The Volokh Conspiracy
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Unanimous Supreme Court Adopts the Sword-Shield Dichotomy To Explain How Constitutional Rights Can Be Litigated
Justice Thomas: “constitutional rights are generally invoked defensively in cases arising under other sources of law, or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent cause of action designed for that purpose”
[This post is co-authored with Professor Seth Barrett Tillman].
On April 16, 2024, the Supreme Court decided DeVillier v. Texas. The question presented was whether "a person whose property is taken without compensation [may] seek redress under the self-executing Takings Clause even if the legislature has not affirmatively provided them with a cause of action." However, the Court did not need to answer that question because "Texas law provides a cause of action that allows property owners to vindicate their rights under the Takings Clause." The Court unanimously ruled that DeVillier's claims could "proceed under Texas' state-law cause of action."
Justice Thomas wrote the unanimous opinion for the Court. Thomas provided a brief summary of how constitution rights can be litigated in federal court:
Constitutional rights do not typically come with a built-in cause of action to allow for private enforcement in courts. See Egbert v. Boule, 596 U. S. 482, 490–491 (2022). Instead, constitutional rights are generally invoked defensively in cases arising under other sources of law, or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent cause of action designed for that purpose, see, e.g., 42 U. S. C. §1983. (slip op. at 5.)
Here, Justice Thomas describes the sword-shield dichotomy that we had advanced during the Fourteenth Amendment, Section 3 litigation. When a constitutional right is "asserted offensively," it must be brought pursuant to an "independent cause of action designed for that purpose," such as Section 1983. By contrast, a constitutional right can be "invoked defensively" without a cause of action in a criminal prosecution or some other state enforcement action. This simple dichotomy reconciles Griffin's Case (C.C.D. Va. 1869) (Chase, C.J.) and the Case of Jefferson Davis (C.C.D. Va. 1868) (Chase, C.J. and Underwood, D.J.). It also makes sense of much of the Court's remedies doctrine.
Justice Thomas cited Egbert v. Boule, but this case only concerned a limitation on the Bivens (1971) remedy. That case did not speak to the offense/defense or sword/shield dichotomy. Thomas only cited Section 1983 itself, which does not directly support the proposition at issue. Still, we think the Court has clarified the law here in an important fashion. As best as we can recall, DeVillier is the cleanest statement of this principle in the Court's precedents. (Accord Cale v. City of Covington, 586 F.2d 311 (4th Cir. 1978) (citing Griffin's Case).) Federal courts casebooks should take note. If only Justice Thomas had cited Griffin's Case! For those interested in reading further, we discuss the sword-shield dichotomy in Sweeping and Forcing (pp. 389–404); see also Anderson v. Griswold, Colo., 543 P.3d 283, 348, 351 & n.7, 356 (Colo. Dec. 19, 2023) (Samour, J., dissenting) (citing Sweeping and Forcing, supra) (adopting the sword-shield dichotomy as basis for dismissing plaintiffs' purported Section 3 action).
We are grateful that our theory of constitutional litigation has seen resonance in the courts.
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>Instead, constitutional rights are generally invoked defensively in cases arising under other sources of law, or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent cause of action designed for that purpose, see, e.g., 42 U. S. C. §1983. <
Where do state election laws allowing eligible voters to challenge someone's placement on the state ballot under the 14th amend fall on this line?
I'm not sure that formulation makes sense. If it needs a state law to allow voters to challenge it, then it isn't "under the 14th amendment".
So I would repeat..."constitutional rights are generally invoked...in cases arising under *other sources of law* [a statute] or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent *cause of action* [statute] designed for that purpose."
A state election statute allowing challenges because someone doesn't meet the constitutional [whether 14th amend or other federal constitutional sections dealing with age/birth] qualifications of the office seems to fit at least one of the above.
The state law provides the cause of action. The 14th amendment is the substantive law. That is exactly what the offensive prong is saying
Here's the problem. Let's say there's a "Taking"--if there's no self-executing con law right to go after the government, then you're just okaying self-help.
Even if you're upset at a court decision you're not allowed to kill government officials. This is clear to most people.
Clingers love to circle-cite each other, even . . . . maybe especially . . . with respect to dissents.
If the law is on your side, pound the law.
If the facts are on your side, pound the facts.
If neither is on your side, pound your shoe.
When I went to law school, it was "pound the table" . . .
Which you apparently had a great deal of practice in.
Still not convinced you're a lawyer.
