The Volokh Conspiracy
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First Amendment Doesn't Protect Speech That Solicits a Specific Crime
Calling for the burning of a particular mosque, for instance, or the bombing of a particular police station, or the killing of a particular person (politician, police officer, activist, or anyone else) may be constitutionally unprotected solicitation.
There's been much discussion recently about the English government's prosecution, in connection with the recent riots there, of various people who have been seen as advocating violence or hatred. Here's an excerpt from yesterday's New York Times article:
They Spouted Hate Online. Then They Were Arrested.
[Subtitle:] As hundreds of people appear in court for their role in recent anti-immigrant riots in Britain, several are accused of fueling disorder through online posts, raising questions about the limits of free speech.
A 53-year-old woman from northwest England was jailed for 15 months after posting on Facebook that a mosque should be blown up "with the adults inside." A 45-year-old man was sentenced to 20 months for goading his online followers to torch a hotel that houses refugees. A 55-year-old woman was questioned by the police for a viral post that wrongly identified the suspect in a deadly knife attack at a children's dance class.
The article goes on to note that English law is less protective of free speech than American law, and that much is correct. But I think it's also worth noting that speech urging the commission of a specific crime against a specific target is likely constitutionally unprotected even in America. In particular, calling for people to blow up a particular mosque (which is what the woman mentioned in the article seemed to be doing) or burn down a particular hotel would almost certainly fall within the "solicitation" exception to the First Amendment (or perhaps within the "solicitation" facet of the broader "speech integral to criminal conduct" exception).
That exception is not as well-known as other exceptions, such as for true threats of illegal conduct, incitement of imminent and likely illegal conduct, defamation, child pornography, and so on. But the Court has made clear that it does exist, most recently in U.S. v. Hansen (2023):
Criminal solicitation is the intentional encouragement of an unlawful act. [T]he crime of solicitation is complete as soon as the encouragement occurs [and does not require that the solicited crime take place -EV] …. [S]olicitation … [does not] require[] lending physical aid; … words may be enough. [It] require[s] an intent to bring about a particular unlawful act. [It is a] longstanding criminal theor[y] targeting those who support the crimes of a principal wrongdoer….
Speech intended to bring about a particular unlawful act has no social value; therefore, it is unprotected. We have applied this principle many times, including to the promotion of a particular piece of contraband, solicitation of unlawful employment, and picketing with the "sole, unlawful [and] immediate objective" of "induc[ing]" a target to violate the law.
And to quote another leading precedent, U.S. v. Williams (2008),
Many long established criminal proscriptions—such as laws against conspiracy, incitement, and solicitation—criminalize speech (commercial or not) that is intended to induce or commence illegal activities. Offers to provide or requests to obtain unlawful material, whether as part of a commercial exchange or not, are similarly undeserving of First Amendment protection….
To be sure, there remains an important distinction between a proposal to engage in illegal activity and the abstract advocacy of illegality. The Act before us does not prohibit advocacy of child pornography, but only offers to provide or requests to obtain it.
So abstractly calling for violent revolution, or for attacks on police officers, or the burning of mosques is constitutionally protected (unless it falls within the "incitement" exception for intentional advocacy of imminent and likely illegal conduct). But concretely calling for an attack targeting a particular person or a particular piece of property is solicitation, and punishable if the speaker "intended to bring about a particular unlawful act." Thus, for instance, U.S. v. White (7th Cir. 2010) held that public speech aimed at getting listeners to attack a particular former juror would be criminal solicitation of a crime of violence:
According to the government's indictment, William White created and maintained the website Overthrow.com. Overthrow.com was affiliated with the "American National Socialist Workers Party," an organization comprised of white supremacists who "fight for white working people" and were "disgusted with the general garbage" that the white supremacist movement had attracted….
On September 11, 2008, White posted personal information about the foreperson of the jury in the [solicitation of murder trial of white supremacist leader Matthew Hale] ("Juror A")…. The September 11 entry by White was entitled "The Juror Who Convicted Matt Hale." It identified Juror A by name, featured a color photograph of Juror A and stated the following:
Gay anti-racist [Juror A] was a juror who played a key role in convicting Matt Hale. Born [date], [he/she] lives at [address] with [his/her] gay black lover and [his/her] cat [name]. [His/Her] phone number is [phone number], cell phone [phone number], and [his/her] office is [phone number]….
