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Second Amendment Roundup: 8th Circuit Rules for 18 to 20-Year-Olds
Court relies on Rahimi in support of liberalized gun carry permits.
Anyone hoping that the Supreme Court's Rahimi decision (which I analyzed here) would represent a roll-back in recognition of Second Amendment rights must be in for a surprise with the Eighth Circuit's decision in Worth v. Jacobson. Authored by Judge Duane Benton, the court affirmed the decision of the district court and held that Minnesota's limitation of gun carry permits to persons 21 years old and over violates the right to bear arms of persons aged 18-20.
This is the first decision by a circuit court of appeals, mind you, to rely on Rahimi, which was rendered on June 21. Several courts have put off action in Second Amendment cases while awaiting the decision in Rahimi. While Worth liberally relied on Heller and Bruen, the following focuses on the extent to which Rahimi is already a new sword in defense of Second Amendment rights.
Plaintiffs in the 18-20 age group along with firearm associations mounted a facial challenge to the Minnesota statute. The court first cited Rahimi for the proposition that such challengers must "establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the Act would be valid." That rule was the death knell for Mr. Rahimi's challenge to the federal law banning possession of firearms by a person subject to a court order finding him to be a credible threat to the physical safety of an intimate partner. But it would have no bearing in Worth. Here's why.
Minnesota argued that at the Founding, states restricted guns in the hands of "irresponsible or dangerous groups, such as 18 to 20-year-olds." (In reality, no state banned carrying guns by that age group.) Quoth Rahimi: "[W]e reject the Government's contention that Rahimi may be disarmed simply because he is not 'responsible.'" That concept is too vague and elusive.
A historical analogue that "remotely resembles" the carry ban, the court noted, will not suffice, then looked to Rahimi for the test: "A court must ascertain whether the new law is 'relevantly similar' to laws that our tradition is understood to permit[.]" As Rahimi added: "Why and how the regulation burdens the right are central to this inquiry."
Minnesota failed to support its claim that 18 to 20-year-olds are a danger to the public. Contrast that with Rahimi, which repeatedly emphasized that the law at issue "applies only once a court has found that the defendant 'represents a credible threat to the physical safety' of another." The statistics applicable to the subject age group did not show that an 18-year-old, in Rahimi's words, "poses a clear threat of physical violence to another." Unlike the Minnesota law, the statute in Rahimi did "not broadly restrict arms use by the public generally."
Furthermore, the statute affected only those young people who were otherwise eligible to receive a permit to carry. They must complete "training in the safe use of a pistol" and not be "listed in the criminal gang investigative data system." The record lacked support for the claim that those individuals (quoting Rahimi) "pose [such] a credible threat to the physical safety of others" that their "Second Amendment right may … be burdened."
Worth echoed language from the Rahimi opinion: "An individual found by a court to pose a credible threat to the physical safety of another may be temporarily disarmed consistent with the Second Amendment." Minnesota failed to make a showing of any such credible threat.
Minnesota also relied on the Eighth Circuit's 2023 decision in United States v. Jackson. That case cited historical restrictions on Catholics, Indians, slaves, and people who would not swear a loyalty oath in holding that no as-applied challenge could be made to the federal ban on felon firearm possession. But as Worth pointed out, the Supreme Court vacated and remanded that case for reconsideration in light of Rahimi.
The Supreme Court further expressed its interest in the felon issue by also vacating and remanding the Third Circuit's 2023 en banc decision in Range v. Garland, which recognized an as-applied challenge to the felon ban.
Judge Benton had joined in the Jackson opinion. Now, writing in Worth, he described how "many circuits—but not this court" had "coalesced around a 'two-step' framework" that included means-ends scrutiny, which was rejected by Bruen. Under Bruen, an activity or person covered by the literal text is presumptively covered by the Second Amendment.
Minnesota argued that the plaintiffs did not meet their alleged "burden" of proving they are covered by the text "because they did not submit expert reports or facts about the Second Amendment's text." No such requirement exists, as Rahimi made clear. Instead, as Worth observed, the plaintiffs are among "the people" based on the following:
Ordinary, law-abiding, adult citizens that are 18 to 20-year-olds are members of the people because: (1) they are members of the political community under Heller's "political community" definition; (2) the people has a fixed definition, though not fixed contents; (3) they are adults; and (4) the Second Amendment does not have a freestanding, extratextual dangerousness catchall.
