The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Seven Fifth Circuit Judges Argue for Reading § 230 Narrowly
From Doe v. Snap, Inc., filed Monday, following and repeatedly quoting Justice Thomas's separate statement respecting denial of certiorari in Malwarebytes, Inc. v. Enigma Software Grp. USA, LLC (2020):
Jennifer Walker Elrod, Circuit Judge, joined by Smith, Willett, Duncan, Engelhardt, Oldham, and Wilson, Circuit Judges, dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc:
John Doe was sexually abused by his high school teacher when he was 15 years old. {Doe's teacher, Bonnie Guess-Mazock, pleaded guilty to sexual assault.} His teacher used Snapchat to send him sexually explicit material. Doe sought to hold Snap, Inc. (the company that owns Snapchat) accountable for its alleged encouragement of that abuse. Bound by our circuit's atextual interpretation of Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, the district court and a panel of this court rejected his claims at the motion to dismiss stage.
The en banc court, by a margin of one, voted against revisiting our erroneous interpretation of Section 230, leaving in place sweeping immunity for social media companies that the text cannot possibly bear. That expansive immunity is the result of "[a]dopting the too-common practice of reading extra immunity into statutes where it does not belong" and "rel[ying] on policy and purpose arguments to grant sweeping protection to Internet platforms." Declining to reconsider this atextual immunity was a mistake.
[1.] The analysis must begin with the text. Section 230 states in relevant part that "[n]o provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider." 47 U.S.C. § 230(c)(1). It further prohibits interactive computer services from being held liable simply for restricting access to "material that the provider or user considers to be obscene, lewd, lascivious, filthy, excessively violent, harassing, or otherwise objectionable …" or for providing individual users with the capability to filter such content themselves. 47 U.S.C. § 230(c)(2). In other words, Section 230 closes off one avenue of liability by preventing courts from treating platforms as the "publishers or speakers" of third-party content. {Publishers are traditionally liable for what they publish as if it were their own speech. Distributors are liable for illicit conduct that they had knowledge of.} Sub-section (c)(1) and (c)(2) say nothing about other avenues to liability such as distributor liability or liability for the platforms' own conduct.
In fact, Section 502 of the Communications Decency Act expressly authorizes distributor liability for knowingly displaying obscene material to minors. This includes displaying content created by a third-party. It strains credulity to imagine that Congress would simultaneously impose distributor liability on platforms in one context, and in the same statute immunize them from that very liability.
Without regard for this text and structure, and flirting dangerously with legislative purpose, our court interpreted Section 230 over a decade ago to provide broad-based immunity, including against design defect liability and distributor liability.
"Courts have also departed from the most natural reading of the text by giving Internet companies immunity for their own content." For example, our circuit previously held that Section 230 protects platforms from traditional design defect claims. See Doe v. MySpace, Inc., (5th Cir. 2008) ("[Plaintiffs'] claims are barred by the CDA, notwithstanding their assertion that they only seek to hold MySpace liable for its failure to implement measures that would have prevented Julie Doe from communicating with" her eventual attacker.). This is notably different from the Ninth Circuit's interpretation, which has allowed some design defect claims to pass the motion to dismiss stage. See Lemmon v. Snap, Inc. (9th Cir. 2021) (holding that Snap is not entitled to immunity under Section 230 for claims arising out of the "'predictable consequences of' designing Snapchat in such a way that it allegedly encourages dangerous behavior").
Immunity from design defect claims is neither textually supported nor logical because such claims fundamentally revolve around the platforms' conduct, not third-party conduct. Nowhere in its text does Section 230 provide immunity for the platforms' own conduct. Here, Doe brings a design defect claim. He alleges that Snap should have stronger age-verification requirements to help shield minors from potential predators. He further alleges that because "reporting child molesters is not profitable," Snap "buries its head in the sand and remains silent." Product liability claims do not treat platforms as speakers or publishers of content. "Instead, Doe seeks to hold Snap liable for designing its platform to encourage users to lie about their ages and engage in illegal behavior through the disappearing message feature."
That our interpretation of Section 230 is unmoored from the text is reason enough to reconsider it. But it is unmoored also from the background legal principles against which it was enacted.
Congress did not enact Section 230 in a vacuum. Congress used the statutory terms "publisher" and "speaker" against a legal background that recognized the separate category of "distributors." Just a year prior to the enactment of the Communications Decency Act, for example, a New York state court held an internet message board liable as a publisher of the defamatory comments made by third-party users of the site, declining to treat the platform as a distributor. The distinction is relevant because distributors are only liable for illegal content of which they had or should have had knowledge. Section 230 merely directs courts not to treat platforms as publishers of third-party content….
