The Volokh Conspiracy
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SCOTUS: Unexplained Stays For Me, But Not For Thee
In the Trump immunity case, SCOTUS effectively granted a stay without considering the likelihood of success on the merits.
In Trump v. United States (the immunity case), the Supreme Court ordered the D.C. Circuit to "continue withholding issuance of [its] mandate" until the Supreme Court issues a judgement. At Lawfare, Jack Goldsmith (no relation to Jack Smith) and
Tom Koenig offer a wonky breakdown of the Court's order. Here, I'd like to flag one aspect of the per curiam order that bears on a topic of recent interest: unexplained stays that avoid the four-factor test from Nken v. Holder. Goldsmith and Koenig write:
We cannot find any square precedent for the Supreme Court's order to a lower court to withhold the issuance of that court's mandate. (Given the difficulty of researching obscure emergency orders, we very well may have missed a precedent.) The Court has withheld issuance of its own mandates. It has "stayed" the issuance of lower federal courts' and state courts' mandates. And it has denied requests to "stay" the issuance of a lower court's mandate. But our research has not turned up a past instance of the Supreme Court directing a lower court to "withhold issuance" of its own mandate.
The first puzzle here is whether this order differs from a stay. The Supreme Court seemed to go out of its way to indicate that it was not issuing a stay when it used the language of "withholding the mandate"; when it ruled that Trump's stay request was moot; and, perhaps, when it stated that it was not implying anything about the merits, which a stay order typically does, since at least a "fair prospect" that the Court will reverse the judgment below, and perhaps even a "likelihood of success on the merits," is needed for a stay. (Both the precise standard for a stay in the Court and whether there is a meaningful difference among the potential standards are unclear; but some merits consideration is typically involved under all the relevant standards.)
Yet the Court's order appears to have the same practical effect as a stay of the mandate: The D.C. Circuit's order cannot go into effect, pending the Supreme Court's review. As the Court explained in Nken v. Holder, an appellate court's stay of a lower court's order temporarily "hold[s]" that order "in abeyance pending review." Here the order the Supreme Court held in abeyance is the D.C. Circuit's order affirming the district court. The D.C. Circuit had already stayed that order by directing the clerk of the court to withhold its issuance temporarily. (As noted above, the D.C. Circuit treats "withhold orders" as stays.) By directing the D.C. Circuit to continue withholding its order affirming the district court, the Supreme Court achieved the same result as a stay.
The Supreme Court did not grant a stay of the D.C. Circuit's judgment. The Supreme Court did not consider the four-factor test from Nken v. Holder. The Supreme Court expressly did not opine on the merits.
It is possible that the Court in its Trump v. United States "continue withholding" directive relied—in part or in whole—on its inherent power to "hold an order in abeyance," in the words of Nken. This might explain why it did not use the language of "stay" and why it could nonetheless dismiss the request for a stay as moot. And it might also explain why the Court could indicate that it had not taken any view of the merits in issuing its order. For the Court's inherent power to hold a lower court order in abeyance in this context might not turn on the traditional stay factors, including a preliminary merits assessment (whether filtered through the "fair prospect" of reversal standard or the "likelihood of success on the merits" standard). Indeed, since the Court granted certiorari on a potentially dispositive interlocutory issue in the same order, it is natural to see its directive to the D.C. Circuit as, in the words of McKenzie, part of an inherent power needed to "render [the Court's] jurisdiction efficacious" without any need to take a view on the merits.
The Supreme Court did exactly what Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh told the Fifth Circuit not to do: issue a temporary shadow docket remedy that puts a lower court ruling on hold without considering whether the suit is likely to succeed on the merits.
The message is loud and clear: unexplained stays for me, but not for thee.
If you read through the rest of Goldsmith and Koenig's post, I think you'll come to the conclusion that--at best--the Court was relying on some sort of "inherent" authority to order the withholding of the mandate without actually issuing a stay. The authors write that such an argument "appears to be a novel basis for a directive of this sort and might imply a much broader power to stop lower court proceedings than the Court has until now recognized." We are in very nebulous grounds here--perhaps yet another facet of the shadow docket that warrants a New York Times best-selling book.
The Supreme Court should get its own emergency docket in order before lecturing the lower courts how to deal with theirs.
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The stay in the D.C. case is imposed by the trial court.
Prof. Blackman has a point. Obviously they were trying to avoid the "likelihood of success" prong by doing it this way.
Having said that, the DC Circuit was being screwy on this point too and gave SCOTUS the opening. The DC Circuit panel decided to use its mandate power to thwart any en banc review, which former President Trump would normally have the right to seek. So that left the loaded weapon out there for SCOTUS to pick up-- there was already an order holding the mandate and SCOTUS was able to just say "hold it further".