Well, maybe a South Texas College of Law Houston graduate. That I could see. Or Ave Maria, Regent, or Liberty, I suppose. Does Oral Roberts still have a law school?
I agree up to a point. Traditionally, Constitutional violations were addressed through common law causes of action. For example, an unlawful search of a home would be a trespass. However, as states have moved to limit common law remedies, we are no longer in an analogous world. If the Court were to hold that the states could not abolish common law remedies for Constitutional violations, I would agree that the Constitutional violation needs an independent cause of action to be used offensively. But I also think it's simpler just to allow the offensive remedy directly under the Constitution since it's effectively the same thing.
Were they? Aren't states immune from most causes of action, including for constitutional violations, under the common law due to sovereign immunity? Isn't that the point of state tort claim acts, to waive immunity so people can sue the state for certain types of neglience?
In the founding era, as I understand it, sovereign immunity protected the state, not the individuals working for the state. So, you'd go after the individual functionary, not the government they worked for, if they violated your rights.
So, say the local government has somebody search your house, and they don't have a warrant? They're legally a burglar, it's their crime, not the government's.
If you worked for the government, you really needed to be clear that the orders you were acting on were legal...
Thank goodness we now have qualified immunity, absolute immunity, discretionary immunity, Congressional immunity, Presidential immunity, diplomatic immunity, consular immunity, prosecutorial immunity, judicial immunity, arbitral immunity and other forms of official immunity to protect modern day government officials!
Sorry, you're correct. The state officials would be liable because they had no lawful authority to do what they did (their actions would be void ab initio even if done in good faith).
Yeah, I mentioned it earlier but the legal geniuses salivating for a defeat for President Trump were utterly clueless, as usual.
A Thomas decision supported by Blackman and Tillman. Haven't read the actual reasoning yet, but based on the support of those three legal stooges I'm sure it's intellectually and constitutionally asinine.
The decision was also unanimously supported by the rest of the Court.
All he had to do was read the first word of the title of this blog post to discover that it was unanimous, but that proved too difficult for him.
The decision doesn't mention Blackman or Tillman, so far as I could determine.
How much of an endorsement was this, and to what degree did anyone rely on the work of Blackman and Tillman in this context?
Unanimous because of the procedural history of the case, not because they address the constitutional question.
You see, I did read the blog post. But then I did the even more difficult thing of having reading comprehension and critical thinking skills, applying them to what I actually read in the blog, knowing the difference between a holding and dicta, and concluding that Uncle Thomas likely spewed Federalist Society constitutional bullshit in dicta which Blackman and Tillman got boners for, but just wished he could have included the even more stupid Griffin’s Case so they could finish circlejerking each other off.
Which, by the way, I was right about.
Next are you going to try to persuade us that South Texas College of Law Houston is not a good law school?
There was no dissent, nor were there concurrences. That means that Thomas's position was supported by every Justice.
Any Justice could have concurred with the holding but not join the full opinion, yet no Justice did that.
Imagine that.
“There was no dissent, nor were there concurrences. That means that Thomas’s position was supported by every Justice.”
You wrote this in response to someone who pointed out that the case was unanimous due to the procedural history of the case which dictated the result and, so, everyone agreed with the actual holding and not the dicta which Blackman stretches to interpret as supporting his views on the 14th Amendment. You apparently interpret the 9-0 vote as indicating unanimous agreement with Blackman’s strained interpretation of dicta in the case.
Tell me you didn’t go to law school without telling me you didn’t go to law school. Or was it South Texas College of Law Houston?
Tell me you didn’t go to law school without telling me you didn’t go to law school.
I have always been open about not being a lawyer.
and not the dicta
Surely you- as an esteemed lawyer- would know that Justices could concur with the result but not join the part of an opinion that they don’t agree with. When Justices don’t exclude themselves from parts of the opinion, what would you make of that?
Surely you aren’t arguing that Justice Alito doesn’t agree with Thomas’s dicta!
It means the holding in the case was supported by every Justice. It means the other Justices didn't give Uncle Thomas's "sword and shield" dictum the same tortured academic significance that the legal geniuses who brought you such analysis as "the President is not an Officer of the US" do.
By the way, Uncle Thomas doesn't talk about "sword and shield" constitutional rights. That bullshit is Blackman and Tillman's invention. They are just excited that they can use Uncle Thomas's description of constitutional rights dictum to support their stupid analogy so they can write another stupid paper no one will read or care about.