Congress drafted a statute precluding a particular avenue to liability, while leaving others, such as design defect and distributor liability, untouched. Our court upset that balance, leaving plaintiffs like Doe without recourse for a host of conduct Congress did not include in the text.
[2.] Deviation from statutory text is often justified by some using an appeal to the needs of a changing world. Our jurisprudence on Section 230 perhaps shows why such attempts at judicial policymaking are as futile as they are misguided. For here, our atextual transformation of Section 230 into a blunt instrument conferring near-total immunity has rendered it particularly ill-suited to the realities of the modern internet.
As the internet has exploded, internet service providers have moved from "passive facilitators to active operators." {Large, modern-day internet platforms are more than willing to remove, suppress, flag, amplify, promote, and otherwise curate the content on their sites in order to cultivate specific messages.} They monitor and monetize content, while simultaneously promising to protect young and vulnerable users. For example, Snap itself holds itself out to advertisers as having the capability to target users based on "location demographics, interests, devices … and more!"
Today's "interactive computer services" are no longer the big bulletin boards of the past. They function nothing like a phone line. Rather, they are complex operations offering highly curated content. Section 230 defines information content providers as "any person or entity that is responsible, in whole or in part, for the creation or development of information provided through the Internet or any other interactive computer service." Where platforms take this content curation a step further, so as to become content creation, they cannot be shielded from liability.
Power must be tempered by accountability. But this is not what our circuit's interpretation of Section 230 does. On the one hand, platforms have developed the ability to monitor and control how all of us use the internet, exercising a power reminiscent of an Orwellian nightmare. On the other, they are shielded as mere forums for information, which cannot themselves be held to account for any harms that result. This imbalance is in dire need of correction by returning to the statutory text. Doe alleges that Snap monitors content in order to "prohibit … explicit content." Where such oversight results in knowledge of illegal content, platforms should not be shielded from liability as distributors.
[3.] … [I]t is once again up to our nation's highest court to properly interpret the statutory language enacted by Congress in the Communications Decency Act. "Paring back the sweeping immunity courts have read into § 230 would not necessarily render defendants liable for online misconduct. It simply would give plaintiffs a chance to raise their claims in the first place." Doe's claims have been denied under the Communications Decency Act at the motion to dismiss stage, without even the chance for discovery. Importantly, we have categorically barred not only Doe, but every other plaintiff from litigating their claims against internet platforms. Before granting such powerful immunity, "we should be certain that is what the law demands." I am far from certain.
I'm not sure that this is right, but it struck me as an important opinion, especially given the number of its signatories, and it may increase the chances that the Supreme Court will agree to hear the case.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Another "gem" from the 5th Circuit. Thank goodness they didn't have enough votes.
Oh, and nothing like citing Thomas, IN A DISSENT FROM A DENIAL OF CERT, as if it was binding authority.
The Courts have consistently construed Section 230 the same way since it was enacted- the way it was supposed to be construed. It's a statute, not the Constitution.
If the wack-a-doodles on the 5th don't like it, then they should understand that the aren't Congress. Congress can change the statute to enact the policy preference of the 5th Circuit. Given that they haven't, yet, it would seem that the unelected legislature of the 5th Circuit is not correct in their latest power grab.
loki13: One can certainly disagree with the dissenting judges' substantive arguments. But they aren't citing Justice Thomas's statement respecting the denial of cert in Malwarebytes as binding authority -- they think it's persuasive, and they agree with it. Nor do they have an obligation to follow what other circuits are doing, or even what a previous Fifth Circuit panel did; the point of en banc review is precisely to allow the whole court to reconsider decisions of individual panels.
The current very broad view of 230(c)(1) immunity is the result of judges interpreting ambiguous Congressional language. It's reasonable for other judges to conclude that earlier judges had gotten it wrong, and to try to correct it, and not just to wait for Congress. (Again, though, I agree that this doesn't dispose of who was indeed right and who was wrong.)
EV-
I am fully aware of the procedural posture of the case. I have a disdain of circuits citing dissents (and a dissent from cert., no less) as authority.
Moreover, as you are aware, 230 didn't arise in a vacuum. That particular section of 230 came as a result of the prior decision (Stratton Oakmont).
