The Volokh Conspiracy
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Some Commentary From The Left On Rahimi
I find myself in agreement with Mike Dorf and Linda Greenhouse.
I received a message last night that I did not know how to answer. Has there ever been a Supreme Court decision with a lopsided majority who insisted that it was simply reaffirming precedent, when in fact it was rewriting precedent. Sure, this happens all the time in 5-4 or (now) 6-3 cases, where the Roberts Court pretends to follow some decision when in fact it narrows or broadens it. But has there been such an 8-1 decision? I could not think of a case. [Update: A colleague flagged Groff v. DeJoy, which pretended to uphold TWA v. Hardison, when it in fact rewrote five decades of precedent.[
I think everyone realizes that the Court reinterpreted Bruen. Look no further than Linda Greenhouse's new column:
This was a misunderstanding of Bruen, Chief Justice Roberts insisted. The court had not meant to suggest "a law trapped in amber" but simply whether "the challenged regulation is consistent with the principles that underpin our regulatory tradition."
This was news to Justice Thomas, who objected that "not a single historical regulation justifies the statute at issue."
Chief Justice Roberts, for his part, found two, both imported into the United States from English common law. One required those found likely to "break the peace" by abusing a spouse or misusing firearms to post a bond or face jail. The other could disarm those who used weapons to "terrify the good people of the land."
"Since the founding," the chief justice said, "our nation's firearm laws have included provisions preventing individuals who threaten physical harm to others from misusing firearms." The law at issue in the case, he concluded, "fits comfortably within this tradition" and was "what common sense suggests."
There is quite a difference between a principle that "fits comfortably" on the one hand and an analogous regulation that has to be a near-perfect match on the other. Which requirement describes the real Bruen, a decision that the chief justice and four members of his 2024 majority had signed only two years ago? It's tempting to conclude that these justices wanted to reinterpret Bruen while not expressly disavowing it.
I agree fully with Greenhouse--not a sentence I write often. I welcome others to prove me wrong, but I doubt anyone will bother. The Court reached the "right" result so they'll let things sit. I regret all the scholarship on Bruen that was published in the last two years that has since been rendered obsolete.
Greenhouse also suggests that Justice Gorsuch "seemed particularly uneasy" and that Justice Barrett vigorously disagree with Kavanaugh's exposition on tradition.
I also found myself in agreement with parts of a post from Mike Dorf on the Kavanaugh concurrence:
I confess that before writing my post Friday or proofreading Prof Segall's post for Monday, I hadn't read Justice Kavanaugh's concurrence in full. I skimmed it and concluded it was a little law review article defending originalism against straw man arguments.
Reading the whole concurrence, as I had to in order to edit Rahimi down for the annual supplement to my casebook, confirmed my initial impression. For example, Justice Kavanaugh writes: "Some say that courts should determine exceptions to broadly worded individual rights . . . by looking to policy. Uphold a law if it is a good idea; strike it down if it is not." That's ridiculous. Nobody says uphold a law if it is a good idea or strike it down if it's a bad idea. Thus, my impression was correct. Justice Kavanaugh takes aim at a straw man. . . .
The entirety of Justice Kavanaugh's concurrence is a self-indulgent exercise the point of which appears to be to get himself quoted in books and articles about constitutional interpretation.
Dorf also suggests that Kavanaugh misread some caselaw concerning scrutiny.
T-minus six minutes to go till new opinions. Stay tuned.
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Prof. Melissa Murray on Strict Scrutiny Podcast also agreed with Thomas that a fair reading of Bruen would have resulted in a different result. Jake Charles, less liberal, is also not impressed by the majority opinion. He is not a fan of Bruen.
Jake Charles, unlike the other people, is a Second Amendment scholar. Anyway, the Supreme Court handed two opinions today. Not any of the real big ones.
I think Murthy v Missouri is somewhat big; It was the platform censorship at government request case. Looks like the Court is going to let the feds continue to pressure media platforms to censor their users, by denying people standing to contest it.
That's actually a pretty big deal going into this election; Platforms such as FB had scaled back their political censorship in response to the lower court rulings, it's quite possible we're going to see an abrupt return of that censorship, just as the campaign season is starting in earnest.
The majority, by the way, seems never to have encountered the concept of "capable of repetition". It was enough for them that the government had temporarily suspended the censorship campaign, at least openly.
Tell the Court more about how this prudential doctrine should work, Brett.
We all value your expertise, and how it always aligns with your priors.
"Capable of repetition" is an exception to mootness, not standing.
Somewhat big is reasonable enough.
Platforms have rules that regulate what is allowed.
Anyway, Alito -- who was back on the bench today -- did say in dissent it is a major case.
And that is my point about leading to violence -- if the government can prevent dissidents from assembling and protesting peacefully, what other alternatives are there?
This is not good.
The implications of Murthy v Missouri are significant -- if we devolve into a 2nd Civil War, historians will cite this case.
