The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
The Most Problematic Parts Of The SCOTUS Code of Conduct Are The Last Two Sentences Of The Statement
The Justices err when they publicly respond to public criticism.
On Monday, the Supreme Court released a Code of Conduct. As could be predicted, this document did not satisfy the Court's critics. Almost immediately, the document was torn apart: the Justices used "should" instead of "must"; there is no enforcement mechanism; the recusal rules are too loose; and so on. Personally, I am ambivalent about the Code. I firmly believe that all of the Justices try their level best to maintain the highest standards of ethics, and no parchment barriers will affect those duties. Indeed, that duty must come from within, as reflected by the constitutional and judicial oaths they take.
Still, I found problematic one aspect of the Code--or to be more precise, the preface to the code. The first page of the document is labeled the "Statement of the Court," which presumably was joined by all nine members. (Then again, the Chief Justice sent a letter to Senator Durbin that presumably only he wrote.) The Statement purports to lay out the genesis of the Conduct of Conduct. Pay attention to the last two sentences:
The undersigned Justices are promulgating this Code of Conduct to set out succinctly and gather in one place the ethics rules and principles that guide the conduct of the Members of the Court. For the most part these rules and principles are not new: The Court has long had the equivalent of common law ethics rules, that is, a body of rules derived from a variety of sources, including statutory provisions, the code that applies to other members of the federal judiciary, ethics advisory opinions issued by the Judicial Conference Committee on Codes of Conduct, and historic practice. The absence of a Code, however, has led in recent years to the misunderstanding that the Justices of this Court, unlike all other jurists in this country, regard themselves as unrestricted by any ethics rules. To dispel this misunderstanding, we are issuing this Code, which largely represents a codification of principles that we have long regarded as governing our conduct.
Members of the Supreme Court, and all federal judges, have lifetime tenure. The existence of lifetime tenure presupposes that federal judges will be subject to public criticism. And that lifetime tenure is designed to immunize judges from public criticism. If there is a "misunderstanding" of how the Justices behave, it is not the role of the Court to "dispel this misunderstanding." The Court decides "cases" or "controversies," and that's it. Yet, the Court openly states that it is adopting the Code in response to public criticism. I fear we have set a dangerous precedent. Now, and in the future, when Congress lobs criticisms on the Court, and the Court fails to respond, Congress can raise the charge of inconsistency: why did you need to "dispel" misunderstandings about ethics, but not misunderstandings about some other issue. Remember when Chief Justice Roberts responded to some attacks on the Court, but not others? The best policy is to say nothing.
The Court is strongest when it remains independent, not when it submits to the other branches. The Court could have adopted the exact same code, but without the final two sentences of the Statement. Let the process be inward looking, and not external. Do your job, and move on. I'm partial to a famous saying from Queen Elizabeth II: "Never complain, never explain."
Going forward, I suspect any nominee to the Supreme Court will be asked about the statement and the Code during confirmation hearings.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Counterpoint: yes, it is.
I mean, that's such an incredibly dumb claim by Blackman that I can only infer that his logic is, "Justices I like have been criticized. The criticism cannot be refuted or defended on the merits, so I will sour grapesedly pretend that it shouldn't even be attempted."
Narrator: in fact, the Court did not state that, openly or otherwise. It said that the justices already basically follow this code, and they are trying to eliminate misunderstanding about that.
Turns out what Josh finds “problematic” about those two sentences is his comprehension of them.
You appear to have missed Blackman's point.
Blackman's point was that the Court just rules on cases and controversies. It does not stand for election. They have lifetime appointments. It doesn't respond to temporary public pressure (in theory). In fact, it's designed to be insulated from public pressure.
This is unlike the legislative or executive branches, which stand for election, and respond to public pressure.
The Court is simply supposed to rule on cases and controversies, as according to the law, and not take public sentiment or pressure into account.
But here, we have the Court responding to public pressure, and releasing a document. And the question is, if this happens here, what else could happen? Could the public demand the court explain its position further on Abortion in the absence of a case? Why or why not? The Could already "gave in" to a public demand on ethics.
If the court did not want to be subject to public pressure, its members should not have engaged in conduct which would reasonably lead to it.