The indictment here … charges White with having the intent for another person to injure Juror A, and soliciting another person to do so. It provides corroborating circumstances of White's intent. As one example of his intent, the government points to the re-posting of the information once action was taken by Juror A's employer to remove his picture from public access. As another, the government argues that White knew the persons solicited were prone to violence….
Although First Amendment speech protections are far-reaching, there are limits. Speech integral to criminal conduct, such as fighting words, threats, and solicitations, remain categorically outside its protection…. In the case of a criminal solicitation, the speech—asking another to commit a crime—is the punishable act. Solicitation is an inchoate crime; the crime is complete once the words are spoken with the requisite intent, and no further actions from either the solicitor or the solicitee are necessary. Also, a specific person-to-person request is not required….
So, whether or not the First Amendment protects White's right to post personal information about Juror A first turns on his intent in posting that information. If White's intent in posting Juror A's personal information was to request that one of his readers harm Juror A, then the crime of solicitation would be complete. No act needed to follow, and no harm needed to befall Juror A. If, on the other hand, White's intent was to make a political point about sexual orientation or to facilitate opportunities for other people to make such views known to Juror A, then he would not be guilty of solicitation because he did not have the requisite intent required for the crime.
For another example, see U.S. v. Rahman (2d Cir. 1999), upholding a solicitation conviction of a jihadist religious leader in part because they went beyond "simply the expression of ideas" and instead constituted "solicitation of attack on the United States military installations, as well as of the murder of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak … during his visit to the United States." This line, and others like it, may sometimes be difficult to draw, but that's what the law calls for in this area.
To be sure, if the statement was intended just as hyperbole, or just as an attempt to let off steam, then it might not constitute punishable solicitation. Again, recall that there has to be a showing of an intent (in the sense of a deliberate purpose) to bring about some criminal behavior by asking people to engage in it. But if such an intent can be shown, then in America as well as in England, the solicitation of crime would be criminally punishable—though in America (but perhaps not in England) the abstract advocacy of crime, without naming a particular target, generally would not be.
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The First Amendment doesn’t protect speech that solicits a specific crime.
But when a sitting President solicits his Vice-president to obstruct or attempt to obstruct an official proceeding of Congress, immunity (presumptively) does protect that President from criminal prosecution, per the black robed ward heelers of SCOTUS.
Just as if a member of Congress had done the same thing, he would have immunity. Look, we all realize you are obsessed with Trump and have masturbatory fantasies about Trump in prison, but not everything is about Trump, and you don't have to try to make every thread about him. I'm sure you have already made your usual ten+ posts about Trump in the open thread, and I'm sure you can find plenty of "You go, girl!" affirmation over there.
Actually, he's been pretty quite over there.
Just like if you ask the President to pardon some chum of yours, you're not soliciting a crime, or illegally obstructing an official proceeding, because pardoning somebody is a constitutionally plenary act that is incapable of being illegal, soliciting a vote in Congress can not be soliciting a crime, or illegally obstructing an official proceeding, because voting in Congress is a plenary act that is incapable of being illegal.
This is not to say that bribing somebody to cast a particular vote can't be criminal. Did Trump bribe Pence or members of Congress to vote in a particular way?
But ignoring lawfully cast electoral votes is not legal.
But when a sitting President solicits his Vice-president to obstruct or attempt to obstruct an official proceeding of Congress, immunity (presumptively) does protect that President from criminal prosecution, per the black robed ward heelers of SCOTUS.
It is constitutionally protected speech.
See the First Amendment.
Wrong!! As Justice Hugo Black (a First Amendment absolutist) wrote for the Court in 1949:
Giboney v. Empire Storage Co., 336 U.S. 490, 498 (1949).