It’s a big country, so it’s certainly possible that there’s one or two people dumb and crazy enough to be willing to die because their Facebook post got taken down. But there certainly aren’t enough to make a war of it.
First, neither side intended to die for its cause -- both thought that they would crush the other in a matter of weeks.
But my point is that free speech is a safety valve, it prevents polarization.
LOL!
I'd actually be surprised if there's anyone crazy enough to think they can successfully overthrow the U.S. government because their Facebook post got taken down. But again, if there is and if they try, it won't exactly be a war.
That's not even close to what Dr Ed said but feel free to keep attacking strawmen.
“2nd Civil War“
Oh FFS— can you spare us? It’s a decision about standing.
Which is my point -- when one party to a dispute can't get it into court, the court no longer becomes the means to resolving the dispute.
Ok, LaVoy
That seems really quite unlikely.
Of course you agree with the left. Because you don't actually believe in what you say you believe in, when you don't get the outcome you want. You're like the poster child of their critique of originalism, which is still wrong. It doesn't answer every question definitively, and nobody who actually supports it has claimed that it does.
You're setting back the movement every time you make another blog post like this.
Josh already revealed that he can’t comprehend Barrett’s take on originalism. Her take is probably the leading take at this point. It’s well thought out and generally applicable (as opposed to using different versions of originalism for different parts of the Constitution, Thomas-style).
But Josh can’t comprehend it. Josh is an acolyte of Alito’s originalism: whatever scores right-wing points in the present-day culture war is the original meaning of the Constitution.
Originalism will survive solely if conservatives win the culture war.
The modern American mainstream -- the culture war's victors -- will guide and control the Supreme Court over time. I think some right-wingers, led by the Federalist Society, are desperate and delusional enough to perceive the converse.
> I regret all the scholarship on Bruen that was published in the last two years that has since been rendered obsolete
This is laughably self-aggrandizing. The court correctly doesn't care about what its rulings do to obviate the work of legal scholars. Awful take.
""Some say that courts should determine exceptions to broadly worded individual rights . . . by looking to policy. Uphold a law if it is a good idea; strike it down if it is not." That's ridiculous."
But it's actually what the majority did in Rahimi.
And in Bruen. You're getting it suddenly. Might as well call it Living Originalism.
How so in Bruen?
Bruen was also the preferred outcome of its author(s), who came up with a whole new kind of originalism to get there. Just like Rahimi. Just like Heller.
Can you think of a single case where originalism didn't lead to the preferred outcome of its practitioners? Striking down a good law or upholding a bad one?
What new kind of originalism is that?
“History & Tradition” with a special focus on "analogous regulation."
I added it to my list!
Actual Originalism
Framework Originalism
Intrinsicist Originalism
Instrumental Originalism
Liquidated Originalism
Original Intent
Original Meaning
Original Methods Originalism
Original Public Meaning
Semantic Originalism
Structuralism
Textualism
“Halfway Originalism”
“History & Tradition” with a special focus on “analogous regulation”
The test is “Text as informed by History and Tradition”.
it always starts with the text.
You think John Roberts likes videos of animal torture? That Clarence Thomas supports lower sentences for armed robbery and marijuana use?* That Neil Gorsuch wants child molesters to spend less time in prison? That Elana Kagan enjoys making it harder for criminal defendants to hire lawyers? (This is just off the top of my head, obviously there are many many more examples.)
As Scalia often said, if you don't think he finds himself constrained by originalism, wait until you see what he'd do without it! It surprises me that so many opponents of originalism fail to grasp this, especially now that Alito is around to show you exactly what that kind of thing looks like.
*I assume you'll say he was lying, but Thomas also explicitly said that he didn't like the law being challenged in Lawrence, but thought it was constitutionally permissible.
It is going to be hard for justices to ALWAYS match their legal interpretation with their preferred results.
So, justices in Gonzalez v. Raich wound up on opposite sides of their preferred policy (Stevens vs. O'Connor).
As an opponent of originalism, who grants neither side (Alito is harder to refute) just are results-oriented, I look at things as a whole.
Is there a noticeable indication one way or the other, more likely than not, with the people on both sides? I think there is. The "single case" business is an easy-to-refute strawman but the general allegation is harder to refute.
I’m not suggesting that originalists always adapt originalism to their policy preferences. I’m suggesting they always adapt originalism to answer the question of “original meaning” the way they want it to come out.
So even though John Roberts might not like animal torture videos, he does like the way he thinks the First Amendment works.
That’s the point. No originalist has ever gone though an originalism-driven analysis and then at the end of it been surprised and forced to change their mind about what the Constitution means. Magically, everybody’s preferred interpretation of the Constitution going in just happens to perfectly align with what a vigorous application of originalist analysis turns out to conclude that it means.
Take a look at Justice Thomas's concurrence in Gamble v. United States.
