The Volokh Conspiracy
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From Prof. Richard Re: The Remarkable Discourse on 303 Creative
Is the legal left beginning to adopt a hawkish attitude toward standing?
[This is a guest post by Prof. Richard Re (Virginia); because of a technical glitch, I had to originally post it under my byline.]
Perhaps the most surprising feature of the last Supreme Court term was the extraordinary public discourse on 303 Creative LLC v. Elenis. According to many commentators, the Court decided what was really a "fake" or "made up" case brought by someone who asserted standing merely because "she worries." As a doctrinal matter, these criticisms are unfounded.
But what makes this episode interesting is that the criticisms came from the legal left, which has long been associated with expansive principles of standing. Doubts about standing in 303 Creative may therefore portend a broader standing realignment, in which liberal justices become jurisdictionally hawkish.
In the past, justices who found themselves out of power have often tried to tighten justiciability principles. So, now that the Court has shifted decidedly rightward, it makes some sense for there to be an ideological reversal on federal court jurisdiction.
Or so I argue in a new draft paper, "Does the Discourse on 303 Creative Portend a Standing Realignment?", forthcoming in the Notre Dame Law Review Reflection.
Eugene has kindly invited me to present portions of my paper as a series of blog posts. The first few paragraphs of this post are drawn from the paper's abstract. Future posts will address standing, factual disputes, and, ultimately, the broader issue of realignment.
In the rest of this post, I'll like to reproduce my basic take on 303 Creative and respond to some salient standing-based objections. Let's start with the case's facts:
A web designer in Colorado named Lorie Smith wanted to offer web services related to weddings. But she didn't want to create websites supportive of same-sex marriages, which she opposes. Knowing that Colorado had viewed similar stances as unlawful discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, Smith, through a corporation and with the aid of conservative group Alliance Defending Freedom, sued the State.
Many legal commentators have argued—via social media, podcasts, television, and press articles—that there was no standing in 303 Creative. This wave of critical commentary washed over the public in early July. As a sitting US Senator then put it on Twitter: "I have no law degree and even I know the Court cannot adjudicate a hypothetical. This is an embarrassment of a new dimension."
According to some of these critics, the Court held that the designer had standing to bring suit simply because "she worries" about potential liability. A federal judge has even asserted as much in a judicial order, echoing left talking points on social media. This claim is incendiary because mere worries are a patently inadequate basis for standing under extant case law.
However, the premise underlying this popular criticism is plainly incorrect. True, the Court did use the phrase "she worries," but it did so only to describe the case's factual background. Later, the Court spent several pages approvingly recounting the standing analysis issued by the court of appeals. And that discussion applied a "credible threat" standard, consistent with settled case law.
For example, the Court stated: "To secure relief, Ms. Smith first had to establish her standing to sue. That required her to show 'a credible threat' existed that Colorado would, in fact, seek to compel speech from her that she did not wish to produce."
And later: "Ms. Smith alleged that, if she enters the wedding website business to celebrate marriages she does endorse, she faces a credible threat that Colorado will seek to use [the Act] to compel her to create websites celebrating marriages she does not endorse." …
Going further, some commentators appear to suggest that plaintiffs shouldn't be able to bring suit until they have violated the law, thereby exposing themselves to a risk of punishment. This perspective is visible, for example, in the many critics who emphasized that there had been no denial of services in 303 Creative, much less an actual enforcement action against the designer.
Yet that view is contrary to roughly a century of settled case law. And that case law has enjoyed broad support. The idea that opposition to pre-enforcement review was at least briefly in currency on the left is among the most surprising and interesting features of the popular reaction to this case.
To give some sense of why the "credible threat" standard has so much appeal—and why any left opposition to pre-enforcement review is so startling—imagine a different and starker scenario. Let's say that someone wants to bring a soapbox to the town square and rail against the president. But on their way there, they see someone else get on a soapbox at roughly the same place, start criticizing the president, and get dragged away by police for violating a law barring public protest. Does that person have to endure arrest or worse to bring a federal court challenge? Or can the person instead establish these events and get a protective order or injunction, ensuring that they will be able to speak in accord with their constitutional rights?
Before 303 Creative, it appeared widely agreed in U.S. legal culture that the imagined person could sue at once. Yes, the suit would be pre-enforcement, and the plaintiff wouldn't yet have spoken in any way, much less have run afoul of the police. Maybe the new prospective speaker wouldn't actually be bothered at all by the police – the future, after all, is necessarily somewhat speculative. Yet there would be a credible threat of enforcement, based on the government's recent treatment of a similar individual. That is why standing would be proper, under current case law. If we took seriously some of the more extravagant objections concerning 303 Creative, however, that highly intuitive and longstanding conclusion would be called into question.
I hope this post convinces you that the discourse on 303 Creative is important and at least partly misguided. My next post will explore whether the "credible threat" standard for standing had been met.
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Most people in the general population agree with Lorie Smith. They see that 1) it is great suffering to have your work circumscribed by incomprehensible legal BS, and 2) they know that most gays/sexually periperal people don't want you to acknowledge their legal right, they want you to approve it. Just like slavery.
The right to make someone who in conscience opposes your immoral behavior -- to make them 'comply' -- is just ugly denial of all that America is founded upon.
I only note one odd thing: these very people use the words 'immoral' , "perverted" and "freedom" while denying that same use to the great mass of decent citizens.