Minnesota contended that, at the Founding, the "political community only extended to those over the age of 21, and to "eligible voters, namely white, male, yeomen farmers." The court found that argument to be "bordering on the frivolous." The 26th Amendment gave 18 to 20-year-olds the right to vote. They have all of the other freedoms under the Bill of Rights.
The federal Militia Act of 1792 required able-bodied white males aged 18-45 to provide arms for themselves and enroll in the militia. Curiously, Minnesota asserted that this was "inverse evidence" that males under 21 had no right under the common law to carry arms. Instead, the Worth court found the Act to be evidence of the codification of the right instead.
Minnesota argued that the increased prevalence of handguns in the second half of the 19th century presented "unprecedented social concerns" requiring the court to take a more "nuanced approach." The court flatly rejected this because Heller held that arms in "common use" today are protected and that handguns are in common use.
While the Fourteenth Amendment made the Second applicable to the states, the court followed Bruen's directive to prioritize Founding-era history. The Supreme Court has relied on the public understanding when the Bill of Rights was adopted in 1791, and it would be inconsistent to have different standard for the states and for the federal government. Worth thus found it "questionable whether the Reconstruction-era sources have much weight."
Moreover, the laws from the latter part of the nineteenth century cited by Minnesota generally did not impose an outright ban on persons under 21 from carrying firearms. Some only concerned concealed carry, while others related to sales and to discharge of firearms.
The issue of whether courts should give any weight to late nineteenth-century laws that have no parallel to or are inconsistent with those in 1791 has been brewing in the courts. The Second Circuit in Antonyuk v. Chiumento relied on such laws to uphold New York's ban on gun possession in many public places. Antonyuk is yet another case that the Supreme Court vacated and remanded for reconsideration in light of Rahimi.
Attorney General Garland must have hoped that by winning Rahimi, the tables would be turned and Supreme Court jurisprudence would support other gun restrictions. But Worth, the first post-Rahimi appellate horse out of the gate, proves that wish to be unsupported so far. Now Garland needs to start preparing how to defend 18 U.S.C. § 922(b)(1), which prohibits a licensed dealer from selling a handgun to a person in the 18-to-20 age group.
***
Continuing our analysis on the impact of Rahimi from my last post, I'd like to call attention to Mark W. Smith, "Much Ado about Nothing: Rahimi Reinforces Bruen and Heller," JLPP Per Curiam, July 22, which concludes:
The Supreme Court's decision in Rahimi, while substantively routine, is momentous in a different sense: it is a harbinger of the doctrinal steadiness and reinforcement that, until very recently, the courts have uniquely denied the Second Amendment. Rahimi, then, is pathbreaking because it is pedestrian—a sign that the Second Amendment, long the "constitutional orphan" of the Court's jurisprudence, has been welcomed at last into the constitutional family as an equal member.
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Crooks, the bitter clinger MAGA Republican assassin, was 20. I think the age limit to own a gun for males should be 26. Young males descend into mental illness starting around 18 to 25 years of age…and I would include trans males as males because they are obviously mentally ill.
Then we should similarly restrict freedom of speech, assembly, and a host of others to those 26 and up.
Poe's Law, or something.
Or the right to be free fvrom unreasonable searches and seizures.
There'd be an interesting side effect. Some people like to blame progressivism on women voting, which is silly, since progressivism was going by the 1870s or so. But if only males were restricted up to 26, that would flip the old concept of husbands owning wives. Now wives would own husbands until they turned 26. Maybe not legally, but in practice. Or maybe men couldn't marry or have sex until they turned 26. It would institutionalize the practice of women marrying older men.
Someone ought to write Handboy's Tale about that, turn it into a movie.
So we need to raise the age to vote to 26. In which case anybody under 26 shouldn't have to pay Federal or State income tax.
