there were no alternatives other than dismissal to cure the constitutional problem. In fact, Smith himself did not offer any alternatives.
Are you suggesting that Fed.R.Crim.P. 52(a) is inapplicable to constitutional errors? You may wish to review United States v. Hasting, 461 U.S. 499, 509 (1983); Chapman v. California, 386 U.S. 18, 21-24 (1967). Indeed, Hasting is among the authorities that the Court expressly relied upon in Bank of Nova Scotia regarding the applicability of Rule 52(a) to grand jury proceedings.
If you can't run with the big dogs, Riva, stay on the porch.
Hastings and Chapman involved harmless constitutional errors. The unlawful appointment and illegal exercise of executive authority by Smith was not harmless constitutional error. In lieu of composing childish, belittling insults, I would suggest you actually take the time to read and understand the cases you cite. Not even Smith, with his many, many, many faults, suggested that his illegal appointment was harmless error.
Chapman involved harmless constitutional error?? Riva, you are a liar, and the truth ain't in you. "Applying the foregoing standard, we have no doubt that the error in these cases was not harmless to petitioners." 386 U.S. 18, 24 (1967).
What is your authority, if any, for the proposition that Jack Smith's appointment is structural error, not subject to harmless error analysis?
Structural errors include such things as denial of the right to an impartial adjudicator (be it judge or jury), the denial of counsel, the denial of the right of self-representation, the denial of the right to public trial, the denial of the right to trial by jury by the giving of a defective reasonable-doubt instruction, the denial of retained defense counsel of choice, defense counsel's joint representation of defendants with conflicting interests, prosecution of a federal criminal contempt by an attorney who simultaneously represents the beneficiary of an order alleged to have been violated, a United States Magistrate presiding at jury selection over the objection of the defendant, systematic racial discrimination in selection of the grand jury.
That the Office of Special Counsel has not argued harmless error or defect is simply irrelevant. Fed.R.Crim.P. 52(a) requires that “[a]ny error, defect, irregularity or variance which does not affect substantial rights shall be disregarded.” Similarly, 28 U.S.C. § 2111 mandates that "On the hearing of any appeal or writ of certiorari in any case, the court shall give judgment after an examination of the record without regard to errors or defects which do not affect the substantial rights of the parties." Where harmless error analysis applies, the appellate court is required to conduct such analysis sua sponte.
To be clearer, Hastings relied on Chapman for its application of the harmless error doctrine. You conveniently ignore Hastings in your diatribe above yet this was the primary case you cited. The unconstitutional appointment and the illegal exercise of executive authority is patently not harmless and this grave constitutional error clearly affects substantial rights. I note again, Smith did not raise your rule 52 argument either at trial or in his appellate brief. Probably because it is embarrassingly frivolous.
Own up to it, Riva. You asserted that Chapman involved harmless constitutional error. In reality, the prosecutor's argument in that case was prejudicial error.
Once again, what is your authority, if any, for the proposition that Jack Smith’s appointment is structural error, not subject to harmless error analysis? You have cited bupkis. Your ipse dixit recitation that something is "patently not harmless" is no authority at all.
Put up or shut up.
Putting aside your now confused reliance on Chapman, the present case concerns the remedy for Smith's unconstitutional appointment. From Cannon's decision: “‘[O]ne who makes a timely challenge to the constitutional validity of the appointment of an officer . . .’ is entitled to relief.” Lucia [ v. Sec. & Exch. Comm’n], 585 U.S. 237, 244 (2018), 585 U.S. at 251 (2018) (quoting Ryder, 515 U.S. at 182–83). In such cases, which necessarily involve a “Government actor’s exercise of power that the actor did not lawfully possess,” the proper remedy is invalidation of the ultra vires action. Collins v. Yellen, 594 U.S. 220, 258 (2021) (collecting cases)" In addition to reading the cases you cite, I would also recommend reading the decision with which you disagree.
