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Black-Women-Only Grant Program Likely Violates Federal Law, Isn't Protected by First Amendment
From American Alliance for Equal Rights v. Fearless Fund Mgmt., LLC, decided today by the Eleventh Circuit, in an opinion by Judge Kevin Newsom, joined by Judge Robert Luck:
[We hold that] the Fearless Strivers Grant Contest, an entrepreneurship funding competition open only to businesses owned by black women, [likely] violates 42 U.S.C. § 1981, which prohibits private parties from discriminating on the basis of race when making or enforcing contracts …, [and] is … unlikely to enjoy First Amendment protection ….
[The] stated mission [of Fearless Fund] is to "bridge the gap in venture capital funding for women of color founders building scalable, growth aggressive companies." In pursuit of that mission, Fearless supplies grants to businesses under its "Foundation" arm. Fearless makes those grants on the basis of a competitive application process.
The "Fearless Strivers Grant Contest" offers four winners $20,000 apiece and digital tools to assist with business growth, as well as mentorship….
The panel majority began by concluding that the contest is likely covered by 42 U.S.C. § 1981, a federal law that has been read as generally banning race discrimination (but not discrimination based on sex, religion, sexual orientation, and so on) in all public or private contracts (not just employment, public accommodations, education, and the like):
[A] winning entrant obtains $20,000 and valuable mentorship and, in return, grants Fearless permission to use its idea, name, image, and likeness for promotional purposes and agrees to indemnify Fearless to arbitrate any disputes that might arise. By any measure, that is a bargained-for exchange supported by good and sufficient consideration. It is, in other words, a contract.
On appeal, Fearless seeks to recast its contest as nothing more than a vehicle for conveying "discretionary gifts" that confer "no enforceable rights on contest entrants." We don't think so. As already explained, the contest ends in the formation of a contractual relationship between Fearless and the winner. And it's no answer to say that the contest itself merely facilitates the making of the eventual contract. The Supreme Court has made clear that § 1981 protects "would-be contractor[s]"— here, the contestants—to the same extent that it protects contracting parties.
The majority also concluded that the grant program likely couldn't be justified "under a judge-made exception [to § 1981] applicable to what Fearless calls valid 'remedial programs.'" Section 1981 protects all racial groups, not just racial minorities, McDonald v. Santa Fe Trail Transp. Co. (1976), and any remedial-program exception (if it survives Students for Fair Admission) is narrow:
A private, race-conscious remedial program, the Court said, is valid if it (1) addresses "manifest racial imbalances" and (2) doesn't "unnecessarily trammel" the rights of others or "create[] an absolute bar to" the advancement of other employees…. Fearless's contest … unquestionably "create[s] an absolute bar" to the advancement of non-black business owners….
The panel then rejected any First Amendment right to discriminate based on race in such grant contracting programs:
[T]he Supreme Court has extended the First Amendment's reach to protect even so-called "expressive conduct." But … the Supreme Court has clearly held that the First Amendment does not protect the very act of discriminating on the basis of race.
Like this case, Runyon v. McCrary (1976), involved a collision between § 1981's prohibition on race discrimination in contracting and an alleged First Amendment right. There, black children alleged that private schools had violated § 1981 by denying them admission on account of their race. As relevant here, the schools defended on the ground that the First Amendment protected their right to "associat[e]" with those of their choosing. In rejecting the schools' defense, the Supreme Court reaffirmed that the First Amendment guarantees a right "to engage in association for the advancement of beliefs and ideas" but denied that it extended to the act of discriminating on the basis of race.
In particular, the Court "assumed that parents have a First Amendment right to send their children to educational institutions that promote the belief that racial segregation is desirable, and that the children have an equal right to attend such institutions." But, in words with particular resonance here, the Court emphasized that "it does not follow that the [p]ractice of excluding racial minorities from such institutions is also protected by the same principle." The Court reiterated that "the Constitution … places no value on discrimination" and that while "[i]nvidious private discrimination may be characterized as a form of exercising freedom of association protected by the First Amendment … it has never been accorded affirmative constitutional protections." Cf. Hishon v. King & Spalding (1984) (rejecting a business's argument that "application of Title VII" to a female employee's sex-discrimination claim would "infringe constitutional rights of expression or association").
Since deciding Runyon, the Supreme Court has continued to recognize and enforce the critical distinction between advocating race discrimination and practicing it. In R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul (1992), for instance, the Court emphasized that "[w]here the government does not target conduct on the basis of its expressive content, acts are not shielded from regulation merely because they express a discriminatory idea or philosophy." Notably, the Court cited as examples of lawful regulations of such "acts" both Title VII's prohibition against employment discrimination and § 1981's prohibition on race discrimination in contracting. So too, in Wisconsin v. Mitchell, the Court cited Runyon as an example of a case in which it had "previously upheld against constitutional challenge" both "federal and state antidiscrimination laws" and reiterated R.A.V.'s invocation of Title VII and § 1981 as "examples of permissible content-neutral regulation[s] of conduct."
