The Volokh Conspiracy
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Now Published: "The First Amendment and Refusals to Deal"
It's part of the University of the Pacific (McGeorge Law School) Law Review symposium on Israel, Palestine, and the First Amendment, and it's based on amicus briefs that I had filed together with Profs. Michael Dorf and Andrew Koppelman. You can read the article here; here's the opening paragraph and the Introduction:
Anti-BDS laws, which bar government contractors from boycotting Israel, are generally constitutional—for the same reason that anti-discrimination laws are generally constitutional: Refusals to deal are, outside some narrow situations, generally unprotected by the First Amendment.
Decisions not to buy or sell goods or services are generally not protected by the First Amendment. That is the necessary implication of Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic & Institutional Rights, and it is the foundation of the wide range of anti-discrimination laws, public accommodation laws, and common carrier laws throughout the nation.
Thus, for instance:
- A limousine driver has no First Amendment right to refuse to serve a same-sex wedding party, even if he describes this as a boycott of same-sex weddings (or part of a nationwide boycott of such weddings by like-minded citizens).
- A store has no First Amendment right to refuse to sell to Catholics, even if it describes this as a boycott of people who provide support for the Catholic Church.
- An employer in a jurisdiction that bans political affiliation discrimination has no First Amendment right to refuse to hire Democrats, even if it describes such discrimination as a boycott.
- An employer that is required to hire employees regardless of union membership has no First Amendment right to refuse to hire union members on the grounds that it is boycotting the union.
- A cab driver who is required to serve all passengers has no First Amendment right to refuse to take people who are visibly carrying Israeli merchandise.
Of course, all these people would have every right to speak out against same-sex weddings, Catholicism, the Democratic Party, unions, and Israel. That would be speech, which is indeed protected by the First Amendment. For this reason, when phrases such as "otherwise taking any action that is intended to penalize, inflict economic harm on, or limit commercial relations" appear in various anti-BDS statutes, courts should read them as covering only commercial conduct such as that listed in the preceding phrases ("refusing to deal with" and "terminating business activities with"), and not extending to advocacy.
But as a general matter, a decision not to do business with someone, even when it is politically motivated (and even when it is part of a broader political movement), is not protected by the First Amendment. And though people might have the First Amendment right to discriminate (or boycott) in some unusual circumstances—for instance when they refuse to participate in distributing or creating speech they disapprove of—that is a basis for a narrow as-applied challenge, not a facial one.
For this reason, properly crafted anti-BDS statutes—the subjects of this symposium, and of recent debates about boycotts more broadly—are constitutional, as are contracts based on such provisions. And, of course, the logic of this would apply to a wide range of statutes that forbid (or mandate) various kinds of boycotts or other refusals to deal.
The details are in the full article (just 14 pages).
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In case “M L” is reading this thread, here is the explanation for why your argument that refusing to serve someone because they are gay (or black, or white …) is not expressive conduct (“M L” made the argument in the recent thread on the latest case against Masterpiece Cakeshop).
Thanks. It makes sense, as far as 1st amendment law goes.
I still think that if you are banning conduct (business or otherwise) solely and exclusively because it hurts someone's feelings or dignity (and not because of any resultant economic harm, foreign policy reason, or other justification - might be a somewhat strained hypo), then you are regulating expressive conduct in some sense, and such a governmental interest might not be "unrelated to the suppression of free expression" in the words of United States v. O’Brien. Maybe I'm wrong as a matter of 1st amendment law, maybe such laws are permissible, and maybe they could even be desirable policy.
The federal government was not granted the power to regulate private commerce by the Constitution, despite 20th Century legislation and court rulings. No sane reader of the court rulings that arrogate such power to the federal government can find a shred of coherence in the rulings.
Expressive conduct has nothing to do with refraining to serve a customer. To force a service provider to perform a morally repugnant act is abuse of government power. It denies an inherent human right of the service provider. No person has a claim on the services of another if the other does not willingly agree.
Lawyers will cover this inherent human right with a garbage heap of litigation and court rulings, but they cannot undo the simple truth.
But the anti-BDS laws are generally state laws, no? Why does the scope of the federal government's powers matter here?
(They're also mostly conditions on state contracting, and the federal government may well have power to decide whom to contract with, even apart from whether it can regulate local commerce directly; but, again, the debate is in any event mostly about state laws.)
I have talked with an ACLU attorney about anti-BDS legislation. The ACLU wants to try to attack anti-BDS legislation from the standpoint of discrimination on the basis of religion because Zionism claims Palestine on the basis of Jewish religion. Because BDS advocates reject this claim, which is based on religion, BDS advocates suffer discrimination on the ground of religion. Thus all anti-BDS laws violate the 1964 CRA.
The ACLU attorney was laughing at you, not laughing with you.
Because the attorney was outlining his strategy for the next round of ACLU assaults on anti-BDS laws while I had done little more than ask two questions about the video he showed, he would have had no reason to laugh at anything I said, and he did most of the talking.
In the video, the Arkansas majority leader kept emphasizing that the anti-BDS legislation was rooted in the Bible.
If I understood correctly the ACLU is considering a strategy to challenge anti-BDS law on the basis of the CRA, the Establishment Clause, and Abridgment of Speech.
It seems reasonable. Why not challenge anti-BDS laws on multiple bases?
I asked two questions.
1. “On which part of the 1st Amendment are you going to base the next challenge to anti-BDS legislation.”
2. “How familiar are you with the Covenant of Israel in the Bible? The Arkansas majority leader does not seem to have read the relevant Biblical passages.”
In the video, an anti-BDS law was challenged only on the basis of abridgment of speech. The result had been unsatisfactory to the ACLU. Because SCOTUS did not grant cert, in the 8th circuit one may advocate BDS, but the state is allowed to punish someone that actually carries out a boycott.
Because — something your litigation history shows you don't grasp — frivolous arguments make a legal case weaker.
Which argument is frivolous?
1. Unconstitutional abridgment of speech,
2. Unconstitutional establishment of religion, or
3. Unlawful discrimination on ground of religion.
SCOTUS has shown a lot of interest in all three issues.
Issue (3) appears in López Prater v. Trustees of the Hamline Univ. of Minn.
The ACLU seems strongly interested in making sure that the prohibition of religion-based discrimination cuts both ways.
2 and 3.
So does this apply when a State issues an order that the State doesn't do business with a Company because of the views of it's ownership?
In Pruneyard Shopping Center v. Robins, 447 U.S. 74, 100 S. Ct. 2035 (1980), the owner of the Shopping Center did not not want pro-Israel speech on his property.
Prof. Volokh, the link you provided for your article is bad.
I was able to download it here:
https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uoplawreview/vol54/iss4/13/
Imagine conflating antizionism with antisemitism to provide cover for naked restrictions on political association and advocacy. Oh wait, we don't have to imagine.