Nothing you cite there has a thing to do with the inquisitorial authority of a federal grand jury. The ability of a grand jury to indict and the validity of an indictment found by the grand jury do not depend on the authority or lack of authority of any prosecuting attorney.
Your abject refusal to discuss Fed.R.Crim.P. 52(a) and 28 U.S.C. § 2111 speaks loudly. Where is the prejudice to Donald Trump, Waltine Nauta and Carlos De Oliveira from the appointment of Jack Smith as Special Counsel? See Bank of Nova Scotia v. United States, 487 U.S. 250, 254-256 (1988).
I’m getting dizzy. We seem to have come full circle with you first irrelevant case citation. You really believe that the remedy for the unconstitutional appointment of an officer is not the invalidation of his ultra vires actions but rather the affirmation of those actions?
I'm pretty sure that what he believes is that the indictment is the grand jury's action, not the prosecutor's, and therefore the unconstitutional appointment of the prosecutor has no bearing on the legitimacy of the indictment.
As a formal matter that might even be true, though in a real world sense the independence of grand juries is a fiction. We call grand juries that actually exercise any independence "runaway" grand juries, after all, and it's not a compliment.
Yes, that’s probably what he thinks. And he would be wrong. He’s equating the unconstitutional appointment with some harmless procedural error in the process.
Once again, Riva, where is the prejudice to Donald Trump, Waltine Nauta and Carlos De Oliveira from the appointment of Jack Smith as Special Counsel?
Do you think your keyboard will break if you discuss Fed.R.Crim.P. 52(a) and 28 U.S.C. § 2111?
Or do you persist in your damning non-answer? (H-t Tim Walz)
One problem is that Smith (or someone under him - don’t remember) signed the indictment, along with the jury foreman. That suggests that the jury foreman signing the indictment, for the grand jury, is not sufficient to bring the case, in the name of the US, on his/their own. In other words, there has to be a duly authorized agent of the US signing the indictment, to accept the responsibility of prosecuting the case in the name of the US. That’s where Smith’s arguably ultra vires appointment comes in - if he was not legally authorized to determine to represent the US in that court, then arguably the US has not then made an appearance in or assumed prosecution of the case.
Let’s push that a bit further. Our Constitutional Republic has three branches. The Legislative Branch has no real place here. The grand jury is part of the Judicial Branch, and the DOJ is part of the Executive Branch. The Executive Branch has plenary authority to prosecute crimes. That’s why Judge Emmitt Sullivan had so little support in the Judicial Branch to continue prosecution of Gen Flynn, after the DOJ moved to dismiss the criminal case against him. He’s not in the Executive Branch, and didn’t have the power to prosecute Flynn. Only the DOJ can do that. And had decided not to. Notably, federal indictments are invariably signed in the name of a duly confirmed or authorized Officer of the US (typically by or for a AUSA). Smith signing the Superseding Indictment entered an appearance of the Executive Branch to prosecute the case. Or would have, if Smith had been legally authorized to represent the US and prosecute the case.
"The grand jury is part of the Judicial Branch, and the DOJ is part of the Executive Branch."
Uh, the Supreme Court disagrees with you. As I have written elsewhere on this thread, the grand jury is a inquisitorial body, “a constitutional fixture in its own right,” United States v. Williams, 504 U.S. 36, 47 (1992), not part of any branch of government. “In fact, the whole theory of its function is that it belongs to no branch of the institutional Government, serving as a kind of buffer or referee between the Government and the people.” Ibid.
"The very purpose of the requirement that a man be indicted by grand jury is to limit his jeopardy to offenses charged by a group of his fellow citizens acting independently of either prosecuting attorney or judge." Stirone v. United States, 361 U.S. 212, 218 (1960).
Good point!
It's remarkable how high-powered lawyers sometimes miss obvious arguments. Perhaps because the associates who are doing the real work are under such pressure. People with a gun at their back often don't think clearly.
