The Volokh Conspiracy
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Chief Justice Roberts, A Friend of the Constitution
Trump v. United States favorably cited Chief Justice Marshall's pseudonymic essay defending McCulloch v. Maryland.
Supreme Court Justices are criticized. A lot. Alas, they are not able to respond. Publicly at least. But this was not always the rule. Chief Justice Marshall, who is celebrated as the most influential member of the Court, wrote a series of essays defending his opinion in McCulloch v. Maryland. These essays were published in 1819 under the pseudonym "A Friend of the Constitution." (Regular readers of Today in Supreme Court History will note I flag this essay every year on July 15.)
Was Marshall's essay proper or was it a breach of judicial ethics? Certainly by modern standards, this behavior would not fly. Some judges do defend their opinions in public, but they do so under their own names. (Whether judges privately give information to the press, not for attribution, is a different matter). And we know that critics are content to assess judges from long ago based on contemporary rules. But was Marshall's behavior proper at the time? We have at least one sign that this behavior was proper.
In Trump v. United States, Chief Justice Roberts saw fit to cite one of Marshall's pseudonymic essays:
This case poses a question of lasting significance: When may a former President be prosecuted for official acts taken during his Presidency? Our Nation has never before needed an answer. But in addressing that question today, unlike the political branches and the public at large, we cannot afford to fixate exclusively, or even primarily, on present exigencies. In a case like this one, focusing on "transient results" may have profound consequences for the separation of powers and for the future of our Republic. Youngstown (Jackson, J., concurring). Our perspective must be more farsighted, for "[t]he peculiar circumstances of the moment may render a measure more or less wise, but cannot render it more or less constitutional." Chief Justice John Marshall, A Friend of the Constitution No. V, Alexandria Gazette, July 5, 1819, in John Marshall's Defense of McCulloch v. Maryland.
There you go. Presidential immunity should be assessed along similar lines as the constitutionality of the Bank of the United States.
This is not the first time Roberts has quoted this passage. He did so in (wait for it) NFIB v. Sebelius:
Our deference in matters of policy cannot, however, become abdication in matters of law. "The powers of the legislature are defined and limited; and that those lim- its may not be mistaken, or forgotten, the constitution is written." Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 176 (1803). Our respect for Congress's policy judgments thus can never extend so far as to disavow restraints on federal power that the Constitution carefully constructed. "The peculiar circumstances of the moment may render a measure more or less wise, but cannot render it more or less constitutional." Chief Justice John Marshall, A Friend of the Constitution No. V, Alexandria Gazette, July 5, 1819, in John Marshall's Defense of McCulloch v. Maryland 190–191 (G. Gunther ed. 1969). And there can be no question that it is the responsibility of this Court to enforce the limits on federal power by striking down acts of Congress that transgress those limits. Marbury v. Madison, supra, at 175–176.
In both cases, Roberts clung to the reputation of the great Chief Justice to provide cover for his decisions. While some Justices are still living in Justice Scalia's shadow, Roberts will always be in Marshall's shadow.
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Justice Scalia was a gullible, old-timey bigot.
He was the shadow.
What day does your people celebrate Dependence on the State day?
He supported flag burning because he thought the case was about fag burning. Of course his defenders claim he was an Anglophile and said it was about his Benson & Hedges.
Do you and the satanic reverend belong to the same Young Pioneers chapter? How was the morally bankrupt ceremony? Did you receive the ultracrpiderian propagandist of the year award?
I know the cigarette brand of a justice. I also know Renquist was addicted to qualuuds and drank Miller’s Light at lunch.
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ye
Can we have more Alito flag news so he can suck-up in a slightly different way?
I wonder what Mrs. Alito calls the Pride Flag?? I bet it rhymes with “flag”.
Maybe you’re obsessed by your prison risks?
Here’s a number I sing at Drag Queen Story Hour during shows on our nation’s birthday. My drag name is Tucker Carlson.
He’s a grand old fag
He’s a high flying fag
And everyone knows which way he waaaves (limp wristed)
Keep your eye on that grand old fag!!
Perhaps Roberts cited Marshall in a desperate attempt to make it look as though his opinion was based on constitutional principles, rather than a guess as to the wisest course.
"...we cannot afford to fixate exclusively, or even primarily, on present exigencies..." If you say so. But that's not the way the court ruled in Bush v. Gore (2000). As much as I loathe The Donald and his pet justices, I have to admit that Bush v. Gore was a worse decision than this one. But for that, 9/11 and Afghanistan would still have happened, but the criminal invasion and occupation of Iraq would not have. The pain, loss, and suffering of thousands of Americans and tens of thousands of innocent Iraqi civilians because of a Bush family grudge would have been avoided.
Come to think of it, Bush v. Gore ranks up there with Dred Scott, which also led indirectly to a massive bloodletting. Which at least had the desirable result of the abolition of slavery. Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld caught their bogeyman in Iraq, and made sure that victor's justice did away with him. That's all the Iraq war was about, really. Well, perhaps it was also about the enrichment of US officials and private contractors. That was reprehensible and sordid but understandable. Most wars are about grabbing stuff belonging to other people.
I will add a little. The proximate cause of Iraq was Bush’s 80% approval rating. And the proximate cause of the 80% approval rating was 9/11 which had Bush been in a coma would have played out exactly the same as it did. So Bush had no business running for president just like Trump…but both had near universal name identification which is unfortunately the key to running for president. So a man with no business being president then somehow “wins” and then somehow ends up with an 80% approval in his first year that he did not deserve!