I think there more to it: the Court’s wording is a subtle backhand to the panel for depriving Trump of meaningful en banc review. I wish the Court had gone further but I suspect the votes for cert were already there anyways.
I cut the Court some slack on the lack of merit analysis since the district court, appellate panel, the prosecution, and the chattering pundits are all demanding that the issue be decided now, now, now.
To give thoughtful analysis on the merits from the shadow docket would involve like sticking its hand in a blender without the benefit of adequate briefing.
"The DC Circuit panel decided to use its mandate power to thwart any en banc review, which former President Trump would normally have the right to seek."
Trump still had the right to seek en banc review of the panel decision (which was mooted by SCOTUS granting cert). He would just have not enjoyed the continuing benefit of the District Cour's stay of proceedings unless his en banc application was granted.
The point of that was to cut off en banc review and it did. It is disingenous to imply it didn't.
The Supreme Court has stayed executions with no explanation, which is truly immoral.
The SC has also permitted executions without considering factual innocence, and that is orders of magnitude more immoral.
date power to thwart any en banc review, which former President Trump would normally have the right to seek. So that left the loaded
Exactly. There's almost a complete, coherent, sentence in here.
Yes, reply to the bot. That's always a good way to set them straight.
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Procedural consistency in the neutral dispensing of justice necessarily must go out the door when a multi-front political witch-hunt is being waged for unjust reasons, but rather to yield good "optics" before an upcoming election deadline. When an arsonist drives up a mountain road throwing Molotov cocktails first out of the left window and then the right window, you can't blame the fire department for not putting out each fire in the usual deliberate way -- the goal must be to put the fires out quickly.
There is nothing hypocritical here at all. The purpose of a written decision explaining the reasoning of an otherwise non-precedential stay/injunction is to enable appellate review of the discretionary stay/injunction by a higher court. If there is no higher court, there is no need to provide an explanation, and doing so would be proactively harmful.
First, it's not clear what you mean here by "non-precedential." Other than as a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Second, your claim is incorrect. Obviously one purpose of a written decision is to enable appellate review, but another one is to justify the decision to the public. The Court's power — any court's power — comes from people's willingness to obey its orders, which comes from its perceived legitimacy, which comes from people being able to see why it issues the orders it does.
Doesn't the grant of cert automatically prevent the court of appeals from issuing a mandate? I can't find a particular rule (TRAP 41 speaks about staying mandate pending a ruling on cert but doesn't say what happens to the mandate after cert is granted) but it makes sense. After all, issuing a mandate post-cert suggests that the Court of Appeals will direct the District Court after the Supreme Court has taken jurisdiction over the issue.
This is different from staying the underlying case. Because there is no final judgment and the issue is only one part of the case, the trial court could continue on to decide the other issues in the case. Of course, where the question is whether the trial should be held at all, e.g., arbitration, the court held last session that the case must be stayed while an appeal of right is pending. While the writ of cert on immunity isn't of right like the appeal to the Court of Appeals, once cert is granted immunity would seem to fall within that rule, i.e., the court has granted the right to appeal.
So, how do they prosecute Trump if he is immune from prosecution, at least for actions taken why President? My point here is that much of the prosecution depends on the determination that Trump is not immune. Do the courts try Trump anyway, assuming that he isn’t immune? What if he turns out to be immune, on appeal, but was convicted, and loses the election as a result? Does the Supreme Court want to take that chance, esp as to its reputation?
The best way to avoid that nightmare scenario is for the Sup. Ct to get off its fucking ass, and to decide the immunity question quickly. You think both sides couldn’t do decent enough briefs in 2 weeks? You think the incredibly-qualified SCOTUS clerks could not do their research in a few more weeks? Bullshit.
This is an issue that should be decided (not only before the Nov. election, but…) before the Rep. Convention. The Sup. Ct managed to get its head out of its ass and move quickly in “Bush v Gore.” Zero legitimate reason why it could not do so again, here.
Let’s face it: This particular court does not give a rat’s ass about its reputation. I expect that it will slow-walk this, in an effort to maximize Trump’s chances of winning the general election. Judge Cannon writ large.
It is indeed good, to be the King....
It is better to be the culture war's victors, as the current Supreme Court majority seems destined to learn the hard way.
Of course the LawFare people are butt hurt. They were the brains behind the charges in the first place. The very obvious purpose of these prosecutions is to interfere with the election, and this “stay” screws up their timing.
Justice Barrett never said what Professor Blackman attributed to her.
She never said that standardless administrative stays are wrong or should not be done. She explicitly endorsed their use. She merely provided two qualifications:
1. They should only be used to hold things as they were to give a court a small amount of time to make a reasoned merits decision, and
2. They need to be short in duration, lasting only as long as is reasonably necessary to reach a decision.
Those were the only two linitstions she put on them.