And it concluded that 303 Creative LLC v. Elenis (2023) didn't change this principle:
While the Supreme Court there recognized the web designer's First Amendment right to refuse to express messages with which she disagreed, it clarified that she didn't even claim a right to refuse to serve gay and lesbian customers. See 303 Creative (emphasizing the parties' stipulation that while the web designer would "not produce content that 'contradicts biblical truth' regardless of who orders it," she was "willing to work with all people regardless of classifications such as race, creed, sexual orientation, and gender" and would "'gladly create custom graphics and websites' for clients of any sexual orientation").
To be sure, the line between "pure speech" that arguably entails discriminatory sentiments and the very act of discrimination itself may at times be hard to draw. And to be sure, Fearless characterizes its contest as reflecting its "commitment" to the "[b]lack women-owned" business community.
The fact remains, though, that Fearless simply—and flatly—refuses to entertain applications from business owners who aren't "black females." If that refusal were deemed sufficiently "expressive" to warrant protection under the Free Speech Clause, then so would be every act of race discrimination, no matter at whom it was directed. And on Fearless's theory, the more blatant and rampant the discrimination, the clearer the message: To take just one particularly offensive example, surely a business owner who summarily fires all his black employees while retaining all the white ones has at the very least telegraphed his perspective on racial equality.
For better or worse, the First Amendment protects the owner's right to harbor bigoted views, but it does not protect his mass firing. Fearless's position—that the First Amendment protects a similarly categorial race-based exclusion—risks sowing the seeds of antidiscrimination law's demise….
The panel majority also distinguished the Eleventh Circuit's earlier decision in Coral Ridge Ministries Media, Inc. v. Amazon.com, Inc. (11th Cir. 2021), which the district court viewed as holding "(1) that 'donating money qualifies as expressive conduct' and (2) that 'except in perhaps the rarest of circumstances, no person in this country may be compelled to subsidize speech by a third party that he or she does not want to support.'":
First, our decision there had nothing to do with race discrimination, and Supreme Court precedent indicates that prohibitions on race discrimination are uniquely resistant to First Amendment challenges. Second, for reasons already explained, Fearless isn't simply donating money; it's orchestrating a bargained-for exchange in which both parties obtain valuable benefits and undertake meaningful obligations. Finally, Fearless isn't being compelled to "subsidize speech"; rather, the question here is whether Fearless's contest ought to receive First Amendment protection by virtue of its rule excluding non-black entrants. Coral Ridge has nothing useful to say about that.
Judge Robin Rosenbaum dissented, solely on the grounds that she thought plaintiffs lacked standing; those interested in this debate can see it in the full opinion.
Thomas R. McCarthy, Cameron T. Norris, Gilbert C. Dickey & R. Gabriel Anderson (Consovoy McCarthy PLLC) represent plaintiffs. [UPDATE: I originally credited one of the amicus's lawyers instead of plaintiff's; fixed now.]
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From the opinion:
"In this case, the Alliance represents several members— identified in this lawsuit as Owners A, B, and C—all of whom operate their own businesses and wish to participate in Fearless’s contest but are not black women."
Missing from Mr. Volokh's post: Any mention of any concern about the pseudonymity of conservatives A, B, and C.
Carry on, partisan hacks.
Did any of the parties bring up the pseudonymity? Did the court make a ruling on it?
Mr. Volokh often intervenes in litigation, opposing pseudonymity, at least in circumstances in which the party seeking pseudonymity is not a fellow right-winger (such as Publius, or that gas-spraying jerk at Columbia).
(Mr. Volokh is entitled to oppose or support pseudonymity as he wishes, of course. Partisan hypocrites have rights, too.)
Yes, on what grounds would these litigants warrant pseudonymity? Eugene could do fine work here as the only apparent reason they wanted to remain anonymous is they are not at all proud of what they are trying to accomplish in the courts. I don’t recall Eugene saying grounds for anonymity includes being ashamed of one's ideology which some may reasonably interpret as bigoted.
Do better, Eugene.
Clinger gonna cling. Hack gonna hack. Hoping for better from Mr. Volokh seems futile.
Prof. Volokh — which he continues to be, notwithstanding your jealousy — rarely intervenes in litigation, opposing pseudonymity. He wouldn't even have time to censor you if he tried to intervene in every case involving pseudonymity.
Has Edward Jay Blum, the conservative who leads the plaintiff organization and is a serial litigant, ever complained about anything that favored whites?