Get real. I mentioned on another post here that I find the Michigan shooter case to be a laugh. I'm not laughing at what he did. I'm laughing about how they charged his parents with providing a gun to a minor and then charging the shooter as an adult.
I have long since come to the conclusion that every judicial system I know of is more concerned with ritual than justice.
I don't see why the concurrent minor and adult isn't an equal protection issue.
The liar, Stephen Halbrook, closes by quoting the loudmouth moron Mark W. Smith.
Both Halbrook and Smith claim that the state may ban the bearing of all arms protected by the Second Amendment so long as concealed carry is allowed.
McDonald, Bruen, and Rahimi all cited District of Columbia v. Heller at 626.
"Like most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited. From Blackstone through the 19th-century cases, commentators and courts routinely explained that the right was not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose. See, e.g., Sheldon, in 5 Blume 346; Rawle 123; Pomeroy 152-153; Abbott 333. For example, the majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues. See, e.g., State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann., at 489-490; Nunn v. State, 1 Ga., at 251; see generally 2 Kent *340, n. 2; The American Students' Blackstone 84, n. 11 (G. Chase ed. 1884)." District of Columbia v. Heller at 626
“Like most rights,” though, “the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited.” District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U. S. 570, 626 (2008). In Heller, this Court held that the right applied to ordinary citizens within the home. Even as we did so, however, we recognized that the right was never thought to sweep indiscriminately. “From Blackstone through the 19th-century cases, commentators and courts routinely explained that the right was not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose.” Ibid. At the founding, the bearing of arms was subject to regulations ranging from rules about firearm storage to restrictions on gun use by drunken New Year’s Eve revelers. Act of Mar. 1, 1783, 1783 Mass. Acts and Laws ch.13, pp. 218–219; 5 Colonial Laws of New York ch. 1501, pp. 244–246 (1894). Some jurisdictions banned the carrying of “dangerous and unusual weapons.” 554 U. S., at 627 (citing 4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 148–149 (1769)). Others forbade carrying concealed firearms. 554 U. S., at 626." Rahimi, Slip Op at page 6.
"Although Heller declined to “undertake an exhaustive historical analysis,” it recognized a few categories of traditional exceptions to the right. Id., at 626. For example, Heller indicated that: (i) “prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful”..." Rahimi, Slip Op. at page 22 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring)
Garbage in, garbage out. I wonder what point you thought you were making, and if you were trying to outdo the rev.
Is English your second language?
It looks like your -100th language.
Á àß äẞç ãþÇđ âÞ¢Đæ ǎB€Ðëf ảhf - Thanks for letting us know that not only can't you read English, but you're stupid as well.
Is sanity your third?
Seriously, Charles, you're way too casual about accusing people who are generally in your corner, but just disagree with you about some point, of lying.
It's a bad look, and toxic for alliances.
I honestly cannot figure out what he's trying to argue sometimes. He had he same reputation years ago, as if his only purpose in life is to scream and yell, as if some street corner somewhere is missing its mad preacher with a bullhorn. He's obviously not stupid, but all common sense has long vanished.
He's obsessive about open carry.
I mean, he's not really wrong: In the era when the 2nd amendment was adopted, concealed carry had a bad reputation, it was the sort of thing criminals did; Upright citizens carried their guns openly.
This didn't mean they had to be visible, you might have a gun in your pocket, just to carry it, but NOT to hide it. It might not have been obvious to the casual observer, but that's not the same as concealment.
So it's pretty clear that, as an originalist matter, the right to carry in the 2nd amendment WAS meant to be the right to carry openly. Laws prohibiting open carry really do violate the carry part of the 2nd amendment. Laws against concealed carry? Not so much, though I wouldn't go so far as to say not at all.
But the judiciary takes a more textual approach, and considers the right to carry to be vindicated if either open or concealed carry is permitted. Either way you're 'carrying', right? And so allows states to prohibit open carry so long as they allow concealed. Or visa versa.