So that all went to his head and so he used his political capital to invade a country with the biggest underperforming oil reserves (we had been militarily engaged with them since 1991 in fairness) because he incorrectly believed North America had hit some notion of peak energy production. And also in fairness Qatar is Bush’s biggest success story because him and Tillerson invested in their LNG infrastructure. Fast forward to July 2008 and CPI hits 5.5% yoy and the rest is history.
Daddyhill:
correct.
I will take issue with Dred Scott, it was correctly decided…the “experts” that think it is an awful decision are apologists for slavery as enshrined in the Constitution.
I think the basic textual problem with Dred Scott was that the Constitution gave Congress plenary authority to legislate oover US territory, permitting it to enact any law that a state could, subject to the Bill of Rights and other constitutional limitations.
Although the Constitution prior to the 13th Amendment indeed recognized and accommodated the institution of slavery through e.g. the Fugitive Slave Clause, nonetheless a right to own a slave was not a right enumerated in the Constitution. Nor was it in any sense a universally recognized right within the United States. Beginning with Pennsylvania in 1780, several Northern states had already abolished slavery by the time the Constitution was ratified and several more shortly afterwards. Nothing prevented Congress from doing the same within its territory if it saw fit.
The Dred Scott Court inferred a right to own a slave from, in effect, penumbras and emanations. When I’ve talked about Roe and other cases in which the Court made up an unenumerated right based on its members’ own political philosophy and ideology, I’ve regularly referred to Dred Scott as the grandaddy of them all.
As a secondary issue, I think the Dred Scott Court may have been correct to say, under US law and the law of nations of the time, that Dred Scott was an alien who was not a citizen of any foreign soverieign recognized by the United States, and he had been freed but not naturalized within Illinois. But if so then federal courts had no jurisdiction over the case and the Supreme Court was obligated to dismiss it without reaching any legal merits question including the constitutionality of the Compromise of 1850.
I think in general the Supreme Court needed to have taken a humbler approach, looking at Constitutional text and the debates surrounding its ratification, rather than striking out on its own attempting to make its own decision about what is best based on its own wisdom and its own theories of government. The Framers sought a humble and limited interpretative court, not a council of all-wise Platonic guardians
The Court would be wise to remember the pitfalls of paying too much attention to its own place in history as a source of answers, and particularly to remember the fate of Ozymandias.
Well I agree with that as a general proposition and in practice it would apply to the Obamacare case, gay “marriage,” and Mass. v EPA. Not presidential immunity, which was entirely consistent with the constitution, precedent, and historical practice since the founding of this republic.
"Consistent with" is not the same as "part of" - and it isn't.
Gay marriage is not inconsistent with the Constitution at all.
How about they just leave off the narcissistic puffery.
“Ooooh….look how important we are and the important things we’re doing. Please like us.”
Roberts loves the Constitution so much that he wants to hold it in a vigorous embrace - like a boa constrictor.
That presentation incorporates the epic fallacy that the court is not a political branch. It’s not an elected branch, but they are as political as a small town city council, with transcendent pretensions of not being political. No one could read the peaceful coup d’etat of Bush v. Gore, or the anti-Framers presidential immunity blather, and reasonably entertain the myth that they are not politicians!
Reference is made to Dred Scott.
I have long had a special interest in that ruling. Wrote a long paper on it. Don Fehrenbacher’s book is a very good analysis. Of course, one need not & should not rest on one account.
The ruling is problematic on multiple grounds. It was bad on law and wrongminded (note adjective) judicial activism. OTOH, many members of Congress did welcome the Court settling the question.
Congress had broad power to regulate territories, including involving slavery. Lincoln brought the receipts in his Cooper Union speech. The Constitution also does not deny free blacks citizenship rights. A limited ruling upholding the lower court on state law grounds might have worked though the dissent challenged that.
Dred Scott was only in a limited way based on substantive due process. It did not “invent” it. This has been discussed somewhat on this blog and in some originalist/conservative articles.
Dred Scott is also not Roe. An embryo is not a constitutional person. Free blacks are & were treated as such in certain ways.
Roe v. Wade also can be defended in ways Dred Scott cannot. Roe probably did try to do too much. OTOH, unlike Dred Scott, the questions were being debated in lower courts to a significant extent. The Dred Scott question would rarely arise by the 1850s. It was more of a theoretical argument that was used for wider game.
I just don’t believe Dred Scott was consequential with respect to how Blacks were treated in America. We were a nation with legalized slavery. And slavery is really a euphemism for what we had which was white supremacy…so the only way a Black individual could feel safe in America would be to have a powerful white citizen as a patron. So a Black person couldn’t depend on the justice system to protect them from white people. So Blacks were definitely second class citizens and to think otherwise would be dangerous and Dred Scott makes that very clear.
Being a “second-class citizen” is better than not being a citizen at all.
In antebellum times, free blacks had some rights, including some rights to bring lawsuits. The opinion had some effect by declaring that they were not citizens under the U.S. Constitution.
The territorial ruling had a very limited effect since there were not too many slaves left who could benefit from the old Missouri rule.
The Civil War and the resulting amendments helped to limit the damage.
4 million slaves at the time vs 450k free blacks. And a second class citizen is not a citizen in 1850 because it’s not like they can go somewhere where they are a first class citizen. No American would tolerate being a second class citizen because that goes against everything in our Bill of Rights in which “all men are created equal”.
People “tolerate” being second-class citizens for a variety of reasons, including the realistic inability to have an alternative.
Doesn’t change that it’s better than not being a citizen at all. Antebellum free blacks had some rights that white men respected.
I didn’t deny the ruling had limited effect. Numerous people were able to become free by challenging their slave status in freedom suits. A small percentage of the whole. Still notable.
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