I don't think there's any realistic possibility that Smith (used here metonymically; I of course have no idea how he allocates work on his team) missed anything. Rather, a dismissal puts him in a much better posture on appeal, and an appellate ruling that only said the indictment shouldn't have been dismissed wouldn't be a win.
Well, at any rate, the reinstatement of the product of the ultra vires actions of the unconstitutionally appointed Smith wouldn’t be a win for justice.
Notably, this includes Smith, who does not raise the issue of an improper remedy in his brief. Presumably, that's because he's in a much better procedural posture this way than if he'd been removed from the case while it continued.
(That said, I've explained to you several times that in the federal system, the executive branch's concurrence with a grand jury's indictment is a substantive requirement to initiate a prosecution.)
As I wrote in response to Riva's bullshit, Fed.R.Crim.P. 52(a) requires that “[a]ny error, defect, irregularity or variance which does not affect substantial rights shall be disregarded.” Similarly, 28 U.S.C. § 2111 mandates that “On the hearing of any appeal or writ of certiorari in any case, the court shall give judgment after an examination of the record without regard to errors or defects which do not affect the substantial rights of the parties.”
Where is the prejudice to Donald Trump, Waltine Nauta and Carlos De Oliveira from the appointment of Jack Smith as Special Counsel?
If, hypothetically, the Court of Appeals opines that appointment of the Special Counsel was defective, but the indictment is still valid and must be reinstated, what would preclude the U. S. Attorney Markenzy Lapointe from hiring Jack Smith and much of his team as Assistant U. S. Attorneys?
Absolutely nothing.
I assume that the reasons why that result is undesirable are obvious.
Suppose that someone wandered into the grand jury room, said they were a federal prosecutor, and secured and signed an indictment. Do you think that the government could defend that on the basis that the defendant couldn't prove that the U.S. Attorney wouldn't have also tried to indict that case?
Is your vehicle also a Dodge, Noscitur a sociis? Where is the prejudice to Donald Trump, Waltine Nauta and Carlos De Oliveira from the appointment of Jack Smith as Special Counsel?
A ridiculous hypothetical doesn't feed the bulldog.
On the topic of hypotheticals, however, suppose a citizen, acting on his own initiative, informed a federal grand jury of reliable information about a crime that had been committed with no input from a prosecuting attorney. Suppose that grand juror relayed that information to his fellow grand jurors, who subpoenaed other witnesses and, based on their independent investigation, returned a presentment charging the alleged offender.
Charging crimes by presentment has fallen into disuse, but it remains an available method of initiating prosecution so long as the Fifth Amendment remains in place. The Executive Branch need not participate unless and until a grand jury finds probable cause.
As SCOTUS opined in Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S. 43, 61 (1906):
The grand jury is a inquisitorial body, "a constitutional fixture in its own right," United States v. Williams, 504 U.S. 36, 47 (1992), not part of any branch of government. "In fact, the whole theory of its function is that it belongs to no branch of the institutional Government, serving as a kind of buffer or referee between the Government and the people." Ibid. The Supreme Court in Hale, at 63, approvingly quoted Blaney v. Maryland, 74 Md. 153, wherein the court said:
Also at page 63 the Hale Court quoted Frisbie v. United States, 157 U.S. 160 with approval:
Hale has been modified by later decisions regarding whether a grant of state-law immunity shielded a defendant from the use of his testimony and its fruits in federal court, Murphy v. Waterfront Commission, 378 U.S. 52 (1964), but it remains good law as to the validity of a federal grand jury's prerogative to act independently of the prosecuting attorney.
