The Volokh Conspiracy
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The Seventh Amendment, Private Rights, and Administrative Penalties
a few comments on the oral arguments in SEC v. Jarkesy
The federal government finances and helps to build the interstate highway system. It has to decide where those highways will go. If Congress or the Department of Transportation decides to have a hearing about competing highway locations, it does not need to have a judge adjudicate that hearing, and it does not have to involve a jury.
On the other hand, imagine that after building the highways, the federal government wants to regulate traffic accidents on them and also set up a federal tribunal to apply these regulations between private parties. It is pretty clear that this tribunal would need to be an Article III court, and that these trials would involve a jury. (I am borrowing this second example from Chief Justice Roberts at the oral argument in SEC v. Jarkesy this week.)
But what about the possibilities in between these two? For instance, in Jarkesy the Securities and Exchange Commission, a branch of the federal government, wishes to exact penalties from somebody who traded in violation of the securities laws. It does so in front of an administrative officer who is part of the SEC, not a court or a jury. Is that more like locating highways, or more like adjudicating a highway accident?
The question presented to the Court is specifically whether this adjudication violates the Seventh Amendment, which says: "In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved. . . ." But in Jarkesy the government argued that the Amendment is basically irrelevant. Because it only applies "In Suits at common law," it only applies in courts. If it is legal to assign these penalty cases to administrative officers instead of courts, then the Seventh Amendment falls away. Instead, said the government, any limitations on where these cases can be assigned come from Article III and the Due Process Clause.
This seems basically right to me, and it is what the Court has said in prior cases and what I have written in Adjudication Outside Article III. "[W]hen Congress properly assigns a matter to adjudication in a non–Article III tribunal, 'the Seventh Amendment poses no independent bar to the adjudication of that action by a nonjury factfinder.'" But some of the Justices naturally then wanted to ask the next question, which seems fairly antecedent or included in the question presented: are these SEC penalty proceedings properly assigned to a non-Article III tribunal?
I am not so sure. As I have argued, and more importantly Caleb Nelson before me, a judge is generally required before the government can deprive a private person of their life, liberty, or property. The reason that agency officials can make various kinds of determinations like where to put the interstate highways is that those rights are public rights, not private rights of life, liberty, or property. Fining somebody deprives them of their property, so it requires due process, and so under a more classical view it should require judicial process. (I am putting aside the question of how many 20th century precedents are inconsistent with this view, since there is a debate about how to read several of those precedents and in any event the Court seemed to be considering whether to reconsider or modify some of those precedents.)
The government's response is that from the government's point of view, this is a public right. The government is the plaintiff, and it is enforcing sovereign interests in enforcement of the law that belong to the public. But as Justice Thomas noted at argument, from the defendant's point of view, what is at stake is his private right to property. As Caleb Nelson puts it in criticizing Atlas Roofing:
Historically, only "judicial" power could authoritatively determine individualized adjudicative facts in a way that bound core private rights; if core private rights were at stake on one side of a dispute, the mere fact that public rights were at stake on the other side did not open the door to nonjudicial adjudication. Indeed, that is precisely the structure of the standard criminal case--the paradigmatic example of a dispute that requires fully "judicial" determination.
Is there anything left to defend administrative penalty proceedings? It seems to me the best defense of the practice would be to argue something like this: Congress has the power to completely ban the interstate trade in securities. Therefore, Congress has the power to completely ban the interstate trade except for those who have obtained a license from the federal government. And perhaps this license could be seen as a public right, and perhaps one could condition this license on willingness to accept various kinds of administrative penalties, just as one could presumably condition it on willingness to post a large bond for misbehavior. Something like this argument can be found in John Harrison's article on Public Rights and Public Privileges.
In other words, even if administrative penalties deprive people of private property without judicial process, perhaps they are permissible as a condition on the public privilege to be a securities trader. While this argument is logical, and might be correct, it would also blow a large hole in due process protections against federal legislation and the government did not seem interested in pressing it in Jarkesy. But without this argument, taking somebody's property because of their violations of federal law would seem to require judicial process just as taking their liberty does.
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There were multiple theories explored in the oral argument. I think only Justice Thomas took the position Professor Baude is taking. While all the justices permitted administrative ajudication of entitlement to government benefits, other positions permitted more as well. Under these other positions the 7th Amendment would not apply, for example:
2. If the penalty is for prospective as distinct from retrospective conduct, e.g. record-keeping, inspection, safety equipment, and similar requirements that do not allege an already-occurred harm. These are not the concerns of the common law.
3. If the penalty is for conduct that doesn’t resemble a common-law tort. It was argued that the SEC’s fraud allegations sufficiently resembled the common law tort of fraud that the 7th Amendment should apply in this case.
I think a super-majority of justices agreed that the United States couldn’t avoid the 7th Amendment simply by labeling the tribunal handling a matter with a word other than “court.” Enumerated constitutional rights are not to be gotten around so easily.
"Enumerated constitutional rights are not to be gotten around so easily."
Except the second amendment one - - - - - - - - - - - -
I think the legal analysis and the concerns are sound. The FCC seems to be an analogy. There is no private right to be on the individual airways and adjudication about whether the FCC's rules were violated (and the fines imposed) have been upheld. Could the SEC and the stock market be analogous? Certainly, the logical implications taken to their extreme could result in extreme results as far as Article III jurisprudence.