…the same tortured academic significance that the legal geniuses who brought you such analysis as “the President is not an Officer of the US” do.
Yes, it was such an awful, tortured idea that the Colorado district court agreed with it!
I’m of the opinion that most people who reflexively disagree with Blackman-Tillman’s argument either don’t understand it or are so full of hatred for all things Trump that they are actually incapable of understanding it.
That’s last one is especially so for people who deride it in such a manner.
By the way, Uncle Thomas doesn’t talk about “sword and shield” constitutional rights.
It’s called an “analogy.”
https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/analogy
I literally call it a "stupid analogy" in my response.
It has nothing to do with Trump. It's a harmful, dangerous analogy that suggests that some constitutional rights are "sword rights" and some are "shield rights" and "sword rights" require implementing legislation because they are offensive rights, and "shield rights" don't because they are defensive. That makes it much easier to nullify "sword rights" by simply not passing implementing legislation.
I think that is the wrong way to interpret constitutional rights, it's a dangerous way to interpret constitutional rights, and I find it troubling that Thomas suggested it is the way he interprets constitutional rights. I do not respect Blackman or Tillman--as either scholars, lawyers, or Americans--for advancing such a dangerous theory and interpretation of American constitutional law, and I haven't respected Thomas's opinions in a long, long time.
But you're so "rah rah Team Trump suck it libs" that you don't even consider the underlying positions or their implications.
Because the facts are stupid and the Court didn't decide the actual constitutional issue. The procedural punt was pretty obvious.
But the supposed "textualists" who cite to themselves to say things like "Constitutional rights do not typically come with a built in cause of action to allow for private enforcement in courts," when the Constitution says nothing about "causes of action" or "private enforcement," are constitutionally and intellectually asinine.
Constitutional rights are constitutional rights, and the legislature shouldn't be able to deprive the people of constitutional rights by simply not passing implementing legislation.
Absolutely agree.
It seems obvious that if you cannot remedy your rights when infringed, you don't really have those rights.
I can identify something that is "intellectually and constitutionally asinine" but it's not the current unanimous SCOTUS opinion.
Argumentum ad hominem est argumentum stulti.
Are you sure you've considered the facts of this case, and what (or who) is "intellectually and constitutionally asinine" here?
The courts have made a mess of constitutional rights enforcement. And the sword and shield does help a little to make some sense of it.
The shield is certainly effective in terms of providing a process to set aside laws that on their face violate constitutional rights. That is a clear application of the Supremacy Clause which give the courts power to enjoin laws that violate constitutional rights.
The messy part is remedies when rights have been violated, the Bivens head fake, qualified immunity, as applied challenges, and sometimes indifferent state protection of constitutional rights, as shown by this case where Texas first tried a catch 22, strategy, first removing the case to federal court then moving for dismissal because a remedy was theoretically available in state court.
Its the sword providing redress when constitutional rights are violated, that has been made a mess
In most cases, 42 USC 1983 covers it. At least as to state actors.
So 42 USC 1983 is where qualified immunity was enacted?
All this time I thought it was a court made mess, that prevented people from getting redress for constitutional rights violations.
And of course that doesn't cover the Bivens head fake where the courts first offered a remedy for constitutional violations by federal officers (after the Westfall act forclosed state law suits), then said Bivens was not available to just about any other case.
Stevens wrote in Middlesex County, 1981(Concurring and Dissenting in part), speaking of federal.law, but I think also apt when discussing court doctrines addressing constitutional violations:
"When should a person injured by a violation of federal law be allowed to recover his damages in a federal court? This seemingly simple question has recently presented the Court with more difficulty than most substantive questions that come before us. During most of our history, however, a simple presumption usually provided the answer. Although criminal laws and legislation enacted for the benefit of the public at large were expected to be enforced by public officials, a statute enacted for the benefit of a special class presumptively afforded a remedy for members of that class injured by violations of the statute.
our truly conservative federal judges -- men like Justice Harlan, Justice Clark, Justice Frankfurter, and Judge Kirkpatrick - readily concluded that it was appropriate to allow private parties who had been injured by a violation of a statute enacted for their special benefit to obtain judicial relief. For rules are meant to be obeyed, and those who violate them should be held responsible for their misdeeds. Since the earliest days of the common law, it has been the business of courts to fashion remedies for wrongs.