Practically by definition the court engages in conduct that would lead to public pressure. Decisions regarding Abortion, Affirmative Action, Government power and more.
If you’re going to exercise immense political power over the public, you’re going to get criticized and pressured. Some of the criticism and pressure will be entirely justified. Courts serve the public. Public bodies that ignore public pressure and criticism do so at their peril no matter what abstract theories exist about their supposed independence. Judges and justices operate in the concrete world of politics whether they like it or not. And if they don’t want to feel public pressure then they shouldn’t be exercising a core political power in the first place.
So, your view is that if, for example a Jew is accused of a crime in a time when the public is feeling heavily antisemitic, the courts should bow to public pressure and convict him? Regardless of his actual guilt or innocence or what the law actually says?
Because, as you say, the courts serve the public.
The fuck is wrong with you?
You implied the courts should bow to public pressure.
I said they should be designed to be independent of it, for exactly the type of examples as noted above. Because when the courts bow to public pressure, items like the above occur.
So, what's it going to be? Should the courts be independent of public pressure? Or bow to it?
"You implied the courts should bow to public pressure."
This is a dumb takeaway. Even for you.
Ah. The slippery slope, except there's nothing slippery about it.
And now you're making the same category error as Blackman. We're not talking about rulings on cases — for which most agree that public sentiment and pressure should not play a role.
Then you're asking the Court to take a public role and position on an item (something not a case) that they don't have any real Constitutional power to do.
Should the Court be pressured to issue a public stance on its views on Abortion, independent of any cases before it? Why or why not?
Then you’re asking the Court to take a public role and position on an item (something not a case) that they don’t have any real Constitutional power to do.
I am pretty sure that they do in fact have real constitutional power to set an ethics code for themselves, as well as on other administrative matters like cameras in federal courts.
"I am pretty sure that they do in fact have real constitutional power to set an ethics code for themselves, as well as on other administrative matters like cameras in federal courts."
But in fact, they don't. Let's use a case example. Imagine Congress passes a federal law mandating cameras in federal courts. The SCOTUS objects. What Constitutional grounds does the SCOTUS have to such an objection? The SCOTUS's Constitutional power is limited to "cases and controversies" before the court. This, as you mention is an "administrative matter."
The SCOTUS has no real Constitutional power over administrative matters such as these.
Armchair,
You're ignoring the fact that, in fact, according to Constitutional processes, the Supreme Court did adopt the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure which prohibits cameras in the Court. Sure, if Congress passes a law superseding that, then they take back that power.
But moving from imperfect analogies to the ethics code at hand, are you suggesting that the Court exceeded its authority in adopting the ethics code that it just announced? If not, it seems you are entirely incorrect. If so, citations please.
"You’re ignoring the fact that, in fact, according to Constitutional processes, the Supreme Court did adopt the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure "
I'm not. You need to understand how the SCOTUS was able to adopt the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure in the first place. It took an act of Congress (Specifically the Rules Enabling Act of 1934) so that the SCOTUS could pass such rules. It's Congressional Constitutional Power. Not the SCOTUS's. The only Constitutional Power the SCOTUS actually has is limited to cases and controversies before the court.
"are you suggesting that the Court exceeded its authority in adopting the ethics code that it just announced?"
Yes, technically it did. That being said, the ethics code is amazingly weak. Everything is "should" or "should not." There's no enforcement. There's no penalties. There's a reason for that. As it stands, the ethics code is merely an advisory document. If the Court actually tried to put penalties in there, or real enforcement...like actually removing a judge...Congress would slap that down fast. Only Congress has the power to remove a judge. Not the SCOTUS.
The issue is that it sets a precedent and creates an expectation that the Court must respond to Congressional criticism. That's a balance of powers issue -- say a President was critical of the Court, should it also respond to him?
And is the converse also true? Would anyone be concerned if SCOTUS -- independent of any case -- expressed concerns about, say, campaign finance policies or sexual harassment of congressional aides?
What if SCOTUS threatened to rule random acts of Congress unconstitutional out of spite if congress didn't address it.
That’s a balance of power issue that at least under an originalist interpretation of the Constitution, decisively tilts toward Congress (with an argument that doesn’t apply to the Executive branch).