I think the administrative proceedings are akin to an "out of court settlement". The parties can agree to that. Or the parties can go to a court to settle the civil dispute. The government can allow the administrative proceeding as an alternative dispute process but cannot bar the judicial process.
The point of this litigation is not to give accused securities fraudsters a fair day in court but to render the SEC ineffective.
Ding ding ding!
More to the point, court proceedings are neither timely nor cheap. It's not like this is going to suddenly provide protection to "the common man." It's litigation of the rich, by the rich, and for the rich.
I would think an adverse court decision would make the SEC process optional rather than mandatory, and most people would still choose the SEC process rather than the higher stakes of Federal court, including the risk of criminal charges rather than just civil.
It would also give the SEC more incentive to provide a fair and transparent process to make it more attractive than the courts.
It's assumed that, if the administrative state has to respect due process rights, it can't function. Because it's just doing too much for the courts to handle, I suppose. Can't run if you can't run roughshod, or something like that.
What would be the problem with taking these "administrative law judges" and making them *real* judges - same background, same expertise, same salary, just not appealable to an administrative agency?
For starters, they'd all have to be nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate. I don't think you could do it by a single statute.
A bit of a reality check is in order – the rich are in a better position to avail themselves of *most* key protections of the Bill of Rights because invoking these protections requires legal fees and opportunity costs.
In other words, it’s easier to pressure the poor and middle classes into giving up their rights than to pressure the rich who may have more money to go up against the government’s lawyers.
But don’t let that stop your populist LARPing.
Isn’t it the job of any defense lawyer to get his client out on any legal theory he can come up with?
I don’t blame the lawyers for making the argument — they are duty-bound to try anything they can think of. I do blame bad faith arguments made by outside advocates who have other agendas and especially I blame judges for accepting them.
The constitution wasn't written for the SEC's benefit.
Amendments like the 7th, 4th, 5th, 6th, were written to protect the people from government agents like the SEC.
I wonder if the SEC can get around this by when granting a securities license that they require binding arbitration for violations of the license?
That of course works for private contracts, but then again private contracts aren't covered by the 7th amendment. Plus of course private arbitrators aren't allowed to be employees of one of the contracting parties and appointed by executives or the board of directors of the corporation.
That kind of process in a contract requiring arbitration would "shock the conscience", and wouldn't last long.
It is beyond ridiculous that an alphabet agency is the arbitrator of it's own potential malfeasance. I have a feeling I know how our Founding Fathers would have reacted to a government claim to such privilege.
I believe they did have something to say on the topic, actually:
"He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance."
King George was a piker compared to Uncle Sam.
Good call.
Baude lays out a logical argument above.
Those below would prefer table pounding I guess.
Speaking for the Founding Fathers as though they were all libertarians at heart is like baby's first substanceless libertarian vibes.
There were agencies in the Founding era.
And the understanding that people could be professionals with a sense of honor and could indeed be expected to correct themselves to within some norm is also not a new one.
As noted above, the functional upshot will be worse for all but the wealthy. But the law is not a purely functional thing, so this may just be the way it's gotta be. Though I'd want to look at the papers Baude cites for that proposition before coming to an opinion.
There were agencies then, sure. Now demonstrate that there were non-Article III courts. I mean, outside the military, of course.
Read to the end of my post: "But the law is not a purely functional thing, so this may just be the way it’s gotta be. Though I’d want to look at the papers Baude cites for that proposition before coming to an opinion."
“The
codeConstitution is more what you'd call 'guidelines' than actual rules."Not what I said.
Once again, Brett, your personal take on the Constitution isn't a baseline truth we all know and lie to you about.
This is why I'm an institutionalist, to do my best to take my preferences out of the equation. You, on the other hand, just decide to call them not your preferences but the only legit way and get real aggressive about it.
This was almost lethal:
I almost died laughing.
Sarcastro, you constantly ignore the impact of institutions in favor of individuals whenever it is convenient for you. I think it was earlier this week you were attacking Brett for using statistics to describe a populace, dismissing government impacts, and here you are claiming to be an "institutionalist"? Oh, it is to laugh.
It's always been weird to me that administrative agencies get to write, enforce, and adjudicate their rules because they're (supposedly) experts. District attorneys are (supposedly) experts on crime. Should they get to write, enforce, and adjudicate criminal laws? And should those adjudications take place without juries? And should any reviewing court have to defer to the district attorney's interpretation of his own rules and enabling statutes? Most people would see the absurdity of that right away. Yet, if those same separation-of-powers and due-process standards were applied to the administrative agencies they would apparently whither and fall.
I have a rather different perspective than other commenters. I suspect in reality many businesses won't even bother with jury trials even if they are available-- after all, juries aren't known for their love of corporate malfesance and con artists and securities fraudsters.
In any event, I do think the Seventh Amendment requires this- the "common law" requirement was not an excuse to do end runs around the jury trial but a contrast with well known proceedings such as injunctions and admiralty cases that don't get jury trials. So I would hold that there's a jury trial right here and in the end it won't change much because most defendants will waive it anyway.
In what way proceedings of the SEC "common law"?