Didn't think so.
Carry on, obsolete "white grievance" clingers.
Why would you complain about timeliness, wholesomeness, and general goodness?
Your betters will piss on the graves of your right-wing political preferences, and those of the Volokh Conspirators.
My betters are too busy renaming schools back to their patriot names then to do any of your Thailand ladyboy fantasies.
Which schools have right-wing bigots renamed recently?
https://www.cnn.com/2024/05/09/us/shenandoah-county-confederate-school-names-reaj/index.html
Winning.
Congratulations. A county that adjoins West Virginia, has a population of 45,000, has a "largest town" of 6,0000, and is full of drawling Republican bigots brought back some Confederate names.
Better Americans should respond by withdrawing subsidies from that area and letting those hayseeds stew in their own addiction, superstition, ignorance, bigotry, dysfunction, and dental despair. (While maintaining a vibrant lifeline, of course, for the smart and ambitious young people who want to get the hell out of there. But the adults? They're write-offs.)
It's Bettors, and have you ever actually pissed on a grave? I have, not as satisfying as I thought it would be.
When was the last time you complained about left malfeasance?
Kettle, pot, reverend -- no difference.
"ever complained about anything that favored whites?"
You can't complain about something that doesn't exist. Some things in this country are race neutral, others favor non-Asian non-White minorities. There's no such thing as something that outright favors White people, at least not in the USA.
"Race neutral" is one of those things that belongs in same dung-heap as "income neutral" policies and laws that prohibit the rich and poor from sleeping on park benches.
Cope & seethe, Rev. Your preferred form of racism is being dissolved by your betters, day by day.
You seem to misunderstand who has won the culture war, clinger.
Is discriminatory gift-giving legal? I think it has to be. If it is, what does the grantor in this case have to stop doing to turn a prohibited contract into a legal gift?
". . . what does the grantor in this case have to stop doing to turn a prohibited contract into a legal gift?"
From the perspective of right-wingers such as the Volokh Conspirators, arrange to benefit white males.
A private foundation is required to make grants on an objective and non discriminatory basis. Internal revenue code 4945 and Regulation 53.4945-4 Grants to individuals
Thanks. The Fearless Fund umbrella organization describes itself as a 501(c)(3) charity so section 4945 applies to it. There is a large fine for grants to individuals that are not blessed by the IRS as (inter alia) nondiscriminatory, as well as grants to ordinary businesses. My last name is not Roberts. It is a fine. And the responsible individuals are fined as well as the organization.
This is related to the self-dealing violations that Trump's opponents were up in arms about before impeachments and a deluge of felony charges distracted them.
26 CFR § 53.4945-4 - Grants to individuals
b) Selection of grantees on “an objective and nondiscriminatory basis”
(5) Examples
Example 2.
Assume the same facts as Example (1), except that the foundation establishes a program to provide 20 college scholarships per year for members of a certain ethnic minority. All members of this minority group (other than disqualified persons with respect to the foundation) living in State Z are eligible to apply for these scholarships. It is estimated that at least 400 persons will be eligible to apply for these scholarships each year. Under these circumstances, the operation of this scholarship program by the foundation: (1) Is consistent with the existence of the foundation's exempt status under section 501(c)(3) and with the allowance of deductions under section 170 for contributions to the foundation; (2) utilizes objective and nondiscriminatory criteria in selecting scholarship recipients from among the applicants; and (3) utilizes a selection committee which appears likely to make objective and nondiscriminatory selections of grant recipients.
This is not a legal requirement for grants, but rather nonprofits. Seems a very different legal area than what the case here looks at.
Its directly on point - the cited regulation is for grants to individuals made by a private foundation
Made by private foundations with nonprofit status. Otherwise why would the IRS be able to require anything.
But the main thing you've missed is that this reg is not in the case un the OP - that cites 42 U.S.C. § 1981.
42 USC 1981 (a)Statement of equal rights
All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind, and to no other.
No abandoned goalposts.
Contracts are not grants.
[Again, I think the policy is fine; I think the court is conflating grantmaking programs with contracting.]
Grants are most certainly contracts, and if you actually have the career experience you've claimed, you know it.
Not all contracts are grants, though! So you're only 99% lying.
Pssst! Nobody tell these suers about historically all black colleges. Now there's a problem a body can tackle.
All black colleges definitely served a positive purpose in the late 1800's and 1900's. While they remain historically black colleges, do the discriminate based on race in the 2000's? Is there not at least a moderate amount of integration today?
Funny thing is the "HBCU" Foo-Bawl Teams almost all have White Kickers/Punters, I get it, they want to be competitive, but sucks for prospective Afro-Amurican Kickers/Punters when they keep recruiting Chandler Spalding Smales Lodge-Howells
Frank
HBCUs are today 25% non-black. That's what the "H" stands for.