What if…Congress drafted legislation replacing the new SCOTUS Code of Ethics with a stronger one that includes 3rd-party enforcement (already statutorily applied to federal Judges but not Justices), essentially creating a Regulation under Article 3’s such Exceptions & Regulations clause?
Further, Article 3 Sec 2. III, Sec. 2, “…such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make,” also (theoretically but arguably) grants Congress to power to, for most matters, establish the bounds of the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction (its defined instances of constitutional “original jurisdiction” wouldn’t apply here (legal actions between different States, etc.)).
So, a Modest Proposal: an Exception in the legislation that removes it from the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction and as such, is not subject to SCOTUS adjudication. How’s that for a shift in the balance of power?
(btw, this argument—to Constitutionally ignore and thus overrule SCOTUS decisions involving legislation—is not new and has been made from both sides. I would not support it. Slippery Slope arguments are most often highly exaggerated but in this, they’re real).
Indeed. How is it not?
Counter counterpoint: no it isn't.
"The Court is strongest when it remains independent . . . "
It's funny/sad when a law professor from an esteemed law school thinks any branch of the federal govt is "independent."
Let's try to be charitable and take Blackman seriously: he's making a category error here. Courts should ideally not let public opinion influence their decisions. (I mean decisions about cases, not decisions about what flavor of bagels to have in the break room, obviously.)
But that has nothing to do with this. This is an administrative matter. Of course the court should think about how the public will react to the justices' non-judicial behavior. Heck, consider the issue of cameras in the courtroom, which the court has to decide one way or the other: the entire issue there is "How will that affect the public's view of the courts?"
"Heck, consider the issue of cameras in the courtroom, which the court has to decide one way or the other: the entire issue there is “How will that affect the public’s view of the courts?”"
They say that part out loud? The concern is for the security of jurors and witnesses, and since the Supremes probably will never have jurors or witnesses again, there's no reason not to televise.
If seeing the Court at work harms them in public opinion, they can decide if that's mere prejudice by the public, or if the public has identified an actual problem.
No, the concern is not for the security of jurors and witnesses. I don't know why you think that — indeed, your very next statement explains why that in fact is not the concern.
Perhaps the Supremes are worried about PR, but that's such an unworthy motive I'd be surprised if they said that part out loud, like I said. As I also said, the issue is security for jurors and witnesses.
Since there are — as you yourself noted — no jurors or witnesses at the Supreme Court (or at the Court of Appeals, for that matter), that cannot be the explanation. So I don't know why you persist in saying that this is the explanation. Especially when the justices have said otherwise.
Did I confuse you? The proper issue from the standpoint of *the public interest* is the security of jurors and witnesses. As I explained, since the Supremes probably won’t use jurors or witnesses again, there’s no reason not to televise.
*Of course* the real motive of the Supremes is public relations. But it is such an unworthy motive, would they actually be so bold as to confess it openly? That would be shameless and disgusting.
"The proper issue from the standpoint of *the public interest* is the security of jurors and witnesses."
You keep saying this like you believe it is true despite the Supreme Court has never had jurors or witnesses during the entire time cameras in the courtroom were even a possibility. (Cute "again" reference to Georgia v. Brailsford (1794), but, obviously, the concern with those witnesses had no impact on the decision to ban cameras from federal courtrooms.)
As has been pointed out repeatedly, that is not the actual or stated reason for the disallowance of cameras in the Supreme Court or in federal criminal cases at the trial level. You can keep asserting the protection of witnesses and jurors is the only proper purpose, but you really ought to stop confusing your idiosyncratic, minority opinion with reality and then berate others for discussing reality rather than what you wish reality was.
They’re unrestricted in the technical sense that other branches cannot control them. That doesn’t mean they don’t have to behave approptiately.
I remember Congress ladeling uncounted billions onto companies with the ADA, with attendant fines, plus rewards for law firms to scour for violations. A company I worked for later had two rails on their grand staircase, no doubt because some regulator decided two inches lower (or higher, who knows?) was the Correctistish Heightimientario.
Anyhoo, to continue, Congress exempted itself because, you know, all of a sudden the Constitution is important and they didn’t feel the executive had any power to enforce it against them.