Since Zeran (1997), Courts have unanimously ruled that the so-called "ambiguous" language means the exact same thing. Congress has had multiple chances to "correct" the courts quite easily, and has not done so. In fact, Congress did amend Section 230 - including in 2018, with FOSTA-SESTA, and they did not choose to change this so-called "ambiguous" language.
Just because you (and others) are pushing your policy preferences through the courts doesn't mean the rest of us can't call it for what it is.
It's a statute. It's been construed the exact same way since it was written. It was written, in part to overrule a past case. If you want to change the statute, go through Congress. Don't get the 5th Circuit to enact its policy preferences on the nation.
Personally, I'm not a fan of dissentals, period. These are judges who were never assigned to the case. Why do they even have jurisdiction to insert their opinions about it in the Federal Reporter.
I realize this ship may have sailed, but I would favor Congress outlawing this practice. You take an en banc vote, and if it fails, you shut up. Let SCOTUS decide whether to take it. Nobody cares what you think because you were never on the case.
The rise of dissentals is just part and parcel with another symptom that we see; also overly long dissents, or random split opinions (even three-judge panels will have three opinions sometimes).
Look, the law is about uniformity, not about a judge's ego. Too often, we see that every judge believes themselves the next Scalia or Holmes, when they're really just a partisan jackass who think the world cares what they say.
I disagree with this. They were assigned to decide whether to rehear the case. It is a long-established principle that judges get to (and often are supposed to) announce the reasons why they made the decisions they did. An en banc vote is no different in that regard than any other judicial decision. I don't see how Congress could "outlaw" a judge announcing the reasons for his vote, any more than it could "outlaw" written dissents on the merits. That intrudes on the separation of powers.
And your real complaint is that people do care what these judges think.
.
The principle of stare decisis says otherwise. When a statute has been interpreted almost uniformly the same way for many decades, they need a lot more than "We don't think this is the best reading of the statute, and also look at the dissenting opinion of this one kooky Supreme Court justice who doesn't believe in precedent" to justify ignoring the decisions of all the other circuits as well as their own. That's not reasonable; they indeed should just wait for Congress.
Genuinely curious about what Professor Volokh things is ambiguous about 230(c)(1). The language seems quite unambiguous and expansive, which is how the courts have interpreted it.
For reference, here's the entirety of the section:
Seems like it would take some pretty motivated reasoning to try and find situations in which publisher liability would attach to the service provider.
So if this website deletes every single comment and post, save for the ones where I falsely label you a pedophile- and announces that it has done so specifically to convey the false impression that your are a pedophile- 230 should preclude you from seeking redress?
That's basically what the Sixth Circuit ruled in Jones. It may be right, but the claim that it obviously follows from the text is laughably dubious.
Of course it doesn't preclude him from seeking redress… from the person who said those things. Not from the website owner who didn't.
How would the website's owner deleting other posts somehow make the offending posts more defamatory?
The dissent argues that distributer liability is a thing, and a different thing from speaker and publisher liability. They argue distributers are not speakers and not publishers, so Section 230 immunity doesnmt apply to them. And they argue that the plaintiff in the suit is claiming a theory of liabilitu under which the internet service providers acted only as distributers. And because of this, they say the plaintiffs claims aren’t covered by Section 230.
It mostly talks about design defect liability*, but I still don't think that answers the question I asked.
* And I don't necessarily disagree with the 9th Circuit's approach on this topic.
Yes, but you see if Congress made the rule it wouldn't serve to punish social media companies for being more liberal than CA5 prefers. Only by changing precedent to create retroactive liability will they get the opportunity to uphold massive awards against companies that dared to upset Trump.
The hell of it is, I agree as a matter of policy that social media generally should be required to use a functional age verification system.
That means the end of anonymity.
Cryptography allows things that are intuitively impossible. I seem to remember that one of Stefan Brand's patents had a way to prove age anonymously. So, maybe there's a way?
Shorter dissenters: who does Snapchat think it is, a police officer who beat someone up for no reason?
ftw
Formatting glitch: I think the final paragraph probably shouldn't be in the block quote.
The commenting system's bugs are replicating!
Fixed, thanks!
This reminds me of the terrorism cases that the Supreme Court took on last term. The plaintiffs pleaded "negligent algorithms!" The court found it unnecessary to decide the scope of Section 230 immunity because the underlying case was so weak.
The work cited in footnote 2 of the opinion is worth re-reading 🙂 , as are footnotes 3 and 5.
