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Fifth Circuit Won't Revisit Its Earlier Precedent Holding Illegal Aliens Lack Second Amendment Rights
From yesterday's decision in U.S. v. Medina-Cantu, by Judge Carolyn Dineen King and Kurt Engelhardt:
In U.S. v. Portillo-Munoz (5th Cir. 2011), this court held that 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5), which prohibits an illegal alien from possessing a firearm or ammunition, is constitutional under the Second Amendment. In the present case, Defendant-Appellant Jose Paz Medina-Cantu brings another Second Amendment challenge to § 922(g)(5), arguing that Portillo-Munoz has been abrogated by the Supreme Court's decisions in New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n v. Bruen (2022), and U.S. v. Rahimi (2024).
We agree with the Government and hold that the Supreme Court's decisions in Bruen and Rahimi did not unequivocally abrogate Portillo-Munoz's precedent. As such, under this circuit's rule of orderliness, we are bound to follow Portillo-Munoz….
We acknowledge that there are reasonable arguments as to why Portillo-Munoz should be reconsidered post-Bruen and Rahimi. For instance, Portillo-Munoz's textual interpretation of the Second Amendment notably did not include a historical analysis, relying instead on the Supreme Court's language in Heller. And Rahimi's discussion of the term "responsible" provides some indication that the Supreme Court may, in future cases, reject other arguments that the Second Amendment's reference to "the people" excludes certain individuals. But, absent clearer indication that Portillo-Munoz has been abrogated, only the Supreme Court—or this court sitting en banc—can overturn our precedent….
Judge Jim Ho concurred in the judgment, concluding that Portillo-Munoz was indeed consistent with Bruen and Rahimi:
The defendant here contends that Portillo-Munoz is no longer good law, in light of recent decisions from the Supreme Court. But there's no basis to question our precedent.
To begin with, no Supreme Court precedent compels the application of the Second Amendment to illegal aliens—and certainly not Bruen or Rahimi. That should be the end of the matter. We should not extend rights to illegal aliens any further than what the law requires. Cf. Young Conservatives of Texas Foundation v. Smatresk (5th Cir. 2023) (Ho, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc) ("Our national objectives are undercut when [we] encourage illegal entry into the United States.").
Moreover, it's already well established that illegal aliens do not have Second Amendment rights. In United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez (1990), the Court noted that "the people" is "a term of art employed in select parts of the Constitution"—namely, the First, Second, Fourth, Ninth, and Tenth Amendments. The term "refers to a class of persons who are part of a national community or who have otherwise developed sufficient connection with this country to be considered part of that community."
To be sure, Verdugo-Urquidez involved the interpretation of the Fourth Amendment, not the Second. But the Court later quoted this same passage verbatim when it was determining the proper reading of the Second Amendment in D.C. v. Heller (2008).
Illegal aliens don't qualify under the definition of "the people" set forth in Verdugo-Urquidez and Heller—not as a matter of common sense or Court precedent.
As to common sense, an illegal alien does not become "part of a national community" by unlawfully entering it, any more than a thief becomes an owner of property by stealing it.
And as to precedent, the Court has repeatedly explained that "an alien … does not become one of the people to whom these things are secured by our Constitution by an attempt to enter forbidden by law." United States ex rel. Turner v. Williams (1904) (quoted in Verdugo-Urquidez). But that's, of course, the very definition of an illegal alien—one who "attempts to enter" our country in a manner "forbidden by law." So illegal aliens are not part of "the people" entitled to the protections of the Second Amendment.
Moreover, the Court has provided further reason why it reaches this conclusion. For an illegal alien "[t]o appeal to the Constitution is to concede that this is a land governed by that supreme law." And "the power to exclude [aliens from the United States] has been determined to exist" under our Constitution. So, the Court concluded, "those who are excluded cannot assert the rights in general obtaining in a land to which they do not belong as citizens or otherwise."
