The Volokh Conspiracy
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Against Judicial Bravery Debates
I share co-blogger Sam's misgivings about Josh's post assessing the courage of the justices, which I think demonstrates a fundamental misunderstanding of judicial psychology.
There's a difference between lacking courage, and just not agreeing with your colleagues (or your blog critics) about the right thing to do. I've never seen good evidence that the justices secretly agreed with Josh about the right path in any of these cases and were shying away because of a lack of courage.
Two take two of his examples:
Chief Justice Roberts's infamous vote and opinion in NFIB v. Sebelius have been raked over from every angle, but at bottom, there is not much reason to doubt that he wrote the opinion he wrote because he thought it was the best way to implement his own view about the scope of judicial review in a democracy, implemented through the doctrines of constitutional avoidance, severability, etc. (That's so even if you believe the leaks about the way his vote and opinion evolved at conference, which can more easily be explained on legal grounds.)
The fact that Justice Barrett as a law professor did not write op-eds and amicus briefs or "get into the mix" is also not evidence of lack of courage. It is just as likely that she thought the cases were complicated, had better things to do with her time, or a different view about the vocation of a scholar. Frankly, if more con law professors would get "out of the mix," they would be much better scholars.
Scott Alexander once wrote a post, "Against Bravery Debates," describing the genre of internet argument:
Discussions over who is bravely holding a nonconformist position in the face of persecution, and who is a coward defending the popular status quo and trying to silence dissenters. These are frickin' toxic.
I understand the temptation, and I too have succumbed to it in the past, but I don't think grading the justices on their bravery -- especially without evidence that their behavior isn't better explained by thoughtfulness, disagreement, or judicial philosophy -- is particularly fruitful or accurate.
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Dutch Courage?
Seems like there ought to be a middle ground.
Is it never OK to question whether a judge was influenced by some sort of social pressure or context? Or by the judge’s own machinations and calculations about politics and society regarding concerns such as “institutional legitimacy” and so on – and whether taking such things into account is proper?
No, that would be taking things too far. Judges are in fact human beings, and human beings are always heavily influenced by social factors, including their own perceived legacies and self-interests, as well as a desire for the comfort zone or path of least resistance.
As Jefferson remarked, “to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions [is] a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy. Our Judges are as honest as other men, and not more so.”
But yes there should be a focus on evidence, and otherwise clearly identifying any beliefs/assumptions that may be inaccurate.
It's perfectly "OK" to question anything you want. But unless you actually have some kind of argument that that's what actually happened, you may discover that there aren't a lot of interlocutors who consider that question a very interesting one.
And if you haven't been able to gin up a shred of evidence after 12 years of Ahab-esque errantry, then the absence of evidence start to look a whole lot like evidence of absence.
I’m not up to speed on all of this, but I gather you’re saying that there’s no evidence that Roberts’ decisions or his commitment to originalism are tempered by concerns he might have about perceived institutional legitimacy or whatever. Could be, I don’t know. I remember thinking the NFIB decision was pretty stupid.
Anyway, looking back at Blackman’s post from today, it’s mostly dedicated to pointing out how Roberts, Barrett, and Kavanaugh have demonstrated courage. It also says "By Roberts's own admission, the saving construction was not the best reading of the law" and "the Chief Justice felt compelled to reach that conclusion based on his perception of the role of the courts....he was worried about how striking down Obamacare would affect the long-term perception of the Court." Maybe you are saying that last part is wrong and there's no evidence for it?
Correct! Cf. the post you're commenting on:
Discussions over who is bravely holding a nonconformist position in the face of persecution, and who is a coward defending the popular status quo and trying to silence dissenters.
This reminds me of a scene in the British show Coupling, around 2000, where one of the conservative characters points out that with Tony Blair (and Clinton) in office, the Star Wars era standard narrative of freedom-fighting leftists battling a fascist right-wing government had inverted. Now the conservatives are the oppressed rebels.
Certainly that’s MAGAs whole raison d’etre, and one of my critiques of the left is that it still tries to lean way too hard on oppression in the form of identity politics. The problem with that strategy is that you can’t win, at least not durably. If the basis of your message is grievance against those in power, then once you’re in power, your message has a very short half-life.
This is the most charitable way to think about Trump’s signal to conservative Christians that they’ll never have to vote again after this election. Trump knows that MAGA won’t outlive him. It’s a cult. It’s not going to follow JD Vance anywhere. So as a grievance-based cult, his message is, this is it. Vote for me and your grievances will be absolved, and then you won’t have any reason to vote again because the foundation for MAGA will be over... both in purpose and in its personification as Trump. Really, it plays into his narcissism. Since Trump can't run again if he wins, why would anyone possibly care about voting?
(To be clear I think that’s a charitable interpretation, and there’s no reason to be charitable to Trump, who has already demonstrated his lack of care towards democracy. He deserves all the criticism he’s getting over the comment.)
MAGGIE!!!
Why can’t Trump run again if he wins?
22nd Amendment. Unless you mean he can run, he just wouldn't be able to be President again.
I'm sure taking care of that little problem is on his One Day Dictator agenda.
Isn't "oppressed rebel" an oxymoron?
"if more con law professors would get "out of the mix," they would be much better scholars"
Baude should know after his ham handed effort to disqualify Trump.
Zing.
Original credit goes to Will Baude. Recall that this was his entire quote in the post: "Frankly, if more con law professors would get 'out of the mix,' they would be much better scholars." Not exacty a subtle dig at Josh there.