Ah, disparate impact, mosaic theory, or some such quibble.
(Johnny Carson Voice)
I did not know that!
With Ed “H” stands for “Half in the bag”
Frank “Hey-Yoooooo!!!!!!!!”
Talk to someone who went to an HBCU, and what they got out of the experience.
They're actually a pretty different academic model from a lot of your other universities. A lot more community building and support and networking. The profs have much larger teaching loads, but do less research.
Some of them are striving to move towards a more conventional scholarship model, but some kind of 'end HBCUs' movement would be foolish, ignorant hostility.
Psst! Historically black colleges don't prohibit non-black students from enrolling. That's the key.
Bunch of racist sexists.
Lock them up.
Riot in the streets and call it mostly peaceful.
Criminalizing the bigotry that right-wingers favor might not be such a bad idea as the culture war continues to shape our national progress.
Showing that whatever kind of world you want to bring about, you definitely don't favor one where people are safe to believe what they want.
People would always be free to believe as they wish. Superstition, bigotry, belligerent ignorance . . . you name it.
But acting in a bigoted manner is a different issue.
The only reason we've gotten here, gotten this far, is because government was forbidden to outlaw disfavored speech.
Opening that can of worms will not end the way people fancy. History gives you no succor on that, that democracy can safely wield the powers of tyrants.
Rosenbaum is correct on the standing issue.
As for the rest, I think that the FA issues are more difficult that the majority makes them out to be.
I express no opinion on the underlying issue.
If you're interested in elaborating, I'm interested in reading.
I'll admit that Judge Rosenbaum's strained and obviously off-point soccer analogy biased me against her. But concluding that saying, "I am ready and able to apply" isn't enough seems like a "magic words" theory of jurisprudence that I don't find very compelling, and which we don't generally apply in similar civil rights contexts.
I think that Rosenbaum does a good job of going through the case law that is on point on the issue.
In other words, the simple recitation of the magic words, when belied by the affidavits, is insufficient to create standing.
To put this in a more concrete way- if you or I were to join this suit, we could both recite the magic words. But that shouldn't be enough to create standing. If it was, then standing doesn't exist.
(I do agree that the soccer analogy is weird, but IIRC she is based in Miami, and Messi?)
Ugh- that should say-
“If it was, then standing AS A DOCTRINE doesn’t exist.”
In other words, standing has to be more than the recitation of magic words that don’t have any factual support. You might as well say that a federal court has jurisdiction over any claim when the plaintiff says, “I have standing, yo!”
I mean, there's no question that if they actually intended to apply and only didn't because of the racial/sex restrictions, they have standing. So why isn't them making a sworn statement that they do intend to enough?
If you had, say, a nakedly discriminatory job ad (like, it said "no black person will be hired"), surely would we let the company attack standing by trying to show that a plaintiff hadn't didn't have a work history in the field and so they probably wouldn't really have applied for the job after all? Isn't that the same thing that Judge Rosenbaum would do here? (If anything, it actually seems like this is worse, since the declarants didn't affirmatively assert a lack of qualification or similar history, they just didn't articulate it to her satisfaction.)
I don't know, I'd say I'm like 75-80 centi-Robertses on restrictive standing, but this seems fine to me.
Eh, I go the other way around.
Which is to say- this is the most relaxed standing you can have, and they don't meet it. In other words, even in cases where you allege that were "able and ready," you still have to have some evidence that this was the case- that you had applied in the past (for example), or that you meet the criteria, or something.
General intent doesn't prove readiness. Again, if it was sufficient, then you, or me, or any officious busybody could mouth the words and generate standing.
There is nothing in the declarations- nothing about other eligibility, nothing about the businesses seeking other grants ever, nothing even about specific PLANS to seek the grants! There isn't even any information about the types of businesses there are. This isn't even up to the Lujan "I might want to visit there sometime" standard.
Again, I don't think that reciting magic words like this, without more, should generate standing. They might as well have said, "I have standing."
That's what struck me... the fact that they hadn't actually applied. If they truly intended to apply and wanted to make a point of being excluded, the simplest thing would be to apply and then be declined. Now you have evidence of both.
On the other hand, one presumes that the application required that they identify themselves, their businesses, and other information related to their need for the grant. That's a lot of personal information to hand someone if you're only doing this to be a jerk and make a point.
I was prepared to disagree with you on that, until I read Rosenbaum's entire analysis. I also think it's correct; the pleadings are just too conclusory and threadbare.
>The Court reiterated that "the Constitution … places no value on discrimination"
The Constitution itself discriminates. A 30 year old naturalized German is not allowed to become President.
Nor will Jesus, upon His return.