Eileen K. Wilson, Carmen Castillo Mitchell, and Charles McCloud represent the government.
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Illegal aliens should have zero rights beyond basic due process rights to challenge the possibility that they are in fact here legally. If they are found to be here illegally, they should have nothing.
Slavery? Confessions extracted by torture? Differential punishments depending on religion?
Once we find one illegal alien, we can find him guilty without a trial of all unsolved murders on the books, and clear the backlog.
The Constitution has three designations: parties (13th Amendment), the accused (5th Amendment), persons, and the people.
Parties and the accused do not have to be considered persons. And not all persons are members of the people.
Extraterritorial aliens are not persons, but are parties and, if accused of crimes, the accused. Territorial aliens are persons, but are not in general members of the people.
The framers chose their words carefully. Every time they used different language, it has a different meaning.
So extraterritorial aliens can be excluded based on religion. That’s what Trump v. Hawaii was about. And they can be tortured. The Guatanamo bay cases focused on whether the base was or was not US territory. If it wasn’t, everything the US did would have been fine. But they can’t be enslaved, because the term “party” is broader than the term “person.” And they can’t be convicted of a crime without a fair trial, because they enjoy the rights of “the accused.”
Once they are inside US territory they have considerably more rights. But nonetheless they don’t have all the rights of citizens. They can’t vote. But they also can’t have arms, they can be searched and seized by federal agents at any time, they can’t assemble and petition the government (which isn’t theirs).
Sorry, 4 designations.
Minor quibble - You say the Constitution has "three desgnations" but then you itemize four. And since "parties" doesn't show up until nearly a century later (as you say, in the 13th Amendment), I think it fits a little differently into the categorization.
I would start with "The People" which occurs first in the Preamble where it is explicitly defined as "The People of the United States".
"Person" occurs first in Article 1, Section 2 where it says that a person must be at least 21 years old and separately that the person must have been a citizen for at least 7 years. A "person" therefore must include non-citizens.
"The accused" does not occur until the 6th Amendment and, while the text does not make it explicit, it is closely associated with the 5th Amendment's protections which are to all "persons", not only to "the people". I would argue therefore that "the accused" are a subset of "persons".
I think it's ambiguous whether extraterritorial aliens are "persons" but they certainly attain legal personhood as soon as they step on US soil so outside the question of the right to immigrate the distinction is moot.
Guantanamo Bay represents a disturbing set of cases that I think were not properly considered. First, I would argue that a military post is, like an embassy, sovereign soil for most legal purposes. I would argue this even when the land is merely rented. Some sovereignty may be waived by agreement with the host country but the constitutional rights and protections of the persons on that land may not.
That said, I am not convinced that prisoners of war are required to be given a trial (speedy or otherwise) because the 5th Amendment explicitly excludes "cases arising in the land or naval forces ... when in actual service in time of War". There may be a statute or treaty obligation requiring due process for POWs but it is not a constitutional requirement. And yes, I realize the Guantanamo cases came out very differently. I do not think the issues I raise were properly litigated.
All that said, I completely agree with your conclusion. The People (that is, citizens) hold all constitutional rights. Territorial aliens (persons who are not in The People) hold fewer (voting, weapons, petitioning the government, etc) and extraterritorial aliens hold fewer still.
“Territorial aliens” include tens of millions of people, some here for a very long time. I’m not sure why they don’t have the right to petition.
The House of Representatives is apportioned by counting all persons who live here who are not simply in transit and a very limited number of other people. They represent “territorial aliens” too.
In the past, non-citizens often had the right to vote. Anyway, the government very well is “theirs” in certain ways. They are part of the community. They must follow its laws. They are liable for treason. They also are not liable to search “at any time,” especially if they have legal residency.
Why some legal resident, perhaps here for 10 years, has no right to bear arms (granting an individual right) is unclear too. That summary goes much beyond the actual issue — undocumented immigrants (“illegal aliens”) — to apply to all non-citizens.