Today, of course, concealed carry is considered more reputable, but it really caught on originally as just a way of avoiding being hassled by cops in anti-gun jurisdictions, who'd charge you with illegal concealment if the gun was obscured at all, and brandishing if you made a point of keeping it visible. But with legal concealed carry, you couldn't be charged with illegal concealment, and the cops couldn't hassle you for carrying if they didn't know you were carrying. And you didn't have to worry about random anti-gunners trying to SWAT you if they saw you open carrying, either.
So concealed carry got to be popular. But he's still actually right about the constitutional issue, and I do hope that we can eventually get open carry rights restored the way we have concealed carry. Eventually. One fight at a time.
But, Charles, going around calling allies "liars" just because they disagree with you on a side issue like this is not productive! It's toxic. Sure, he's wrong, but he's a wrong ally, and try to remember that!
I first encountered him on CalGuns, and his obsession with open carry was just as toxic. He doesn't have allies. Everyone is an enemy. His way is the only one true way.
I usually do ignore him, but word salad dumps like that are sometimes too tempting.
Á àß äẞç ãþÇđ âÞ¢Đæ ǎB€Ðëf ảhf - You forgot to mention that as a CalGuns.nutter you can never resist a pretty little boy.
Brett Bellmore - Stephan Halbrook, and Mark W. Smith oppose Open Carry. Halbrook's opposition is longstanding. Smith recently posted a video on his YouTube channel opposing Open Carry.
To say that they are "generally in my corner" is absurd on its face.
Can't open carry if you don't have a gun to carry, so, yes, they ARE generally in your corner. Try to remember who the real enemy is.
Brett Bellmore - You must be a concealed carrier.
Just give the Democrats a few more years to import more stupid third worlders, and mutts like Harris will be unable to lose.
This comment illustrates why conservatives such as WillBaude, Orin Kerr, and Keith Whittington publish scholarly work at this white, male, right-wing blog . . . and why they do not want to talk about their blog’s rampant conservative bigotry.
carry on, clingers.
Rahimi didn't have a bad test, the problem was that they didn't actually apply that test in Rahimi. They did here.
This does raise the issue of the federal prohibition on 18-20 year olds buying handguns. On the one hand, it would seem applying the test articulated in Rahimi would strike it down, (But would also have struck down the law in Rahimi, of course...) but on the other hand, it's a federal law, and getting the Court to invalidate federal, as opposed to state, laws, is like pulling teeth.
Anyone hoping that the Supreme Court's Rahimi decision (which I analyzed here) would represent a roll-back in recognition of Second Amendment rights
The general analysis of Rahimi was that it was an opaque decision that didn't do much to clarify the 2A. It basically gave the lower courts a lot of discretion, with the "test' ultimately a matter of guessing what the Supreme Court would uphold.
It would not simply lead to every lower court opinion upholding any law challenged on 2A grounds. Overall, strawman/keep away from open flame.
As these things go, I think it realistic to hold that the Supreme Court is going to make 18 the dividing line. The age was cited as determinative in the death penalty context & highly notable in the non-death penalty context. A few attempts to raise the age to 21 in the death penalty context were not taken seriously.
The link to Worth v. Jacobson (8th Cir.) is broken.
The most likely end result is that they rule that every civil right kicks in, at the latest, at the same age, and that age is the age where you get to vote. No having different ages of majority for different civil rights.
“Every” civil right is not treated exactly the same.
Junior high students have free speech rights & religious liberty rights. Will they also have a national constitutional right to own firearms?
Voting and militia rights are logically connected. Ditto service in jury duty. OTOH, non-citizens should have some constitutional right to self-defense and to own firearms. The case for non-citizens to vote is a lot weaker.
"Junior high students have free speech rights & religious liberty rights."
Kinda sorta, anyway.
They are minors & don't have the same rights as adults.
OTOH, case after case protected their rights in that area. Armbands, cursing cheerleaders, students not pledging allegiance, students joining religious clubs, and so on.
By your lights, minors should have the same constitutional rights with guns. No "different ages" rule.
"every civil right kicks in, at the latest, at the same age, and that age is the age where you get to vote."
"At the latest". That doesn't preclude extending them earlier. But once you've reached the age of majority, you've got them all.
That also throws the 21 drinking age in the trash, where it should be.