What about Bugs Bunny, upon his return?
Jesus has had thousands of years, and his father, billions. Or thousands.
Competent adults do not accept or advance superstition-based argument in reasoned debate.
I was trying to work out what 42 U.S.C. § 1981 had to do with private contracts, as on its face it appears to have nothing to do with that. (Instead having to do with guaranteeing everyone rights to make contracts equal to the rights enjoyed by white men. Since a white man has the right to make contracts with anybody else only to the the extent that the anybody else wishes to make a contract with said white man, there doesn't seem to be anything in there about requiring private parties to enter into contracts with parties they don't want to contract with.)
But I was also wondering - assuming that it really does regulate private contracts as claimed - what is the constitutional power under which it is enacted ?
This led to a rather tiresome paper chase in which a court in A v B would say this is well settled by C v D, and then the court in C v D would say that this is well settled by E v F; in each case declining to say why.
Eventually I arrived at Young v. International Telephone Tel. Co. - which didn't answer my question as to what this has to do with private contracts (other than the right to make them) by which time I had lost interest.
Or rather my interest had been distracted by the court in Young telling me that [the original version of] 42 U.S.C. § 1981 was enacted under the powers granted by the 13th Amendment !
Legislating a requirement that Mr A must contract with Mr B, against Mr A's will, is a power granted by the 13th Amendment ?!!!? Isn't that exactly what the 13th Amendment bans ?
You make a very good point.
compare: https://www.apstudent.com/ushistory/docs1951/crlegal.htm
see also:
source: https://law.justia.com/cases/washington/supreme-court/1959/34375-1.html
Unsurprising that you quote, approvingly, the dissent of a disgraced, elected Justice of the Supreme Court of Washington.
Mallery suddenly retired from the Court in Jan. 1962, leaving little ideological trace on Washington's highest court today, which has now repudiated his concurrence in Price.
Even he was too ashamed of himself to remain on the court. Here you are, over 60 years later, fawning over an opinion that was offensively anachronistic at the time it was written. Why you would advertise this unflattering character defect of yours will, I am sure, remain a mystery.
That seems a little on the ad hominemy side.
In what sense was he disgraced ?
Why would censure by a magazine be something anyone would take seriously ?
And why would repudiation in 2020 by a court of his ideological enemies mean diddley squat ?
And why would you say he retired because he was ashamed of himself ? The Wiki article from which your quote comes says he apparently retired because he was fed up with the personal attacks on him.
He may not be your cup of tea, or mine, but it seems to me that your bombardment is 0 for 4.
Bigots gonna bigot.
Especially at the white, male, fringe Volokh Conspiracy.
"a little on the ad hominemy side" is just an admission it was an actual ad hominem.
If you can't see why he was disgraced, that says a lot about you.
I didn't cite a censure by a magazine.
I didn't say anything about repudiation by a later court, though I didn't mention all but bigots can see his opinion was outdated even at the time it was written.
And why would you say he retired because he was ashamed of himself?
Given what we've already covered, it's unsurprising why you wouldn't understand this. The article says he abruptly retired. His opinion was disgraceful and, clearly, he got pushback on it. "fed up with personal attacks" is a nice euphemism for too embarrassing to continue. I'm sure Nixon was "fed up with personal attacks" too and abruptly resigned. He had execrable opinions and he was being informed of that. He resigned.
Yes, maybe he wasn't actually ashamed of himself. That's an inference. But, if so, you've provided less a defense than a further indictment of his character.
Which leaves for debate: Why are you defending a bigot, a bigot you believe to have been an unrepentant bigot?
“a little on the ad hominemy side” is just an admission it was not an actual ad hominem.
lol @ my typo.
If Fearless Fund's contest violates 42 U.S.C. § 1981, then 26 CFR § 53.4945-4 – Grants to individuals, is meaningless, as example 2 would be false.
Writing up the contest rules should include references to all relevant code sections, tax or otherwise.
Fearless Fund would have to pay a tax on their grants, however, since they are not granting them on a objective and nondiscriminatory basis.
I’m pretty sure that a 501(c)(3) non-profit isn’t allowed to engage in arbitrary activities merely by paying taxes on those activities. The non-profit’s activities have to be part of their identified tax-exempt purpose. Issuing discriminatory grants would not be compatible with non-profit status.
"Section 1981 protects all racial groups, not just racial minorities"
That's interesting, because here is the relevant text I found for 42 U.S. Code § 1981:
"All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory *to make and enforce contracts*, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property *as is enjoyed by white citizens*, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind, and to no other." [emphasis added]
This seems to mean that so long as you have the same rights as a white citizen, you've gotten your rights under this law.
Do the plaintiffs here claim that they've been given fewer rights than white citizens?