That is incorrect. Such a course would satisfy the fifth amendment, but the fifth amendment doesn’t require it to be available, and under the current rules of criminal procedure, it no longer is: a prosecution requires the concurrence of both the grand jury and a prosecutor, as reflected in Rule 7’s requirement that the indictment be signed by an “attorney for the government”. See United States v. Wright, 365 F.2d 135, 137 (7th Cir. 1966) (“The primary purpose served by affixing the U.S. Attorney's signature to an indictment is to indicate that he joins with the Grand Jury in instituting a criminal proceeding. Without his agreement no criminal proceeding could be brought on the indictment.”); Little v. United States, 524 F.2d 335, 336 (8th Cir. 1975) (“The signing of an indictment is one step in the conduct of a criminal proceeding. Its function is to show that the attorney for the United States joins with the grand jury in instituting the proceeding.”).
I realize you don’t agree with that proposition. You’re wrong, but that’s fine. My point now is that there’s authority for that course, and nothing suspect about Judge Cannon selecting that remedy when no one asked her to do something different.
Yes. Because the government defending it would be a ratification of the act.
As I've said before on this subject, consider a much simpler hypothetical: assume that a grand jury votes to indict a defendant, and then some months into the prosecution, a defense attorney looks more carefully and realizes that a U.S. Attorney forgot to sign it. Would the remedy be dismissal? Or that a U.S. Attorney sign it nunc pro tunc and that the prosecution continue?
It’s not harmless error, if the US, by and through its Executive Branch (through its DOJ), did not in fact make the US a party to the litigation. And, if Smith didn’t have that power, it didn’t get done. If not, then the best that could happen would be the grand jury v Trump et Al, and not the US v Trump, et Al.
You know what a good gig must be?
Finding out what people need, then writing law review articles with "history" that supports what those people need. So they can cite to it as if it is authoritative. Ugh.
And weirdly, the history you find always supports what you wanted!
(This is yet another reason I dislike originalism as the sole source of judicial interpretation. In effect, it's no better than sending someone into the desert to "re-interpret" a text whenever you need it. It doesn't constrain, it enables.)
Yeah, but it still only gets you to teaching at South Texas College of Law.
I am reasonably certain that Josh is perfectly content teaching at a shitty law school.
They don't impose heavy teaching or research expectations on him, and his "colleagues" aren't high-profile scholars that make him look like an embarrassment in comparison. His students aren't smart or challenging, so he can recite from the casebook term after term while he pursues his real interest, which is self-promotion and Supreme Court gossip. And, of course, he justifies all of this to himself by saying that he didn't want to be part of that club anyway, referring to the higher-ranked schools where more esteemed law professors are teaching.
He basically just needs a paycheck to live off of, while he picks up side gigs doing things like drafting sections of Project 2025 and attending Federalist Society shindigs.
The fundamental problem with the argument is that even if Professor Blackman is right that a special counsel needs to be someone who was confirmed by the Senate to work as a prosecutor, nonetheless the indictment need not be dismissed as it is not the prosecutor’s product. Indictments are the work of grand juries, not prosecutors. Grand juries are convened by courts, not prosecutors. The grand jury here was validly convened.
The remedy would be to replace the special prosecutor with a Senate-confirmed Justice Department official, who could then hire Mr. Smith as an assistant to do most of the actual work.
This argument is conspicuously absent from Smith’s brief. I wonder why?
He might not be an entirely disinterested party on the subject.
"This argument is conspicuously absent from Smith’s brief. I wonder why?"
Why on earth would an Appellant argue harmless error? That is the tack sometimes taken by Appellees.
Nope see above. Smith signed the indictment, along with the foreman of the grand jury. Smith signed because the grand jury can not prosecute cases in the name of the US. Only duly authorized agents of the Executive branch can do that. It’s a Separation of Powers issue.
It isn't, but also your argument misses the point because nobody claims that the grand jury can prosecute cases. The grand jury indicts. And that's what happened here. Which makes the indictment valid.
I’m not quite sure how Morrison v Olson can be overturned, let alone asked to be overturned, when much of that case revolved around a statute no longer in effect.
Sure, there are some overlapping principles at play here. But this case will ultimately be decided on particulars different than the issue decided in Morrison. As often with Blackman, this is a vanity ego parade. Morrison isn't Humphrey's Executor.