Frankly, if more con law professors would get "out of the mix," they would be much better scholars.
I'm not sure that Josh would become a "better scholar," exactly, but surely his CV would have less pure trash on it.
NFIB was a display of a lack of courage. If the penalty was a tax then it was a direct tax not apportioned by state, or certainly wasn't a tax on a non-existent transaction.
And King v Burwell was another example where the court decided that an exchange established by federal Department of Health and Human Services qualified as exchanges “established by the State”. The states that didn't establish exchanges were either incompetent like Oregon, or didn't want exchanges or the subsidies, but the law clearly limited health care subsidies to policies procured on state exchanges.
That was the Court's Winston Smith moment where they could finally see out how many fingers were on the hand:
"The Supreme Court conceded the plain meaning of the operative text, and that Congress defined “State” to exclude the federal government. The Court nevertheless disagreed with the plaintiffs, explaining that “the context and structure of the Act compel us to depart from what would otherwise be the most natural reading of the pertinent statutory phrase.” The Court reached its conclusion by disregarding portions of the ACA’s text and considering only selected elements of the ACA’s structure, context, and purpose."
https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/faculty_publications/1658/
It’s a tax on incomes. Taxes on incomes are indeed direct taxes. But they don’t have to be apportioned among the several states. See Amendment 16.
In a turn of events no one saw coming, lack of courage and Kaz disagreeing with the Court are about completely aligned.
Like most of us, I agree with some, disagree with others.
I didn’t realize you thought the court was infallible.
I don’t know whether you have joined the chorus but I’ve seen a lot of people here saying the court lacks courage reining in gun rights, so it’s not just a right wing trope.
Really? People (like Brett Bellmore) certainly accuse them of not having the courage to enforce gun rights, and liberals certainly criticize them for enforcing them too rigorously, but I can't recall hearing that complaint expressed in those terms.
You gave 2 examples, Kaz.
They're both your politics being the brave thing and what the Court did being cowardly.
It's right there in black and white.
If you have cases you disagree with, but you think were brave, then perhaps pick those rather than the ones that make you look like a too who doesn't know they're a tool.
There are moments of courage, probably, though I think it generally is more a matter of being principled. But, it can be exaggerated.
Thank you, Prof. Baude.
The man who never alters his opinions is like standing water, and breeds reptiles of the mind.
I am somewhat pleased, and very surprised, that two (2) VC contributors have seen fit to respond to a Blackman post on the VC.
Normally, you just see the sub-tweets.
The only thing I would add is that if you are using a quote levelled against OWH to try and attack Roberts, well ... there's a point, and it's one that is obviously being missed.
Is it Professor the position of people who oppose Justice Robert’s position in Sebwlius that the mortgage interest deduction is unconstitutional? After all, giving people who purchase mortgages a deduction is financially no different from giving people who don’t purchase mortgages a penalty. It’s just, as Professor Somin says, a different way of framing functionally and financially equivalent things.
So how can giving mortgage deductions, or electric vehicle credits, or research credits, or any deduction or credit for something purchased, be constitutionally justifable? If it’s a lower tax, then don’t the higher taxes for people who don’t purchase the thing have to be apportioned among the several states? And if it’s a penalty, doesn’t it require a court hearing before it can be exacted? Why don’t all the arguments made about Sebillius also apply here?
Indeed, how can deductions for business expenses be justified? Aren’t they merely taxes and/or penalties on businesses that don’t incur expenses?
No, Somin’s point is that it’s social engineering through tax policy. And, like discriminatory zoning, it distorts the housing economy in ways that end up causing more harm than would be the case if the government simply removed itself from that question. (Yes, the largest, costliest, and most impactful social engineering tax is the home mortgage interest deduction (intended to promote the perceived societal benefit derived from artificially boosted of home ownership rates).
I assume that, as a general principle, you would favor elimination of all use of taxation to promote social policy, correct? That would include any tax or tax exemption that, beyond its purpose of or effect on revenue generation, has an intended effect of altering behavior in a way the government views as promoting a societal interest.
Keeping in mind that we’re not talking about the dollar amount of such taxes, but only the percentage of the tax greater than that justified purely by revenue generation, let’s put together a short list of such social engineering:
• Mortgage interest deduction
• Income tax exemption/Child Tax Credit for each child
• Sin Taxes—alcohol/tobacco, etc.
• Charitable deductions
• Food sales tax exemption
• Business-promotion exemptions (client entertainment, facility/production equipment depreciation, etc).
• Energy/carbon taxes (that amount intended to discourage consumption)
• Alternative energy exemptions/credits (electric vehicle, solar /wind power generation, etc.)
• Any progressive taxation scheme (providing a lower percentage of tax collection for those with lower incomes)
Just as an observation, the sales tax food exemption is a progressive taxation scheme applied by every state but Mississippi. That’s because those with lower incomes spend a far larger percentage of their income on necessities like food, than those with higher incomes…the grocery tax exemption is the equivalent of putting them in a lower tax bracket.
I’d also note some States removing candy/soda from the food exemption, shifting them from food to entertainment budgets, does nudge people toward actual food (as I consider my heavily-taxed annual bottle of Wild Turkey Rare Breed (I’m a man of modest tastes) more entertainment than food—I’m OK with that).
[Note: before I posted my comment, ReaderY edited his first sentence from Ilya Somin, to Professor. Thus my reply referencing Prof Somin.]
Somin’s point? Did you notice who the OP was? I mean Somin does say that. But I’m not arguing against Somin’s position here.
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