Thanks for confirming you don't know what originalism is, any more than Blackman does.
Or should I say your straw man creation of it. Either way, it sounds like you're just like Blackman, only about the outcome.
I wonder if Justice Amy Coney-Barrett has meditated on the Bruen decision and realized that, if taken to its logical conclusion, there would be no “Justice Amy Coney-Barrett.” If so, maybe she’ll also come to realize what the Opus Dei jokers have in mind for the New America Under Christ?
What, may I ask, the fuck are you talking about?
He is end gaming Trump's third term.
Rahimi is the most recent example as to why there will never be a serious threat to the NFA from the courts.
I wouldn't say "never", but certainly not any time soon.
Why should the NFA face any threats from the courts? For better or worse, there’s settled precedent there, that Heller/MacDonald/Bruen didn’t implicitly implicate. Even Scalia recognized the trade-offs between originalism and stare decisis.
The NFA was addressing a particular contemporary societal issue, which was an actual problem. While a machine gun is a weapon of war that a militia might find useful, I’m not sure it was unreasonable to try and limit their reach in non-military hands. Because it really doesn’t have a dual usage combat vs personal protection, not in the way semiautomatics do. But hindsight is 20/20.
They could use some pointers from the Catholic Church as to how to, er, “clarify” previous teachings.
"Nobody says uphold a law if it is a good idea or strike it down if it's a bad idea"
Nobody in Real Legal Analysis, perhaps, but that exact idea is what pretty much all the normie legal analysis I see on Facebook goes.
The Court's job, in that view, is to Keep Good Laws And Remove Bad Ones, where "good" and "bad" refer to the relative value of the policy, not comportment with the Constitution.
Thus their anger when something "bad" turns out to be Constitutional, and something "good" turns out not to be.
Rahimi here is the canary in the coalmine for the non-paid-for conservative justices. When the 5th interprets Bruen to mean Qualified Immunity-esque on-point historical case law, half of American jurisprudence could fall: which is one of Thomas' stated goals. So they had to walk it back
Besides, the 5th Circuit is proving too loony even for The Crow Court. So far this term the 5th has had nine reverse/remand/vacate and only two affirmed (one being Cargill)
In fairness to Justice Kavanaugh, don’t all the Justices regularly engage in “self-indulgent exercises the point of which is to get himself quoted in books and articles about constitutional interpretation”?
And aren’t all these “self-indulgent exercises” more usually known by the more colloquial term “opinions”?
This is how binding legal precedent is narrowed. It’s rarely reversed, just distinguished into oblivion.
Here we see their upper upper middle class prejudices on full display. Their class isn’t abusive to their spouses (except for when YLS educated FLOTUS threw a (taxpayer owned) lamp at YLS educated POTUS, etc). Spouses never lie in court for tactical advantage (in real life, they do it all the time). And an unhappy spouse would never, ever, file for a protective order for tactical reasons (of course they do).
"Spouses never lie in court for tactical advantage"
I wonder how these stereotypical upper middle class sorts think about divorce cases.
This is somewhat silly because it suggests only their class supports this result. There is broad agreement it is a reasonable result, including for those who generally support the RKBA.
As a core constitutional freedom, the right to keep and bear arms is supposed to be "frozen in amber" forever. A justice who doesn't think so is an Injustice.
This is either failure to understand this opinion or Bruen on the part of the hoplophobic commentators, or else wishful thinking. It's certainly the latter for Prof. Blackman and his compatriots, who seem to really, really want to snatch the mantle of victimhood from the jaws of victory.
Bruen's history and tradition test didn't answer the question of how close the historical analogues have to be. We know they have to be closer than anything anyone could find to the New York being challenged, and we know they don't have to be literally identical to the law being challenged, but that leaves a lot of room.
Rahimi had to answer that question, and it did. That's it. In my opinion, that answer is sensible, consistent with the text, and leads to good results, and thus is good. Maybe you disagree. Or maybe you're concerned that it gives too much leeway to judges who aren't sympathetic to the right to keep and bear arms (a concern I share, and which I will be alleviated by vigorous subsequent review from the Supreme Court going forward). But it didn't "rewrit[e]" or "reinterpret[]" Bruen, much less overrule it.
Bruen said “analogous.” Rahimi changed that to “relevantly similar.”
And Rahimi opened the door to mixing and matching multiple different types of historical regulations in order to manufacture said similarity.
That’s a departure, not a mere clarification.
“Relevantly similar” is an empty standard if you don’t say what’s relevant. A dime is “relevantly similar” to an elephant if you can assert that color is relevant.
Rahimi asserts that “purpose” is relevant. Ok sorry, practically all gun control ideas are “relevantly similar” if similarity of purpose counts a relevant similarity.
So I guess the holding in Rahimi is that Bruen only goes to 10, there is no 11.
Soon Jonathan Adler will trumpet this as an example of the Roberts Court maintaining a precedent!