I think years later they voluntarily adhered to it, or some of it, or something. Minus the lawyer “violation discovery” reward fees. And it’s not their money spent to upgrade, either.
That bridge has already been crossed. When that twit John Roberts yapped about there only being hardworking federal judges, not GOP or Dem judges, he basically lied to the American people. What he doesn't realize is the more that he does to protect the court's image, the more he does to destroy it.
How does saying that judges try to be fair and unbiased even in the face of political considerations destroy the court's image?
Because, dude, we know that not to be true. Kim McLane Wardlaw--four opinions summarily reversed without oral argument--think she's an unbiased judge?
What bias do you think that four random reversals in a 17-year period demonstrates?
Pro-criminal. They aren't four random reversals, by the way. They reflect utter stupidity and a clueless judge. Get that right, Nieporent.
They do not. I'm guessing you haven't read any of them. One was an immigration case, and the sole issue was whether the 9th circuit could decide on an asylum claim or whether it had to remand to the Board of Immigration Appeals for fact-finding first. Another was about whether the federal court had subject matter jurisdiction to hear an employment-related grievance by a federal employee. (Two of them were indeed criminal appeals.)
"court’s image"
He only cares about what lefty law professors and journalists think about the court. Its very weird.
Unlike Josh, who never responds to any criticism and enjoys humiliating himself at national conventions...
They're a public institution providing a public service. They're part of a governmental system in a democratic society. Not above it or separate from it. They're exercising political power that the public has given them. If the public thinks they suck at performing that public service and exercising power over the public it is entirely defensible and reasonable for them to respond to and acknowledge public criticism.
I'm partial to a famous saying from Queen Elizabeth II: "Never complain, never explain."
Given the recent debate, there's a certain blithe irony in advocating that the justices abide by a maxim pronounced by a monarch.
It's also hilarious because Alito complains publicly all the time.
I thought that was "never apologize, never explain."
Hey, you're explaining!
I get "never complain" - if EII hadn't kept a stiff upper lip, she'd never have run out of things to complain about - and that's just in her own dysfunctional family.
But not explaining? Even old-school kings and queens - you know, those who had actual power - would offer explanations for their actions - truthful explanations or otherwise.
I really don't see what this "never explain" nonsense is about, unless it means don't be defensive. But there are ways to explain yourself without being a wimp.
"Never Complain, Never Explain" was credited to a rather crooked Boston politician named James Michael Curley.
No, it wasn't. He might have said it, I suppose — a lot of people might have — but it was attributed to Disraeli before Curley was even born.
So among other things Josh gets wrong, he attributed the quote to the wrong person. Why would any of us expect different?
Someone who never read Today In Supreme Court History might make that mistake.
Shorter Josh Blackman:
The Supreme Court should never be responsive to *public* criticism. It should only be responsive to lavish and expensive trips handed out by their new private ... friends ... that they gained through their Federalist Society contacts.
Shorter Josh Blackman would be Danny DeVito after a lobotomy.
Wearing a “Straight White Male Lives Matter” shirt.
Why do courts issue opinions? The Constitution doesn’t require it (the way it requires the President to explain his vetoes).
Just say "petitioner wins and the law will be enjoined" or whatever.
Ah, but the public and the lawyers might misunderstand the Court if it fails to explain its actions!
Don’t complain, but take the time to explain.
Is the President required to explain any veto? They normally do so, for various reasons, but do they have to? And does it have any legal weight?
Except for "pocket vetoes," here's how it's handled under the Constitution, Art. I, Sec. 7:
"Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, *with his Objections* to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall *enter the Objections at large on their Journal*, and proceed to reconsider it." etc. [emphasis added]
"Objections" need not be explanations, and while it might reflect poorly on the President, the veto message could be entirely spurious.
It's more of a constitutional mandate for explaining yourself than anything I see in there applying to judges.
Judges need to maintain respect for their decisions to carry weight, and are thus constrained to justify their decisions as impartial and legally correct. I'm not convinced that the President's objections need to be at all unbiased or even relevant.