Indeed. I became old enough to drink in January of '78, and then in December I was once again too young. You'd think they'd have phased it in, but they were being financially blackmailed by the feds, and didn't have a lot of choice.
militia rights
There's no such thing as "militia rights".
Appears you missed the discourse around these parts.
Why couldn’t exactly the same argument be made for 17-year-olds? “Irresponsible” is just as hard to define for 17 year-olds as 18 year-olds, making it just as unconstitutional not to let them have guns. The same gray boundary unclairity which inhibits a sharp distinction between 21 and 20 year olds equally inhibits a distinction between 18 and 17 year olds. The boundary between them is equally gray, equally unclear. And by the 8th Circuit’s argument, it is equally unconstitutional.
One could then make the same argument about 16 year olds, 15, and count down from there.
There is absolutely nothing special about the number 18, any more than there is about the number 21. It is constitutionally relevant for one and only one matter, voting in federal and only federal elections. It is not a general age of majority in any way. States are otherwise as free to set the age of majority for other purposes at 16 or 17 as they are at 21, or 19, or whatever.
Thus there is no reason for the judge to pick on 18. The same considerations that make the appropriateness of any other cutoff age fail to meet heightened scrutiny make 18 equally fail to meet heightened scrutiny.
There’s a game played where if you can shoot down the other guy’s position, you get to pretend your position is the only valid one. But if the same arguments for shooting down the original position are equally good for shooting down your alternative, your alternative position isn’t valid either, or at least the original position is no worse. This means even a minimal burden of proof for the necessity of change isn’t met, and the original position, in a fair court that applies the same level of legal scrutiny to proposed alternatives as it does to the original position, would rule against change.
"There is absolutely nothing special about the number 18"
The 26th amendment says otherwise. It is, constitutionally, the age at which you must be granted the right to vote.
Traditionally, the age at which you could vote was the age at which you came into your full rights as an adult, for every purpose.
What does this case have to do with voting?
There has been a long history of different ages of majority for different purposes. For example, well into the late 20th century many states set the age for marriage at 14, or even earlier. Alcohol and a number of other things are 21. And so on.
If the framers of the 26th Amendment had wanted to set a single age of majority for all purposes, don’t you think they would have said so?
The amendment doesn’t even set 18 as the age of majority for state and local elections. It left that up to the states as before. Doesn’t that tell you something about what they intended as the amendment’s scope?
So what age are you arguing 2A protections kick in at, and on what would your choice for that age be based?
A different twist on this -- Massachusetts has not only raised the age to purchase cigarettes to 21, but some towns are going one step further and saying that those under 21 will NEVER be allowed to purchase cigarettes. In other words, the age will remain at 2003 for infinity, with those born after that date *always* banned.
The SJC actually upheld this...
Full disclosure: I'm allergic to tobacco, not just the smoke, the pollen, too. My life was hell before smoking became unpopular.
But I think this is a bad policy choice, in the same way I think the war on drugs is a bad policy choice; People should be free to destroy their health if they're adults, and want to.
BUT. From a legal standpoint? Perfectly reasonable decision. This policy is within the general police power of a state. In the same way it isn't constitutional at the federal level, because the federal government wasn't delegated that general police power.
And it's not the state supreme court's job to decide if something is good policy, just if it's within the domain of things the legislature is constitutionally allowed to do.
I think the follow up question is whether the Second Amendment can be limited to adults. The age of adulthood as 18 is far more modern. 21 was often a number used, but we also have people under 18 recognized as having the responsibilities and rights of an adult.
The reality at the moment is that the Court is divided between 3 Justices who hate the 2nd amendment, 5 Justices who don’t particularly like it, but will uphold it where they can’t find a semi-plausible excuse to rule against it, and 1 Justice who maybe likes it, maybe doesn’t, but isn’t looking for those excuses.
You might possibly get two votes on the Court to say that emancipated minors have 2nd amendment rights, zero is as likely as two. Median is just one, and that's iffy.
That’s the sort of ruling you’d see from a Court that liked the 2nd amendment, rather than being provisionally willing to tolerate it.