This is probably the most cogent opinion I've read in the past few days and weeks.
The problem is a lazy or cowardly Congress which rather than do its job by passing clarifying legislation punts to the courts to avoid any blowback.
When's the last time Congress passed a budget through regular order?
Or more likely, that Congress wouldn't be able to agree on how it should be changed. I'd love to know how exactly SnapChat "encouraged" this.
people forget that 230 was intended to be part of the Communications Decency Act.
No one, in fact, forgets that.
It's Dr. Ed Rule #2 in action!
Dr. Ed Rule #1: "Everything relates to Maine or Massachusetts, even if I have to make facts up about what happened in Maine or Massachusetts."
Dr. Ed Rule #2: "Whenever I start a statement with 'People forget that…", it's either something that isn't true at all, or something that nobody has forgotten."
Dr. Ed Rule #3: "Predictions of civil war are always appropriate."
you have -- it was protection from liability for porn.
It was not.
If for no other reason that there was no "liability for porn." As described above, it was motivated by a decision to overturn Stratton Oakmont v. Prodigy, which had nothing to do with porn.
No, it was intended to encourage providers to remove porn and other “inappropriate” material—although of course the implementation wasn’t limited to that.
For those of you who aren't following-
This is a matter of statutory construction. In 1995, there was a case (Stratton Oakmont) in which an online service provider was held liable for the speech of an individual on its messaging board. Due to the subsequent uproar, lawmakers included the relevant provision of Section 230 of the CDA- passed in 1996.
In 1997, the 4th Circuit construed that provision- directly after the passage, and in light of Stratton and the text. The Zeran decision (with some minor additions, see, e.g., Roommates.com from the 9th in 2008) has been the controlling construction for over a quarter of a century. It is well-known, and adopted by every jurisdiction that I can think of.
During that entire time, Congress has been free to change the statute. They have, of course, amended section 230 since that time; see, e.g., FOTSA-SETSA (2018), but they have never changed that language. Why? Because it's the correct construction. It was correct in 1997, and it's correct now. Moreover, it's a statutory construction, which means that there is no reason to change it. Because Congress can change it.
However, because (for whatever reason) certain circles have decided to promulgate some BS theory about it, there is now a growing attempt to use judicial activism to re-write the statute through the judiciary to suit the certain individual's policy preferences. Now, I might not be a huge fan of Congress, but at least they have hearings, and people discussing tradeoffs, not a bunch of self-important morons quoting Orwell who think they know better than the rest of us.
The attempt to say, "Oh, it's ambiguous NOW" ignores everything- the text. The context in which it was enacted. The overwhelming adoption of the Zeran ruling. And the nature of how we are to view statutes. It's nothing more than a powergrab by the judiciary.
You may or may not like Sec. 230. You may or may not have good reasons to like or dislike it. Get Congress to change it.
So on the merits of this, Stratton-Oakmont was about filtering, and there's language in 230 about filtering.
The problem is, it also says no provider shall be treated as a publisher. So it's not the clearest example of statutory drafting.
That said, your point about the unanimity of federal courts is powerful. If SCOTUS is going to take a 230 case, it may wait for a circuit split.
I'm going to push back slightly against this. I was very "on-line" at the time, and very aware of all of the issues- yeah, I can tell you about the Clipper Chip if you want to go into that.
Stratton was very much on the minds of Congress when they drafted this. In addition, what you refer to as "screening" is the exact issue at bar- that there would have to be a binary choice between letting everything go, or accepting liability. It's from that concern that section 230 was born.
Congress specifically found that “the rapidly developing array of Internet and other interactive computer services available to individual Americans represent an extraordinary advance in the availability of educational and informational resources to our
citizens … [t]he Internet and other interactive computer services have flourished, to the benefit of all Americans, with a minimum of government regulation …” 47 U.S.C. § 230(a)(1), (4). The objectives were clear as well. “[T]o promote the continued development of the Internet and other interactive computer services and other interactive media,” and to preserve a “vibrant and competitive free market” for them, “unfettered by Federal or State regulation[.]” Id. (b)(1)(2) (e.s.).
It's spelled out for you. It's why "N]o cause of action may be brought and no liability may be imposed under any State or local law that is inconsistent with this section ...” What, do they need to say, "WE REALLY MEAN IT!"