I'm not sure that judgments without opinions would be consistent with the constitution's assignment of "the judicial power" to the supreme court (etc). Whatever the judicial power is, surely it is the power to give reasoned judgments according to law. Those explanations could be a lot shorter, and in any case there isn't a whole lot anyone could do to force the supreme court to write opinions (short of impeachment), but I don't think it would be constitutional to do away with them.
By this reasoning they ought to at least briefly explain denials of cert., too. Well, really, they ought to anyway regardless of whether the Constitution was construed to demand it.
Another example of inconsistent originalism. Did the court release opinions in the 1700s? Yes. Did it explain denials of cert? No. So much for the only real doctrine of interpretation.
Given the number of cert petitions to the Court fulfilling that would be impracticable.
What did I say? They should regardless of what the Constitution demands. Normatively.
You responded to a Constitutional argument: “I’m not sure that judgments without opinions would be consistent with the constitution’s assignment of “the judicial power” to the supreme court (etc).”
With this: “By this reasoning they ought to at least briefly explain denials of cert., too.”
You made a constitutional argument before you made a policy argument.
I don't say this to ding you so much to point out how 'Constitution in Amber' originalism is not an operable method of interpretation, and people who think they're abiding by it are not.
"By this reasoning, blah blah blah" is typically and attack on said reasoning. Are you unfamiliar with that, somehow?
The minimum standard is essentially the lowest level that a reasonable commentator (or ratifier of the constitution) would have considered acceptable. There was no denial of cert at the time, but there would have been lots of orders handed down with little or no (written) explanation. So I don’t think judgments in argued cases and denials of cert should be held to the same standard, constitutionally.
"I firmly believe that all of the Justices try their level best to maintain the highest standards of ethics..."
I really have to wonder whether Blackman actually believes the bullshit he writes. One would have to be incredibly naive. Or worse.
No, I think that's true, but they have differing conceptions of what this calls for.
That's...more damming than I think you understand it to be.
Believe me, I consider it to be pretty damning. But probably not damning the same Justices you'd think.
The right and left have pretty disparate conceptions of what Supreme court justices are supposed to be doing, disjoint even. That's why the nominations are so fought over: We each think the other's idea justice would be doing things wrong, and I don't mean "mistake" wrong, I mean normatively wrong.
But I've already conceded that Thomas' financial doings, even if legal, have lowered my opinion of him. He's hardly been Caesar's wife, even if he isn't on the take.
Yet again, we are not talking about the act of judging, we are talking about ethical guidelines.
For you to say 'everyone is doing their best but some don't think much ethics is called for' is not really saying what you want to say.
If your intentionally pivoted to 'well some Justices do their job unethically' as a response to these ethics guidelines, congrats you have rationalized away any ethical behavior on your side because you hate the other side so damn much.
Not everything is a partisan war. These guidelines are not partisan. Deal with them, and for once don't have a double standard based on your one-sided worldview.
"For you to say ‘everyone is doing their best but some don’t think much ethics is called for’"
But I didn't say that. You desperately need to level up your reading comprehension. I said that they have different opinions about what ethics requires, which is hardly the same thing as "how much ethics is called for".
You seem to be tacitly assuming that there's universal agreement about the contents of 'ethics', meaning that all people can disagree about is how much of that agreed upon content is called for. That is not remotely the case. People have genuine disagreements about WHAT ethics demand, not just how much of it is demanded.
Does ethics demand that you not be for sale? Does it demand that you not look like you're for sale? These aren't the same thing, after all. And that's just one example.
At the risk of scalding my eyeballs, would you mind saying plainly what you mean rather than going all in with innuendo about how liberal Justices have been more unethical than those who've been most criticized and, so, were the causus belli for the Supreme Court issuing this new ethics code?
Justice Thomas' ethical conception of who qualified as family for whom gifts needed to be reported has, by the entire Court, been repudiated. (As one piece of strong evidence as to whose ethically questionable conduct caused the Court to issue the new code of conduct.)
“I firmly believe that all of the Justices try their level best to maintain the highest standards of ethics”. I would have to take Blackman at his word that he believes this. But there seems to be considerable evidence that his belief is laughable.
ETA - sorry ah....Clem, didn't see you coming.
Roberts has always been a pushover for lefty mau mau-ing.
"I suspect any nominee to the Supreme Court will be asked about the statement and the Code during confirmation hearings."