In recent years, however, a Court that is properly concerned about the burdens imposed upon the federal judiciary, the quality of the work product of Congress, and the sheer bulk of new federal legislation, has been more and more reluctant to open the courthouse door to the injured citizen. "
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/453/1/
It is a thorny question, when every traffic stop, or social media post, involves a potential constitutional violation, how do the federal courts vindicate rights, especially for relatively minor transgressions, without becoming overwhelmed. To at least some degree, when almost everything has a remedy, almost nothing does, because the courts will never get to it.
That sound you're hearing is me bookmarking this opinion the next time someone tells me that Section 3 of the 14th Amendment is self-executing.
I'll say it again: Congress meant what it said when it wrote Section 5.
Then explain why jurists think the equal protection clause of the same amendment would be enforceable without implementing legislation?
The Supremacy Clause (the shield) is always self executing. But 14th amendment enforcement like VRA preclearance needs congressional legislation to enact, its not self executing by the courts.
And once Congress acts, then any wiggle room is removed, and the remedy Congress provides precludes other enforcement mechanisms. See Sea Clammers Doctrine: "In the absence of strong indicia of a contrary congressional intent, it must be concluded that Congress provided precisely the remedies it considered appropriate."
But I have to admit these Supreme Court Alt History discussions are fun. Trying to figure out what the law might be if the Supreme Court hadn't ruled unanimously barely 2 months ago is endlessly entertaining.
Because the EP clause guarantees equal protection of the law, it dictates HOW laws will be enforced. It's a rule of application, every law is 'enabling legislation' for it. That would be my take on that.
There are two basic problems with the "self-executing" Section 3.
1) Section 3 applies to people who are guilty of an act which is a federal crime. State officials, even state courts, are not entitled to find people guilty of federal crimes. And we have a constitutionally established way of finding people guilty of federal crimes: Federal criminal trials!
It doesn't HAVE to be this way, under Section 5, Congress could have set things up differently, and in fact did at one time. There was a quo warranto action federal AGs could enforce Section 3 by. But, that got repealed in 1948! Right now, (As I correctly predicted the Court would rule!) the only route for Section 3 enforcement is conviction for insurrection in a felony trial.
2) It was never intended that Section 3 would be enforced "by" the states, it was intended to be enforced against the states. It was adopted to apply to states that wouldn't have honestly enforced it if not subject to military occupation.
Quo warranto might even still exist in DC.
I'm surprised that no one in the lawfare crowd has tried to use it yet.
I'm not sure what basis there would be for it in DC; As I said, the statute allowing for it got repealed in 1948.
The Federal statute for quo warranto was repealed, but not the local DC ordinance:
https://code.dccouncil.gov/us/dc/council/code/titles/16/chapters/35
I'm sure it did. The question is what it said, though. For instance, what we know it didn't say was "exclusive."
Yes, and while the Constitution says that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation, it nowhere says that takings are exclusively to be for public use. So the government can take private property for shits and giggles WITHOUT paying compensation, right?
Similarly, while it says that warrants shall not issue without this and that, it nowhere says you NEED a warrant. So the government can escape probable cause requirements and judicial approval by just not bothering to get a warrant!
David, this is just sophistry you're engaged in. This is how people interpret the Constitution when they're looking for loopholes. Stop looking for loopholes.
"Similarly, while it says that warrants shall not issue without this and that, it nowhere says you NEED a warrant. So the government can escape probable cause requirements and judicial approval by just not bothering to get a warrant!"
I'm fairly certain that both Scalia and Thomas have said exactly that. The barrier for 4th A. seraches is reasonableness, not a warrant requirement. I think Scalia hedged a bit saying that possibly in some cases no warrant would be unreasonable, but it was still all about reasonableness. That is why we have so many "exceptions" to the warrant requirement.
Yes, sometimes the Justices themselves engage in this sort of sophistry, where they think the actual terms of the Constitution are too inconvenient. Like this business of supposedly not having a right to a jury trial for minor criminal offenses, when the actual Bill of Rights says “all”. Or completely blowing off the $20 threshold for jury trials in civil cases.
Early Court precedent on the warrant requirement was indeed that it was absolute, but it was absolute as a defense for the officer conducting the search. Here’s Dorf on the topic:
” Some scholarship shows that the Founding-era understanding was that a warrant provided officers with immunity from liability in tort. If a federal officer executed a warrantless entry and search, he could be sued for trespass, but a warrant would provide a defense. Thus, even without requiring warrants, the Fourth Amendment could protect privacy by incentivizing officers to obtain warrants, and then only based on probable cause. And that understanding makes sense not just of the practice at the Founding but of the text itself.”