Finally, the Constitution was carefully crafted, but it was not a matter of a bunch of law professors parsing each word. They also disagreed on what different words meant. Dred Scott shows how basic issues of citizenship split the justices as well as other legal minds, there being various understandings of terms.
Your argument seems to regard the word "person" in Article 1, Section 2 as denoting someone other than a member of the "people," a term also used (and used first) in that section. Article 1, Section 2 explicitly says members of Congress are to be selected by "the People" of the states. Citizenship is assumed. The requirement that a person who is to be a member of Congress must be a citizen for at least 7 years appears to require a minimum history of prior citizenship, not a suggestion that absent a minimum term of citizenship non-citizens would be eligible for Congress.
"Down with guns" meets "Down with illegal immigrants"
Guy never stood a chance.
Ho is overreading Verdugo-Urquidez, which involved not undocumented immigrants but foreigners outside the US. In fact, no Supreme Court case has ever held, that, for instance, an undocumented immigrant has no Fourth Amendment rights if a local cop illegally searches their home, and I doubt the Court would hold that. Indeed, I even doubt Judge Ho would hold that.
He should stop pontificating about the undocumented and try and approach the issue fairly.
Illegal aliens, not being part of the people, have no 4th Amendment rights vis-a-vis the federal goverment. They can be seized without a warrant, and frequently are.
They have 4th Amendment rights against states because of the Equal Protection Clause, which applies to persons. The Equal Protection Clause equalizes their rights vis-a-vis states. But it applies tostates only. Illegal aliens don’t have 4th amendment rights against the federal government because the equal protection clause doesn’t apply to the federal government. Aliens are one of the cases where the distinction matters. It matters a great deal.
Framing the question in terms whether they “have 4th amendment rights” or “do not have 4th amendment rights” as an absolute matter completely misses the point that the analysis for the federal government is totally different from the one for the states.
This is not, to put it mildly, the conventional reading.
State laws restricting aliens are subject to strict scrutiny. Federal laws are subject to rational basis.
Although the facts of the case involved extraterritorial aliens, Verdugo-Urquidez based its holding on the much more general proposition that the 4th Amendment applies only to “the people.” The opinion defined what “the people” means. It basically excludes aliens who are not lawful permanent residents.
As illegal immigrants are not part of The People, it's not hard to see why 2A rights don't extend to them
What about, say, first and fourth?
Illegals don't have the right to peaceably assemble and petition but they have all other 1A rights. I can't see how 4A applies to illegals, though.
Petition has been cited to include the use of the courts. Undocumented people have the right to use the courts, including access to legal services to help their cause.
If they have the right to "other 1A" rights, they would logically have the right to religious assembly.
The government can unreasonably search or seize undocumented people, including unnecessary force or such things as invasion of privacy by an unnecessary or over the top strip search or whatever.
Wait!
I thought that unless you can find a law back in the day that also kept undocumented immigrants from owning guns, the Courts just had to throw up their arms and say, "I'll allow it!"
I guess that only applies to other things that weren't considered at the time?
Wrong. Under Bruen, first you look to see if the plain language of the Amendment applies to the situation. Here, the argument is that illegal immigrants aren’t part of the People protected by the Amendment, so no historical tradition of disarming them needs to be established.
Huh.
So Alexander Hamilton wasn't part of the people?
How can we determine who was undocumented back then when we allowed everyone in?
We never allowed everyone in. The President lomg had the power to exclude aliens of for foreign policy reasons. And aliens with diseases, prostitutes, homosexuals and various other categories were statutorily excluded under “open” immigration. Congress wasn’t THAT open even back then. People were stopped at Ellis Island and sent back quite regularly since its inception.
The question of who is a member of the people is a totally different question from the question of what rights members of the people have. Bruen addressed the latter question only. It didn’t touch the former.
Hamilton was a citizen, and a member of the people, from the day the country was founded. He voted. He held public office. There is no genuine question that he was a citizen. The fact you use him as an example of someone who wasn’t is a good indicator your argument doesn’t have a sound foundation.