I trust the Courts that were contemporaneous with the passing of the statute and had a good grasp on all of this to be much better judges of what this meant than the sudden rise in concern that has sprung forth entirely for ideological reasons- not because there is any ambiguity, but just because people want to change policy.
It's a statute. If you want to change it, go through Congress.
Since you've opened the door to historical context, it's interesting though maybe irrelevant to the legal discussions that the "defamatory" statements turned out to be true. Stratton Oakmont was shut down with multiple executive imprisoned.
I wonder what these judges would think if the teacher had instead sent explicit material through the mail. Would they seek to hold the USPS liable for facilitating the communication?
defaultdoxbe: I'm pretty sure they wouldn't, because the USPS is generally legally required to carry all speech. If it's legally required to do that, by federal law, it can't be legally faulted for it under state law. Indeed, historically this has also been the rule for why phone companies aren't liable for libelous speech on their phone lines: They are common carriers, and have to carry such speech, so they can't be liable for doing what they have do.
Before section 230 was enacted, this broad legal requirement to carry speech (to oversimplify slightly) went hand in hand with immunity from liability. Common carriers and some other such platforms were limited in restricting speech on their services, and therefore were immune from liability for users' speech. Publishers were free to restrict what speech they publish, and were thus liable. Distributors (such as bookstore, libraries, and newsstands) were also free to restrict what speech they distribute, but practically had difficulties restricting it, since they usually didn't know everything that was in every publication they covered; they were liable for continuing to distribute material once they knew it had illegal content, but were immune until they were informed. I discuss all this in more detail here.
Now section 230 deliberately changed that, by leaving online platforms free to restrict what's on their property, but immunizing them from publisher liability. But some questions remain, such as whether they should be liable on a distributor theory, or on some other product liability / negligent design theory. That's what the judges are debating.
Except they're not, are they?
Again, it's a three-part test. Immunity attaches when a party “(1) [is] a service provider or user of an interactive computer service; (2) the cause of action treats [the party] as a publisher or speaker of information; and (3) a different information content provider provided the information.”
Note part two- the cause of action treats the online platform as the publisher or speaker of the information.
Now what you're complicit in trying to propose is just an end-run around common sense. No one is arguing that Snapchat created the speech. Instead, they want to argue that Snapchat should be liable for publishing the speech of another. Classic 230 material.
But since that's apparently too speech protective, we've ginned up an arbitrary idea that ... oh, wait, maybe it's actually a design defect. That's right! The real issue isn't the speech (even though that's what this case was about), it's that there is a design defect in snap chat, which makes them liable ... FOR THE SPEECH.
This isn't a debate. This is a pre-determined answer desperately seeking a basis. And it's risible.
Can anyone point toward a blog at which I could find the "free speech" perspective with respect to this issue? Thank you.
For literally years, I have attempted to offer not, "free speech," perspective, but, "press freedom," perspective. Even the attempt to distinguish those gets me denounced as a would-be censor.
The problem has been that not only did Congress act without insight into how publishing works, but almost no one else, including in the legal community, has supplied that needed insight. Too bad, because before you can claim to understand a law well enough to draft one, you ought to have a good-enough understanding of how the activities work which that law purports to govern. And in the case of Section 230 that insight has been lacking.
Section 230 was an ambitious attempt to resection the nerve center which controls practical publishing activity. It was legislative malpractice, undertaken by would-be surgeons in congress who had no notion what manner of surgery they undertook, let alone how to perform it. They thought they were prescribing a harmless stimulant.
Predictably—I actually did predict this years ago, and continuously since—dysfunctional results followed. Those have vexed many. By now, even the vexation has been long-continued, without signs of abatement.
So here we are. The 5th circuit still doesn't get it any better than Congress did in the first place. Commenters here will predictably continue to demand competing, mutually-exclusive policy remedies tailored to advantage their own preferred expressions. Policies which would have no chance of working practically, even if they could be implemented politically.
Frustrated by that record, about a year ago, I began to recast my critiques of the publishing mess Congress delivered with Section 230. At least for me, years of failed experience have to count for something. Henceforward, on that same principle that failure must eventually get noticed, I predict that someday, a very long and frustrating time hence, exhausted internet publishing critics will reflect, "Could there be something about this topic which we have overlooked?"
The answer will be, "Yes," of course. And you could save yourselves a lot of time and discontent by asking that question now.
Turn your attention away from fights about content and self-expression. Concentrate instead on how practical publishing can be accomplished as a business, structured to pay for itself, and to stay self-sustaining and free from government control. That is the practical approach to fostering self-expression. Build the means to deliver the expressions, and let the content take care of itself.