The officer wasn't actually precluded from executing a warrantless search, but they did so at their own risk, as they were acting criminally if they did so.
As Dorf goes on to note, modern doctrines such as
unqualified immunity have gutted that particular enforcement mechanism."The question is what it said, though"
Not really, because there are innumerable assertions of what it says.
However one such assertion of what it says is controlling. And the controlling answer to the question both in this case and the section 3 case is when a remedy is provided by Congress, or in this case the state legislature that remedy is the sole permissible avenue for resolving the question.
That remedy may be imperfect but it is a better solution for a legislative body to craft the remedy than leave it up to every judge or petty official to craft their own remedy.
One thought I had is that even when we describe it as a “shield,” the 14th Amendment still isn’t actually being executed by a defendant.
Instead, the 14th Amendment limits the laws or powers being asserted by government despite what the law says, and all that a defendant is doing is reminding the courts of those limitations on the powers/laws that government is asserting.
That would mean that we’re only referring to the 14th Amendment as being self-executable when used as a “shield” because it’s easier to describe it that way.
It’s kind of like how prominent people try to explain Hawking radiation as being virtual particle-antiparticle pairs where the antiparticle falls into the black hole and the other particle zips away.
That’s not how it actually works, but it persists in the public consciousness because QFT is hard to wrap your head around and explain to laymen. It’s easier to visualize particle pairs and not dwell on it too much.
I'm afraid this is all Greek to me.
What I discern from this is that there's a bit of the constitution that says the government can't take your property without compensation, but if they do, you can't sue them for the money unless the government has passed a law saying you can.
It's very kind of Texas to have such a law, of course, but if your constitutional rights depend on the kindness of the government voluntarliy giving you a formal "cause of action" in addition to your constitutional right, it seems to me that you didn't have much by way of a constitutional right in the first place.
Even with laws allowing for it, suing the government has always been an uphill fight.
On the other hand, being able to raise constitutional provisions in criminal matters without an enabling statute is precious beyond all measure.
suing the government has always been an uphill fight
No doubt, but that doesn’t really alter my point. Which is that if you can only enforce your right against the government with the government’s kind permission, you don’t have a right. Which is not quite how the constitution is worded.
being able to raise constitutional provisions in criminal matters without an enabling statute is precious beyond all measure
Very gracious of the courts – allowing you to claim your constitutional rights when the government is trying to jail you in defiance of them.
What do you call a thousand lawyers at the bottom of the sea, eh ?
How gracious that we have a constitution at all!
Nihilism has its limits, and you've reached them. Good day.
Yeah, but that's not what the court ruled, what they really ruled is if the law does provide a process to get compensation, then you have to use that process. if I understand Ilya's post, they ruled that Texas had a remedy provided in state law, then since Texas had the case removed to federal court, then the federal court can apply that remedy. From the decision syllabus:
"But those cases do not directly confront whether the Takings Clause provides a cause of action. It would be imprudent
to decide that question without first establishing the premise in the
question presented that no other cause of action exists to vindicate the
property owner’s rights under the Takings Clause. Texas state law
does provide an inverse-condemnation cause of action by which property owners may seek just compensation against the State based on both the Texas Constitution and the Takings Clause. This case therefore does not present the circumstance in which a property owner has no cause of action to seek just compensation. The Court therefore remands so that DeVillier and the other property owners may proceed
through the cause of action available under Texas law."
They implied that if there was no other remedy available the courts could address it, but left that ruling for another day.
Interesting. As a general rule, the one time I have heard about the "sword/shield" in terms of Constitutional rights is with respect to the Fifth Amendment.
"We think the view of the Court of Appeals would convert the privilege from the shield against compulsory self-incrimination which it was intended to be into a sword whereby a claimant asserting the privilege would be freed from adducing proof in support of a burden which would otherwise have been his." See, e.g., US v. Rylander, 460 US 752, 758 (1983).
It's generally used to mean that someone cannot both use it for protection (shield) and then turn it into a weapon (sword). This is common in civil cases when a plaintiff wants to avoid discovery by invoking the Fifth (shield) but the deprivation of that information would disadvantage the defendant (sword).
Anyway, given that this is a well-known phasing, and given it doesn't appear Thomas used it, I don't think it should be borrowed for this context. It's enough to invoke the common idea that as a general rule, constitutional rights do not provide a right of action in and of themselves.