FYI, most legal aliens don’t have a constitutional right to keep and bear arms either.
"How can we determine who was undocumented back then when we allowed everyone in?"
This is why "undocumented is such a misleading term.
It's really simple. Back then, there were no immigration restrictions, therefore no illegal immigrants. No one was "undocumented" in the manner it is used today in regards to immigration.
What Bruen said is that “when the Second Amendment’s plain text covers an individual’s conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects that conduct. To justify its regulation, the government may not simply posit that the regulation promotes an important interest. Rather, the government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.”
The court’s conclusion here is that the conduct isn’t covered by the plain text of the Second Amendment (or, more precisely, that the previous panel opinion upholding the statute was sufficiently in line with that approach that Bruen didn’t implicitly overrule it).
The 2nd Amendment refers to the right “of the people.” There’s a long string of cases saying that illegal aliens, and for that matter most legal ones, are not members of “the people.”
That should end the matter. Bruen etc. had nothing to do with this issue or these cases. Far from casting doubt on them, they are completely irrelevant.
I’d rather illegals have superior gun owning rights to people here legally. Illegals are more law abiding, for obvious reasons.
Sure they are:
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-13790857/Venezuela-migrant-gang-apartment-complex-Aurora-Colorado-Kamala-Harris-Tren-Aragua.html
I already linked to a rebuttal of Somin's basis for claiming that. No, they're actually less law abiding. They just tend to enter the justice system lying about their citizenship status, which takes a while to clear up.
And that's setting aside that they're ALL tautologically not law abiding, simply on account of choosing to be here illegally.
Ten pages is a lot of writing for such a straightforward case. Circuit precedent puts illegal aliens outside the protection of the Second Amendment. There is no intervening Supreme Court decision on this question of law. The history and tradition test only applies to regulation of conduct protected by the Second Amendment. Affirmed.
The opinion says there is a case to be made but is not compelling enough to overrule circuit precedent.
The First Amendment speaks of the right of the people to assemble and petition. This applies to non-citizens.
It is flagged by Stevens in his Heller dissent that the 2A is treated differently than other amendments regarding its reach.
Given precedent, it is logical that someone not "law-abiding" could be denied the right to bear arms. There would be an equal protection analysis to determine how far to take this.
For instance, I doubt undocumented persons lack a right to self-defense at all. Banning them from owning any item that might be lethal would be questionable. OTOH, as a constitutional matter, a firearm ban would likely be reasonable. At least in many cases.
If the government ignores their undocumented status or allows them for an extended time to stay in the U.S., at some point the government's interest in a ban on firearms allowed to other people decreases.
They lack a right to self-defense.
As the Ex Parte Quirin opinion pointed out, at common law, the law in effect at the time of the founding, if the United States declared war then every citizen of the enemy country automatically became not just an enemy of the United States but an outlaw (outside the protection of the law), and those present in the United States automatically became fair game to every citizen to kill, rob, plunder, anything. The Enemy Alien Act’s provision for interring enemy aliens was actually a step in the liberal direction. By imprisoning enemy aliens, the government protected them and prevented them from being killed by citizens. Or raped. But Quirin suggested that although by statute treatment of enemy aliens has progressed considerably simce the days when any citizen could rob or kill them at will, the underlying constitutional principles have not changed since the founding.
They lack a right to self-defense.
Your paragraph discusses enemy aliens. Not too helpful. Exaggerated as some of the implications are even there.
The issue here is undocumented people generally. A person from Mexico, for instance, is not an “enemy alien.”
If such a person is illegally attacked [a rightful seizure by the authorities not the sort of "attack" at issue] on the street, they have a right to defend themselves if they do so in a reasonable fashion.
“reasonable” is doing a lot of work there, just like your unsupported earlier assertion that the government deciding not to prosecute illegal aliens for certain violations licenses them to commit others.