Ask yourself what you want publishing to accomplish for the public life of the nation. And, crucially, ask yourself which publishing activities will enrage the public, and goad them to oppose press freedom altogether. Give some thought to policy means useful to discourage those.
For literally years, you have bloviated without understanding either the law, the technology, or the industry. Nothing has changed — you still do, even though you still don't.
Lest me be accused of — like you — talking totally abstractly, let me put it in simple terms: Section 230 has worked. Spectacularly well. It has done what people thought it would, and done it effectively. The primary people aggrieved by it are self-important old media people who whine that they're no longer empowered by the government to be gatekeepers. And trial lawyers, who have fewer targets.
.
Nieporent, your experience-free take in defense of rationalistic ideology is noted. Everyone not similarly inclined has been growing more and more dissatisfied with multiple realities your fantastical thinking refuses to notice.
Not many thoughtful and observant people think decimation of professional news gathering capacity has been a good thing for the public life of the nation. Still fewer would be happy, as I suppose you would be, to insist that what passes for alternative news from Joe Keyboards everywhere provides an adequate substitute.
Public figures—and worse, private figures dragged involuntarily into public life—are not happy. Not when they are then deluged with such overwhelming safety threats that even law enforcement advises they flee not only their homes, but in some cases their actual identities. It is not a good thing for the nation when a person like Cassidy Hutchinson understands in advance of her testimony that a decision to speak the truth will result in a need to flee her home and go into hiding.
Clamor abounds, among folks who advocate diverse opinions, who object to media giants as ungovernable choke points for expressive access.
At least some loved ones of victims unnecessarily killed by public health hoaxes during the Covid pandemic are not happy with what happened. Others remain befuddled in their grief, but it takes a fool to suppose that is a virtuous or successful result of encouraging the hoaxes by reckless and ignorant policies to get private editing out of the publishing business.
The justice system has become conspicuously irresolute in the face of strategies by unedited media-powered criminals to encourage threats against the persons and families of judges, lawyers, clerks, crime victims, and witnesses.
The victims of hoaxes perpetrated by the likes of Alex Jones and Rudy Giuliani are not happy.
American constitutionalism itself has come under threat, by means which absolutely depend for their continuation on access to unedited media.
And you think results like those represent some kind of defensible ideal? You ought to reconsider.
"The victims of hoaxes perpetrated by the likes of Alex Jones ... are not happy. "
Have you looked at the 'Litigation' and 'Bankruptcies' sections?
I mean, I agree that the victims aren't happy. If the NYT libels me, I'm not happy about that. But It doesn't seem like Section 230 somehow prevented Jones' victims from using the courts to seek redress.
Bad journalism is bad, whether it is NBC faking side impact crash fireballs or Alex Jones' various whackadoodle theories or uncritical reporting of Satanic sex abuse rings.
What the fuck does Alex Jones have to do with Section 230?
The thing is, Lathrop pretends he has "experience," but he doesn't. He knows nothing about the things he's discussing. He published a newspaper in Idaho a long time ago. Which does not make him an expert on (a) publishing; (b) the Internet; or (c) law.
Joe Biden once effectively destroyed Rudy Giuliani's political career by noting that his statements could be summarized as "Noun, verb, 9/11." Lathrop, similarly, is "Noun, verb, §230." Every single bad thing that has ever happened in the United States since 1996 he attributes to 230.
Rudy Giuliani has nothing to do with 230. Alex Jones has nothing to do with 230. Trends in "professional newsgathering" have nothing to do with 230.
230 is not ambiguous, nor is the PLCAA ambiguous. Some people, mostly liberals, just don't like the laws as enacted, sot hey twist themselves into pretzels to get judges to find creative new exceptions.
Defenderz blathered:
That must be why the notoriously woke 5th Circuit is trying and flailing to legislate from the bench! Those wacky lib-y-ruls, never a dull moment.
Seriously though, you might want to check in with your handlers and/or AI LLM about who you're trying to troll here.
From what I can see, Section 502 criminalizes those who allow their site to be used for child pornography only if they have the intent that it be used for that purpose. So that analysis is a bit dodgy (I noticed that they quoted the other section, but didn't quote 502 for that particular argument).
There are also statutes (particularly duty to act statutes) that criminalize behavior but still don't allow for tort liability so it isn't a true inconsistency there either.