The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
NFIB and Rahimi: Is a surety a mandate to prevent dangerous people from possessing a gun or a tax on dangerous gun owners?
Trying to reconcile Chief Justice Roberts on the ACA and 922(g)(8).
Chief Justice Roberts's greatest gift is to make a complicated case look simple--so simple, that the answer he reaches seems like the only plausible outcome. In less than 18 pages, Roberts purports to reaffirm Bruen while actually diluting the precedent. Now, the lower courts can uphold any gun control law that is "is consistent with the principles that underpin our regulatory tradition." If you read it quickly, you won't even realize what he's done. But this majority opinion in Rahimi is yet another masterclass in misdirection.
What is the leading "principle" that underpins the tradition for 922(g)(8)? Surety laws. As I was reading through the Chief's opinion, I could not stop thinking about the Obamacare cases. My NFIB PTSD was recently triggered by Moore, and Rahimi dragged me back in.
What is the connection, you may ask? Society has long determined that certain conduct is bad. There are several ways to deal with misconduct. First, after the person engages in misconduct, he can be punished. This is the criminal justice system. Second, if the person is likely to engage in misconduct, he can be subjected to some sort of prospective injunction to bar him from engaging in that misconduct. Think of the domestic violence restraining order at issue in Rahimi. Third, a person can choose to prospectively pay some sort money that will allow them to engage in that misconduct.
Wait a minute, you might ask. Number three is not an option! Yes, it is. Look no further than the Affordable Care Act. Congress determined that going uninsured was a bad thing. To address that problem, Congress mandated that people purchase health insurance. But Congress allowed people to go uninsured by paying a penalty--or is it a tax? Doesn't really matter for present purposes. In some cases, the government may determine that the money generated by the fee can be used to address the underlying problem. Better that uninsured people pay a penalty than to throw them in jail, right? If you want another example, think of Jacobson v. Massachusetts. People who were unvaccinated could choose to pay a nominal fine. Once they paid that fine, they were free to mingle in society, without being vaccinated.
There is also a fourth way to deal with misconduct: the surety system. Long before there were law enforcement agencies, society developed a system to ensure bad conduct does not occur. In short, people who were at risk of engaging in misconduct could submit a payment to the court--known as a surety. If they behaved for a prescribed period of time, they would get their surety back. If they engaged in that misconduct, they would surrender the surrety. Thus, there was a financial incentive to behave.
Chief Justice Roberts explained that surety laws were invoked to prevent domestic violence. For example, a wife could demand a surety against an abusive husband. From this practice, Roberts finds support for Section 922(g)(8). But does it?
After posting a surety, a suspect domestic abuser can freely possess a firearm. But under 922(g)(8), a suspected domestic abuser cannot possess a firearm. Justice Thomas's dissent explains why this historical precedent provides no support at all for 922(g)(8). And this analogue brings us back to NFIB. Is the surety closer to a mandate, coupled with a penalty? Or is a surety closer to a tax on going uninsured? I think the answer is the latter.
A better analogue would be a system where a person who may pose a risk to others posts some sort of financial bond; the failure to post that bond would result in incarceration; and engaging in misconduct would also result in posting that bond. I think all would agree that Mr. Rahimi belongs behind bars, but if he is left on the street, there is no historical analogue that supports disarming him. Perhaps there is a "principle," but that exception will soon swallow the entire rule.
We will see what the Court does. The SG asked the Court to grant plenary review in Range and other pending Second Amendment cases. Or the Court may GVR everything to let the lower courts wallow in confusion for a few more years.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Like I said in your other post about Rahimi, this is junior high stuff. Get over NFIB already, it’s ridiculous. Or seek the mental health treatment you need.
You’re like the Ultra-MAGA purists ranting about RINOs, wanting the “perfect” candidate in every district/state running for Congress. Except those candidates can’t win a general election in enough swing districts/states, so you’ll never have friendly majority in either house. You’re not going to have a Supreme Court that decides cases the way you like without some like justices like John Roberts.
Why do so many statists fall back on false mental health diagnoses? I always associate that with Stalin's show trials, and maybe statists do too.
Show your credentials, bub, you statists are big on them. Where'd you get that PhD in psychiatry or whatever you're waving around?
LOL at calling MaddogEngineer a statist.
LOL at apologizing for a statist quack pretending to be a mental health professional.
Unlike you, I hate statists of all stripes. Anyone who excuses a quack making a mental health diagnosis is a statist himself.
Has anyone ever told you that you are a disaffected, antisocial malcontent and an anti-government crank?
I don't like accusations of mental illness either, but I'm pretty sure dud wasn't making a diagnosis; it was an insult.
In bad taste to me (YMMV - my dad was a mental health professional so I like some care on that front), but pretty ridic to just go ranting about statists over that.
You are at a blog full of antisocial, on-the-spectrum, disaffected, behind-the-times misfits. What do you expect?
If you think I’m a statist, you’re exactly the kind of person I was talking about in my original.
Or do you think there are not mentally deranged people out there, impossible to ever diagnose? That there is never any reason the state should restrict firearm possession? That is nuts.
Your particular challenge with Rahimi is that he waived any such legal challenge about that, in a way that the courts could decide that threshold due process issue (as I said in another case).
The problem here is that Blackman and maybe you, are arguing about a case other than Rahimi, one that hasn’t yet made it to SCOTUS.
All the court said was that, after a hearing that determines someone is violent, they can be disarmed. shrug. That is consistent with our tradition of due process.
And already the slippery slope of "close-enough" analogy has begun.
There are already laws on the book to prevent dangerous people from having guns in the State laws. This federal decision encourages just this kind of sloppy analogy or principle incorporation.