The Margrave of Azilla: The purely textual argument, I take it, would be that all persons within the jurisdiction of the U.S. shall have the same right as is enjoyed by white citizens -- no less but also no more. But beyond that, you might look at McDonald v. Santa Fe Trail Transp. Co. (1976), where Justice Marshall, writing for the majority, concluded that the law does protect whites against race discrimination.
Hmm…
The Court grudgingly acknowledged that “a mechanical reading” might exclude white persons from the law’s benefits. It made use of legislative history to “prove” that white people were protected.
I believe that Scalia did a massive takedown of the idea that legislative history could affect the meaning of a law’s text.
The law is the stuff which gets through the legislative body. If the Congresscritters and legislative staff knew that the courts would be looking at legislative history, they could do an end run around the normal legislative process and, through floor statements and committee reports, create a “legislative record” that the law doesn’t mean what it says.
I’m as much against anti-white discrimination as anyone, but proclaiming that whites have the same rights as white persons doesn’t seem to help them in the 1981 context.
There’s always the 1964 Act for prohibiting anti-white discrimination. But the same flexibility of interpretation which puts whites into 1981 has sometimes been used to read them out of the 1964 Act.
Two thoughts:
1. What non-black people are beating down the door trying to get this funding?
2. It seems like the mistake this group made was making their requirements explicitly discriminatory. Even the UNCF doesn’t require that its recipients be black, even though most are. Why not have specific marketing and recruitment without the explicit requirement?
wink wink
Jonathansingletary 12 hours ago
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Mute User
Two thoughts:
2. It seems like the mistake this group made was making their requirements explicitly discriminatory. Even the UNCF doesn’t require that its recipients be black, even though most are. Why not have specific marketing and recruitment without the explicit requirement?
In response to Jonathan's second point,
Revenue Ruling 75-50 requires annual advertising to the community at large for private schools. This was a revenue ruling in response to the formation of non profit schools for continued segregation that were created after Brown V Board of education decision requiring the integration of schools. While not directly on point, - it does note that the marketing/advertising has to be to the community at large at least for non profit schools .
You're just running around Googling all sorts of stuff you aren't reading carefully, eh?
1. Revenue Ruling 75-50 is, as your other IRS examples, part of the requirements for nonprofit status. It does not have a private right of action, so you are not gonna see a lawsuit about it I don't think.
2. UNCF is not a private school - it is the United Negro College Fund. Revenue Ruling 75-50 does not apply to it.
3. Revenue Ruling 75-50 is also not about grants. It is a notice requirement wherein a private nonprofit school must publicize its "racially nondiscriminatory policy regarding students."
Other than that great comment.
Sacastro - As stated in the opinion - the entity making the grants is a private foundation. It is subject to section 4945 of the IRC.
1) Nonprofit private foundations are subject to that reg. Probably the case here, but you should probably understand the distinction since it's the jurisdictional hook for the IRS authority.
2) This case is not about that regulation.
The mistake was trying to help black women. That put a target on their backs.
Two Trump judges. The outcome was obvious from the panel draw.
So that means they interpreted the law correctly?
The fact that you made this comment evinces that you don't honestly believe it to be the case.
Simon - does the 14th amendment to the US constitution have any meaning to you?
Not a Fourteenth Amendment case, dipshit.
the anti discrimination provisions of 42 USC 1981 are valid because of the 14th amendment to the US Constitution. The case is absolutely about the application of 14A
Section 1981 is an exercise of the Thirteenth Amendment power, not the Fourteenth. And since the defendants didn't challenge the constitutionality of the statute, this case isn't about either one.
Other than that, great comment!
Amendment XIII
Section 1.
Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
Section 2.
Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Nosctur - explain section 1981 is an exercise of 13A which has to do with the elimination of slavery vs 14a which deals with equal rights, due process, EP etc
Well for one, it was passed in 1866, before the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified. Also, the Supreme Court has repeatedly concluded that the 14th Amendment doesn't confer the power to require equal treatment by private actors, and so can't give authority for this kind of law. The Thirteenth Amendment and the necessary and proper clause, on the other hand, not only demands the prohibition of slavery itself, but allows Congress to take appropriate actions to "abolish[] all badges and incidents of slavery in the United States". For a discussion of this point, see The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883), and for a more modern interpretation, Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co., 392 U.S. 409 (1968).
noc - check the history
Historical Background
Section 1981 was originally enacted as § 1 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, an immediately post-Civil War legislative effort to ensure that newly freed slaves received the same rights as other citizens. The Civil War ended in April 1865; the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery in the United States, was ratified later that year. In April 1866, the Civil Rights Act of 1866 became law.