"[I]t has never been deemed an abridgement of freedom of speech or press to make a course of conduct illegal merely because the conduct was in part initiated, evidenced, or carried out by means of language, either spoken, written, or printed." United States v. Hansen, 599 U.S. 762, 143 S.Ct. 1932, 1947 (2023), quoting Giboney, 336 U.S. at 502. Speech intended to bring about a particular unlawful act has no social value; therefore, it is unprotected. Hansen, 143 S.Ct. at 1947; United States v. Williams, 553 U.S. 285, 298 (2008).
"To be sure, if the statement was intended just as hyperbole, or just as an attempt to let off steam, then it might not constitute punishable solicitation."
I have little faith in the justice system's ability to tell the difference.
I concur. The decisions cited above are far too deferrential to government judgement of what is (or should be) illegal and will inevitably suppress legitimate disagreement. I would be more comfortable if those precedents had incorporated something like the 'true threats' analysis. I also distrust whether the justice system can tell whether the threat is true but at least there's an explicit requirement to try in that line of precedents.
Carr — Do you have better faith in anyone else's ability to tell the difference? If not, what's wrong if a published threat which matches exactly the wording of a real threat gets punished?
Do you think it improves public life if more real-looking threats get published? I think fewer published threats, and fewer terrified targets, would be better. For instance, I do not see how anyone will be able to administer elections if partisans for one candidate are at liberty to target election workers with violent threats no one can distinguish from hyperbole. Do you think putting election workers in fear is a civic virtue?
not guilty — Please correct me if I err, but doesn't that decision protect not a sitting President, but a formerly sitting President? And where would anyone find reason to suppose any former president, or sitting president, except Donald Trump, would enjoy this Court's protection?
For instance, a U.S. Grand Jury might find reason to suppose the Georgia Election Board was engaged in an ongoing conspiracy to commit election fraud, and hand down an indictment. If sitting President Joe Biden ordered a federal prosecution, of course this Court would intervene to block that. But how, without reliance on processes which have been declared off-limits in Trump's case? Why isn't such a prosecution exactly the kind of bold, aggressive executive action the Court said required protection with immunity. Would the Court find some legal workaround to thwart in fact what it ordered protected in principle? I think it would.
Merely ordering a prosecution is not a crime.
The police in Britain are doing Soviet-style mass roundups, and people are receiving long prison sentences for actions that would unquestionably be protected by the First Amendment if done in this country. For example, one man has received a two-year prison for "intent to incite racial hatred" by distributing racist stickers.
https://www.cps.gov.uk/cps/news/updated-sentence-far-right-organiser-found-guilty-intent-stir-racial-hatred-through
A 61-year-old man was sentenced to 18 months for chanting "Who the f**k is Allah?" at a protest. https://www.cf.org/news/61-year-old-brit-gets-18-month-prison-sentence-for-chanting-who-the-fk-is-allah/
I recall a post some time ago from Prof. Volokh expressing concern about a British minister's claim that people would be arrested for waving Hamas flags or wearing Hamas paraphernalia. I recall being bemused at the time because, for one, British law enforcement is afraid of Muslims, or, at least, afraid of being accused of racism. And that was under a "Conservative" government. Now that Labour is in power, PM "Two-Tier" Kier Starmer (whose name even sounds like one a screenwriter would use for his main Nazi villain) will accelerate the crackdown on political dissidents, while continuing to give Muslims carte blanche to do and say almost anything they want.
https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/in-britain-two-tier-policing-and-a-two-tier-judiciary/ar-AA1p0iwm
Your sympathy for racist thugs is noted.
And your sympathy for pedophiles is implied. (Though increasingly explicitly expressed among modern Leftists).
I sympathize with racists in the same manner the same manner the ACLU sympathized with the Nazis whose right to march through the streets of Skokie it defended. Everyone defends the right to express ideas with which they agree. Only principled people defend the right to express disagreeable, offensive ideas. It was probably before your time, but the Left used to have that principle not so long ago. But those were different times.
I sympathize with racists in the same manner the same manner the ACLU sympathized with the Nazis whose right to march through the streets of Skokie it defended.
No you don't. You forget, I've seen more comments of yours.