Every statist just felt the reins taken off, and now have something to bend, spindle and mutilate to justify the anti-gun law du jour.
The federal law is an analogue to many of those those, and since the 2nd amendment is incorporated against the states, Rahimi decision was inevitable. Alito's concurrence is instructive on what isnt covered. Some state laws, where people are disarmed without a due process hearing, are in jeopardy under Rahimi. Others arent.
Ding!
Why I said above Blackman is bothered by a case that has not yet gotten to the Supreme Court. It isn’t the Rahimi decision, where that disarmed without due process hearing was not at issue. But he's blogging repeatedly as if it was.
That would be consistent with due process, if the Court had specified that the would-be disarmers must meet a reasonable standard of proof that the defendant is dangerous before they may disarm him. But being armed is a fundamental right, and a mere preponderance of evidence should not have been found sufficient. Require "clear and convincing evidence" and I'd sign on, but not without it.
What time period is the acceptable period for historical analogy, and why is it that specific period only?
Why does only gun regulation require a historical analogue and not every other congressional law? Is the constitution so restricted in interpretation that if a law wasn't passed within the listed historical period, then it shouldn't be allowed? Like qualified immunity and police action?
What are you trying to say here?
QI = if there isn't an exactly identical case, then what the cops did was OK. So it's reverse QI, if there isn't an exact match for the law congress is passing, it isn't OK.
Who decides how close is close enough? It feels much more arbitrary than what used to be called originalism.
It's be a lot easier just to use strict scrutiny, but the lower courts have shown they're not willing to do so in good faith.
What bad faith in applying strict scrutiny cases are you thinking about?
Sabedi1 is a bit off: it was less that lower courts were applying strict scrutiny incorrectly and more that they were either finding that the challenged laws weren't significant impositions on the Second Amendment right, or didn't implicate the Second Amendment at all in pretty questionable circumstances. I don't know if "bad faith" is a particularly useful way to think about it, but certainly I think it's difficult to say that they were applying the test set out in Heller the way that the Supreme Court envisioned.
Ah. Yes, that comports with what I recall (though the only folks I saw talking about post-Heller pre-Bruen gun laws were here so I may be a bit confirmation biased).
But lower court intransigence, whether bad faith or no, was also a solved problem for the Court. A solution the Court decided not to take advantage of, but rather revise the underlying doctrine into something a lot more nebulous.
It was a bold strategy, and one I don't think is working out very well. (Though I know you find Bruen a lot more definitive and tractable than I do).
I don't know how it's anything but bad faith.
And post-Bruen, the lower courts would just find any gun law to be "within the historical framework" because the historical framework allowed the government to restrict things that are dangerous, and these are dangerous. There literally were district judges who employed this "logic."
With that correction (and I'm not sure what this sentence could possibly mean as written), isn't that exactly how these laws worked, at least as Roberts describes them? See pp. 10-11 of the slip opinion.
I misunderstood the point Prof. Blackman was making. Feel free to disregard the above.
Instead, I'll note that it looks like Prof. Blackman is making the error Bruen itself cautioned against, and demanding a "historical twin" rather than an analogue.
Pretty much, and that's the problem with the Rahimi ruling: The thing that surety bonds absolutely did NOT result in? Being prohibited from possessing arms.
It's like saying, injunctions can stop you from libeling someone, so they can also authorize the court to demand that you simply stop talking, period.
It did if one couldn’t afford the bond. If you weren’t using this as a stalking horse for eliminating DVRO restrictions, you would never pretend you believed that “You must pay money to exercise this right” is something that would not infringe on the RKBA.
But also, it doesn't have to be identical to pass muster under Bruen.
The Rahimi Decision
https://x.com/garyonthenet/status/1805566148798218377
This is a big hit to Bruen, no so much in the particulars of this case, but because the Supreme Court searched hard for an historical analog to address the uncontested practical problem at hand -- how to keep the law (see listed below) that prohibits an obviously dangerous IPV from having a firearm.
They really couldn't find one, so they settled on something as close as they could get.
Unfortunately it is not close enough, and in the process of justifying their practical (but not Bruen consistent) decision, they loosened the rigorous standards of Bruen as to history & tradition.
Now lower courts will feel free to use that wiggle room to pry open exceptions to what Bruen had previously required. The govt will find some slightly similar history of a gun regulation, and the courts will be all too eager to say YES that is EXACTLY like this situation, and the Supreme Court lets us!
It wouldn't be an issue without fat ugly women like this on the bench.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Margo_Kitsy_Brodie
Question to Professor Blackman.
If the law in 1789 prescribed public flogging or public stocks for a gun-related offense, could 2nd Amendment rights only be taken away today if the same kind of punishment is used? What about capital punishment?
It is not so much a matter of punishment quality or type, it is a matter of punishment at all. In the Rahimi case the question is -- was there a gun/arms prohibition, circa 1791, in relation to beating your wife, or more specifically if it was found by a preponderance of the evidence that you were a physical danger to your wife could the govt take away your arms until it was established that you were not?
There was nothing on point to that question, so the SCOTUS found some analog it thought was close enough.
I would have accused Prof. Blackman of bad faith reading of NFIB, but I'm starting to think that's unfair. It's not bad faith if he just genuinely can't wrap his mind around it. The Supreme Court ruled that the mandate was justified under Congress's taxing powers because it complied with precedents that allowed for a non-coercive tax. States unequivocally have the power to regulate unless there is a prohibition under the Constitution. Therefore, it's irrelevant whether the state is using its tax powers or not. It's a different legal framework.