There can't be much to say about it. A member of a controversial organization won't be nominated if the Senate is nearly evenly divided. ("A Justice should not hold membership in any organization that practices invidious discrimination on the basis of race, sex, religion, or national origin.") So, "I will look to the code of conduct for guidance." For whatever that is worth. Statements made during nomination hearings are not binding promises. Contradicting them later is not traditionally considered impeachable conduct.
Statements made during nomination hearings are not binding promises.
Hell, a lot of them aren't even true.
How is an aristocracy distinguishable from what Blackman lays out here, other than bloodline not mattering quite as much?
A less influential and more obsequious Filmer.
As in, "not at all", you mean?
I think if you wanted to accuse any part of the government of aristocracy, you'd be better off looking at Congress, which routinely exempts itself from application of the laws it writes, and has actually seen seats passed down from one member of a family to another.
Or the Presidency, which historically has had an embarrassing tendency to run in families, and Presidents are given privileges which are very like those aristocrats get, such as immunity from prosecution, the peons being cleared from their paths, and so forth.
The judiciary is probably the most aristocratic branch in terms of style, but the least in terms of substance.
The OP’s argument, somewhat paraphrased: “How dare SCOTUS even stoop to give lip service to caring about the opinion of the masses – the Constitution says they’re above such things!”
Your argument: “Congress and the Presidency, with their regular elections and thus the constant need to keep their constituents happy? They’re the real unaccountable aristocrats!”
The OP is reaching way down below anything like legal accountability. Though different than the one DMN pointed out you’re making a category error here between being exempt from laws and just people's opinions.
[I would love a rule in Congress that they need to lay out a justification whenever they exempt themselves from generally applicable laws. Sometimes there are good reasons!
And I'm kind of amazed to see you talk about Presidential legal accountability, until I remember you've tried and acquitted Trump based on your personal factual findings.]
I don't know exactly how you managed to get my argument that wrong when it was sitting directly above your reply window.
I'm distinguishing between the cosmetics of aristocracy, and the substance. Pomp vs genuine privileges.
The judiciary are big on pomp and ceremony, if you're in a courtroom. But aside from not being removable except for cause, and immune to pay cuts, they've got diddly squat in the way of privileges.
Members of Congress get less pomp, but they have very real privileges similar to those of aristocrats, such as exemptions from otherwise generally applicable laws against things like, for instance, insider trading.
Presidents get both pomp AND privileges.
I'm not sure you read the OP.
I'm sure if he did, he didn't understand it.
Poor Professor Blackman -- a wannabe judge if I ever saw one. He's defending the indefensible by placing nine unelected people in black robes on a pedestal occupied by the likes of British royalty. If King Charles and Prince William want to travel to exclusive resorts on yachts and private jets, no one cares (at least not in the U.S.). But when Alito and Thomas do it, we all have a right to demand real accountability, not the banal, insipid tripe put out by Roberts yesterday.
I firmly believe that all of the Justices try their level best to maintain the highest standards of ethics,
And I believe for every drop of rain that falls, a flower grows. So what.
Is there any evidence justifying this Blackmania? Did Thomas really try his level best to adhere to the highest standards of ethics? (Opens envelope...)
And that, ladies and gentlemen, is how someone remains mired for years at one of the worst, least respected law schools still permitted to grant accredited degrees in the United States of America.
We'd be kind of smothered in flowers, wouldn't we?
It's good that your belief is wrong.
Next you're going to tell us unicorns aren't responsible for pooping out rainbows. You are Fake News!
Have any of the right-wing law professors who operate this blog (the sole libertarian excepted) written a disapproving word about any of the (somewhat) recent string of revelations of sketchy conduct and reporting violations involving Supreme Court justices?
What a bunch of cowardly, hypocritical, partisan hacks.
Josh, did you venmo Justice Thomas for the privilege of attending his Christmas party this year?
As I said in the earlier thread, Clarence clearly feels he is entitled to a certain lifestyle. I encourage him to resign from the court, take a big law partner job and then go on as many luxury vacations to Bali with Harlan as he desires.
Somehow I suspect the Bali invitations wouldn’t be as forthcoming if Clarence was merely a partner at Jones Day though. Funny, that.