Following ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment, Congress reenacted the 1866 Act as part of the Enforcement Act of 1870, including § 1 of the 1866 Act. The statute was recodified in 1874, but its basic coverage did not change until 1991. It is now codified at 42 U.S.C. § 1981.
14A
Section 1.
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Section 5.
The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.
Noscitur a sociis 9 mins ago
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Section 1981 is an exercise of the Thirteenth Amendment power, not the Fourteenth. And since the defendants didn’t challenge the constitutionality of the statute, this case isn’t about either one.
Other than that, great comment!
Noc- I suspect that the defendants didnt challenge the constitutionality of the statute because they didnt want to look foolish.
What is a 'grant contracting programs?'
Grants are not contracts. This is not coherent.
In grants programs there is no consideration, unless you count any reporting requirements as consideration. Grants do not acquire anything by the individual or institution making the outlay.
Section 1981 isn't limited to contracts. ("Full and equal benefit of all laws . . .") Also, the grantee typically does make contractual promises via agreements signed both at the time of application and when receiving funds. Ironically, promises to refrain from discrimination on the basis of race in hiring, etc., are usually among them.
Check the text:
"all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind, and to no other."
Grants agreements are contracts, but they take place after source selection.
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I think the policy in the case is fine; I have no issue with a general prohibition on race or gender targeted grants.
I just don't like the court conflating grants and contracts - I get tons of headaches in my job from people thinking they are the same.
A grant falls with in the definition of a contract.
Oxford definition - "A contract is an agreement between two parties that creates an obligation to perform (or not perform) a particular duty."
Once selected for a grant, an individual signs a contract to abide by certain terms and conditions.
But the issue in the case here is about selections in a grantmaking program.
It can’t be about the post-selection grants agreement.
Contracting programs are distinct from grantmaking programs.
I have zero issue with preventing discrimination in awards of grants, contracts, cooperative agreements, prizes, what-have-you. But the contracts/grants distinction is important.
I think that there are issues with this decision (standing is a huge one, and I am not fully convinced by the majority's FA analysis), but ...
Isn't this a restriction on the application a restriction on the ability to make a contract? Because you aren't eligible to enter a contract.
The requirement that there be a competitive application process applies to contracts.
Programmatically, (i.e. at the application stage) grants are not a contact or a subset of contract or anything like that. Utterly different laws apply. Federal acquisition regulation does not apply to grants *at all*.
I understand your point, but I don't know that the distinction you are making applies to the Constitutional language.
In other words, if the grant leads to a contract, then discrimination in the application means that the right to make a contract is being affected.
As an example, saying that you are prohibiting a certain race for applying to a program that would lead to a mortgage restricts their right to make a contract, even though technically the contract comes at a later stage.
At least, that's how I view.
In other words, while I understand the distinction you are making, I am not sure that it applies in this context.
I don't think the grants selection process is making or enforcing a contract.
It's not at all clear to me this organization even uses grants agreements - terms and conditions are a federal government thing.
Bottom line, when I see contracts in a statute, I don't apply it to grants, absent an explicit expansion of scope in the statute itself. I'm not an General Counsel, but I do chop on my fair share of solicitations.
Again, I think you are articulating a useful distinction ...
But if you look at the actual facts in this case, it's not great.
The contest explicitly said it was a contract, and only changed the wording after the lawsuit. And while they removed the words "[THIS IS] A CONTRACT" I still think that it happens to be one.
It's really hard to argue the contract angle when you called it a contract.
I've been looking for other examples of this statute being applied to grants, federal or private.
I can't find one, but I did find one applying to federal loans, which surprised me.
That's too clever by half. Even if they hadn't themselves called it a contract, you can't escape the force of § 1981 by breaking up contracting into two steps and screening by race at the first step.
"No, I'm not refusing to sell my house to black people; if one of them made the highest offer I'd be willing to accept it. Oh, but I am saying that they're ineligible to submit an offer in the first place."
A grant is a type of contract. A subset of contract.
Once granted, it becomes an enforcable contract.
Quit pretending otherwise.
A grant is a type of contract. A subset of contract.
Only the case after award, and only in relations to the grants agreement not the solicitation/competition process.
Quit pretending otherwise.
Of course. I'm lying. Gotta be, because Joe is never wrong about things.
Loki has corrected you twice
The only person repetitively wrong has been you
Loki is asking questions not correcting me. And I'm answering him with what I know.
Note the contrast to how you came in and accused me of lying. (And now just being wrong? You're not even consistent in your accusations).
Sarcastro - try to read Loki's comments
"Isn’t this a restriction on the application a restriction on the ability to make a contract? Because you aren’t eligible to enter a contract."
"In other words, if the grant leads to a contract, then discrimination in the application means that the right to make a contract is being affected."