Well, you are correct, I will forget you moments after I log off the site, but I do appreciate your honesty. You would jail anyone who disagrees with you. Most modern Leftists feel the same, but most deny it. I appreciate those like you who show the world who they really are.
I note that F.D. Wolf was specifically talking about non-violent "racists."
Martinned2 is openly advocating depriving "wrongthinkers" of their civil rights.
How "progressive"!
(George Orwell would appreciate the irony.)
I think a major point of Professor Volokh’s post is that while it might be necessary to prove somewhat more in the United States than in England, when there is a major riot the additional evidence is generally present, because among other reasons juries are usually entitled to find that people who called for what actually happened intended what actually happened. In addition, juries are entitled to look at the surrounding circumstances to determine whether what was said was intended or mere hyperbole.
This means that police and courts in the United States son’t have ro be passive in the face of riots or of active threats and adjuring people.
Decades ago, the distinction could be made as follows. If Ruth Westheimer said “I think people should try oral sex,” that would be protected by the First Amendment. But if, in response to an audience question, she said “I think you should try oral sex,” she could be arrested then and there for solicitation to commit sodomy. In addition, if she did it before a public audience, some state courts have held post-Lawrence that Lawrence, which only covers acts in private, does not cover an act of solicitation that occurs in public. I believe these have generally been cases where there was an initial prosecution for prostitution solicitation but defense lawers were able to show that there was insufficient evidence of it being solicited for money.
Thank you!
And whether a given statement solicits a specific crime depends on the complete context of the statement (as does the question of whether a given statement is defamatory). It's not just a matter of taking a sentence out of context.
Speech integral to criminal conduct, such as fighting words
Logically, "Them's fighting words!" is a defense for punching someone in the nose for pushing your buttons deliberately over the top. It is not an argument for government to ban outraging speech.
One of the primary purposes of having a government, and ancient common-law duties of law enforcement officers, is preserving the peace. Preserving the peace often requires intervening before the peace is destroyed. Government and law enforcement have always had tools to preserve the peace which do not require waiting until violence has broken out.
Moreover, government has long had the power not just to prohibit but to prevent duels, whether done with pistols or fists.
There is no private right to beat up someone who has insulted or defamed you. The constitution preserved the common law, which has long permitted law enforcement agents, in their ancient capacity as peace officers and conservators of the peace and upholders of the law, to arrest and prosecute people who pose an imminent danger of breaching either.
Indeed, part of the Lockean theory of social compact, which was one of the bases of the Constitution, is that we give up our right of private violent vengeance, in which the strong and powerful will inevitably have the upper hand, and give it over to the government, under the theory that on net this will result in not oy a more peaceful society but a fairer and more equitable one.
Nor does any legitimate logic other than the kind of “logic” that means whatever people want it to mean, require this.
The Second Amendment in no way creates a right of violent vengeance. I have been skeptical that it creates a personal right of self-defense at all; it calls for a right to keep and bear arms, not a right to USE them. It certainly doesn’t overthrow common-law and colonial/founding era limitations, including prohitions on duels. Recall that Hamilton and Burr went to New Jersey because dueling was illegal in New York. There is no basis for any claim that there is a constitutional right to duel.
And this is perhaps an indicator of just how extraordinarily reactionary contemporary 2nd Amendment maximalism is. It is not just in an uproar about the supposed horros of 20th and 21st century liberalism. It is an uproar about the supposed horrors of 17th and 18th century liberalism, which before recently all sides had agreed this country was founded on.
The idea that the Constitution protects both provoking violence AND violent response to provocation, that it leaves government helpless even to preserve the peace, long thought its most important purpose, turns not just Locke on his head, but Hobbes as well.
England is also jailing people for what the USA considers free speech. Example:
Prosecutor George Shelley said Dunn had posted three separate images. The first one showed a group of men, Asian in appearance, at Egremont crab fair 2025, with the caption: “Coming to a town near you.”
https://www.newsandstar.co.uk/news/24513379.sellafield-worker-jailed-sharing-offensive-facebook-posts/
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Wouldn't public solicitation (Facebook post) of a violent crime necessarily also constitute a true threat?