A partnership at a big law firm?
Could he afford the pay cut?
Members of the Supreme Court, and all federal judges, have lifetime tenure. The existence of lifetime tenure presupposes that federal judges will be subject to public criticism. And that lifetime tenure is designed to immunize judges from public criticism.
No.
That lifetime tenure is designed to immunize judges from political interference.
The idea that a branch of government in a Democracy is supposed to ignore public opinion is bananas. Especially when those same judges are all to happy to influence the public through various public talks. And even more so when the whole issue arose because politically connected billionaires have seemingly been influencing a judge!
Be nice to Clarence; he's had a rough day.
https://www.newyorker.com/newsletter/borowitz
The pathetically weak Chief Justice Roberts has, yet again, caved to political pressure, which will, of course, only invite more political pressure. You might have thought that after the Justice Department allowed leftist mobs to terrorize conservative justices at their homes, in brazen violation of the law, almost getting a justice murdered, Roberts would have grown a spine. You would have been wrong.
This all began in 2012 when Roberts flipped on the Obamacare mandate (and I believe the textual evidence alone overwhelmingly suggests that he is, in fact, the chief author of both the majority opinion and the dissent in NFIB v. Sebelius). The Left concluded (correctly) that Roberts is a judge that can be bullied and has not stopped bullying him since. And there is no reason to believe it will ever stop bullying him. (If it works, why stop doing it?)
Roberts is a Justice who can be bullied.
Thomas, Alito, and perhaps Gorsuch are justices who can be bought.
Where is the hope concerning Republican justices, F.D. Wolf?
(I leave to others the Kavanaugh — Judge — Boof comments.)
If you're going to grow a spine, you'll grow it at the start, not after you've been repeatedly intimidated into submission, which gets easier with repetition.
'These weak-ass ethics guidelines are the result of bullying!' is fucking nuts.
I'm not a big fan of Roberts' opinions either, but somehow I manage not to weave a whole story where they're not really his opinions.
I don't mind the public ethics guidelines. I think Roberts is a squish on account of things like the penaltax.
You're allowed to just call him wrong, you know.
A squish is a different sort of wrong than somebody who resolutely is wrong.
So, Josh says:
But both federal judges and SCOTUS justices are, by long-existing law, already subject to laws on conflict of interest and recusal:
So, two points:
1) Josh says the rationale justifying lifetime tenure for SCOTUS Justices and all federal Judges, is to immunize them from public criticism. But he objects only to a SCOTUS code of ethics. Should not the same objection have always applied to Judges too? Where has Josh's concern about those poor Judges—burdened as they are by Ethics—been all this time?
Which leads us to...
2) The new SCOTUS ethics code includes the same rules they were already statutorily subject to. What it doesn't include is 28 USC § 455's enforcement mechanism: development of a process to bring potential violations to a 3rd-party panel for investigation and possible action. (Per 28 U.S. Code § 331, that 3rd-party is the Judicial Conference of the United States, chaired by the Chief Justice, and there seems little objection to it.)
Problem is that per § 331, that enforcement action had never applied to Justices—and it still doesn't. So, tell me...without an enforcement mechanism, what has changed?
"without an enforcement mechanism, what has changed?"
Nothing.
IIRC (do I?), Prof Blackmun has never objected to any personal conduct of the Justices, especially those nominated to serve by R presidents. All of Trump's nominees were disingenuous, if not frankly dishonest, when testifying at their confirmation hearings about how they might rule on abortion. That lack of candor is not a concern for Blackmun. The extraordinary largesse billionaire friends have showered on Thomas are not at all unseemly, and it's shameful that Clarence's integrity should be questioned. It's not as though anyone gave Thomas two ~$250K luxury RVs; there was only one such gift to him. And Clarence's wife is her own person, free to seek the overthrow of our government so Trump would remain in office and collect political consulting fees. No reason to question the $Ms Roberts' wife gets for brokering recruitment fees from big Law. Etc.
Does anyone here really respect Blackmun's opinion with respect to the Court's ethics? Neurodoc sure doesn't.
None of them testified about how they might rule on abortion. It would have been of course improper for them to do so, and they did not.