"As an example, saying that you are prohibiting a certain race for applying to a program that would lead to a mortgage restricts their right to make a contract, even though technically the contract comes at a later stage."
In summation - the grants in question are types of contracts.
Section 4945 of the internal revenue code as noted above bars discrimination in the grant program for private foundations.
Is this case about Section 4945 of the Internal Revenue Code?
Section 4945 of the IRC absolutely applies.
However, the case was brought under 42 USC 1981 because that is the statute that the individual has a right of action ( presuming standing as Loki notes).
A taxpayer/individual doesnt have a right of action (standing) to enforce anything under title 26 except for issues directly affecting that specific individual.
So the IRS stuff you've been posting all over is off topic and not well understood.
As you have amply demonstrated, the application of Section 4945 is not understood by you.
OK, educate me - why did you bring it up in this thread about this case?
Several others have tried to educate you including giving you citations to the relevant statutes.
The defendants in this case appear to feel differently.
A private, race-conscious remedial program, the Court said, is valid if it (1) addresses "manifest racial imbalances" and (2) doesn't "unnecessarily trammel" the rights of others or "create[] an absolute bar to" the advancement of other employees…. Fearless's contest … unquestionably "create[s] an absolute bar" to the advancement of non-black business owners….
How does it create an absolute bar to the advancement of non-black business owners? Does giving some money to black business owners prevent non-black business owners from starting and running their businesses successfully? This part of the argument is fairly ridiculous, in my view.
That part struck me as daft, too. Highly motivated and lightly reasoned "analysis," in my judgment.
In what way is a non-black, non-female applicant able to advance in this program?
It doesn’t mean “advancement” in some metaphysical or existential sense—it means advancement in the race- or sex-conscious program itself. For instance, the job-training in Johnson v. Transportation Agency (the case that the quotation is from) still allowed male employees to receive consideration for the positions at issue, so the employees still had a chance to participate. And in Steelworkers v. Weber, where the test came from, the job-training program only reserved half of the spots for black employees, letting white employees participate in the other half. Here, white or male applicants are completely precluded from participating altogether.
But is it a right to compete for a grant from a private entity?
For instance, the job-training in Johnson v. Transportation Agency (the case that the quotation is from) still allowed male employees to receive consideration for the positions at issue, so the employees still had a chance to participate.
Those men were already employees of the private entity, so competing for job-training programs within the company seems like a straightforward benefit employees could expect to be offered fairly. But the grant is being offered to those that have no prior connection to the grant-giver or expectation of being offered anything. It still seems like a non-black business owner complaining that there is some private foundation offering grants only to black business owners is going out of their way to stop someone from trying to help a historically and currently disadvantaged group. I can't imagine that this was the intent of the applicable laws. If nothing else, I agree with loki13's analogy below about people filing lawsuits against "Lady's Nights."
I mean, yes? Isn’t the whole point of the civil rights acts the right to be assessed fairly, free from racial discrimination?
So, you are saying that no program run by private groups that limited benefits to racial minorities has ever been legal once the Civil Rights Act was passed? That's the logic of what you and this case seem to say, as far as I can tell.
Anyway, a final comment building on the above.
1. I still think that Rosenbaum is correct on standing. But that would have been easy enough to rectify for a new suit.
2. I am still unconvinced by the majority's FA analysis, but it's not obviously wrong; it's certainly arguable.
3. This suit reminds of the lawsuits people were filing against "Lady's Nights" at bars. Yeah, I get it. It's a violation. But you shouldn't feel too proud of yourselves.
If you make something illegal, don’t be shocked and appalled if someone tries to enforce that illegality.
Congress could certainly legalize *private* race-based grants, but if Congress makes them illegal, someone’s probably going to invoke the rights they’ve been given.
It does look like a common libertarian or libertarian-ish position that affirmative action is wrong, and the law should be color blind now. That would be reasonable if there wasn't still such large differences in the economic status of various minority groups left over from the times of overt, systematic discrimination. It is also less reasonable knowing that economic mobility is lower now than it was when the Civil Rights movement made its most important legal victories. We cannot expect disadvantaged minorities to simply catch up now that we've supposedly solved discrimination. The legacies of historic racism will be with us for much longer without concerted efforts to correct those errors.
Ironically, these kinds of attacks are most often intended to extend the impacts of "the times of overt, systematic discrimination" by dismantling any program designed to reverse those impacts. We've merely replaced "overt" with "covert" these days.
What surprises me is that people giving out grants like this aren't smart enough to adjust with the times. Allow any small business to apply but just make one condition of the grant a plan for using it to improve and expand the successes of small, black women-owned businesses. If a white male-owned small business can come up with a great plan for that, it's a net gain. Anonymous bigots, though, would likely not even bother to apply.