I know MANY who support gay rights, for example, who loathe everything associated with homosexual behavior.
That would have been a reasonable comment in 1968.
America has improved -- against the wishes of conservatives, thanks to the liberal-libertarian mainstream's victory in the culture wear -- to a point at which despicable bigots such as Lorie Smith no longer constitute a majority of Americans.
To the contrary, our vestigial bigots have been beaten by their betters at the modern marketplace of ideas, and now are relegated to scrambling to try to preserve safe spaces for racists, misogynists, gay-bashers, immigrant-haters, antisemites, Islamophobes, and other obsolete assholes.
Fewer Americans are religious these days, too, although many of our remaining bigots still tend to be gullible, superstitious right-wingers.
People are losing their minds over this case because of the gay angle. It may help to imagine an artist who announced her intention to refuse to write "John 3:16" or "There is no God but Allah".
And what side of that would you be on? She can refuse or not? (Assume that she does this for hire as a business.)
She may decline to endorse false gods.
In my philosophy towards anti-discrimination law I distinguish luxuries from essentials and thriving markets from near monopolies. Aristic work belongs to a competitive market for luxury goods. I consider the government's interest in regulating it not at all compelling.
Would you vindicate the position of a pharmacy employee who refuses to fill a prescription and advances a religious claim?
It's difficult to come up with a good analog that way. Gay marriage was all but unthinkable 30 years ago and is now (for most people) unremarkable. What religion has a corresponding trajectory? Also, religion is protected under federal law, while sexual orientation is mostly protected only under the laws of some states, so setting religious beliefs against another religion is different.
This is the progress that generates most of the Volokh Conspiracy.
Is this a great country, or what?
I think the alternate scenario to look at here is pre-enforcement challenges to abortion laws.
Again, in Dobbs, Jackson Women’s Health Center was in the established business of performing abortions violating Mississippi’s law, and while Dr. Dobbs said he wasn’t personally involved in the matter, he was nonetheless the head of the agency responsible for enforcing the law, and the agency had every intention of enforcing it.
There’s no comparison between Dobbs and 303 Creative so far as standing is concerned.
I like the term 'the discourse.' It's kinda cheezy, but that is part of it's charm.
Rather than repeat all the reasons this case is fake, I will just link to my Twitter thread from DECEMBER OF 2022, long before Prof. Re said liberals concluded the case was fake, saying why the case was fake.
https://twitter.com/dilanesper/status/1599138343044124672
Essentially, conservatives concocted a fake plaintiff with a fake business and a fake position on gay people so they could litigate a hypothetical case and avoid the pitfalls of what real people who want to discriminate against gays and lesbians are actually like.
John Lawrence says hold my beer.
Lawrence v. Texas was certainly a made-up case. So was Griswold v. Connecticut. It happens on occasion. That doesn't mean it should though.
John Lawrence and Tyron Garner were arrested, held in custody overnight, and charged and convicted before a Justice of the Peace. Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 563 (2003).
Do you posit that they were taken to a made-up jail?
Estelle Griswold and C. Lee Buxton were also arrested, found guilty as accessories and fined $100 each. Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 480 (1965).
Collusion is one way cases get made up.
100% agree in a vacuum. But since we don't live in a vacuum and made-up cases like the ones you mentioned have been repeatedly and shamelessly used over the past several decades to mass-engineer society in ways not readily achievable at the ballot box and in the process progressively nurture and empower the very mob now sharpening their knives for Lorie Smith, it seems quite rich to now suddenly start complaining in a circumstance about a single test case -- if indeed this even was one -- that instead denies the mob their prey and grants her simple desire to be left alone.
Uh, John Lawrence's appeal arose out of a criminal conviction. There was no question of standing.
Let's suppose (plausibly but not clearly and convincingly) that the plantiff did make up the story about the request for the cake? What does imply the court did wrong. Every aspect of the case that fact was relevant to was stipulated to by the state. Thus, there was no reason to develop any record on that fact. Should the supreme court refuse to take cases where genuinely opposed parties stipulate to facts? Start acting like a french tribunal and investigate themselves?!?
And it really wasn't relevant to the legal deciscion (tho bad PR) because the state stipulated she was likely to face enforcement actions and it was completely correct. I can guarantee that if the court had decided to DIG the case that baker would have that kind of request within the month (tho it would be tactically dumb when has that stopped ppl). So the threat of enforcement was real, the state stipulated to it - thats what you need to get 1A preenforcement review.
The better analogy might be whether a tree farmer with no track record of making speeches, seeing the person with the soap box dragged away, gets to sue because he might someday want to harvest his newly planted trees, make the wood into a soapbox, and come in and speak about something, and therefore the government needs to pay him now.
Or whether a lawyer gets to go looking for such a tree farmer to convince to sue. Plaintiffs can only seek injunctive relief. But plaintiff lawyers get paid. That changes the incentives for initiating suits.
In most cases plaintiffs' lawyers get paid only if they win the lawsuit. That indeed affects the incentives for initiating suits -- by weeding out insubstantial claims being brought in the first place.
You know why it was obviously fake? Because the plaintiff still, to this very day, does not offer wedding website services.
I think the comments here are themselves proof that the reactions to this case aren't hinging on details of standing as much as I wish it were so. The attacks from the left accuse the case of being outright fake or fraudulent and don't even try to dive into the details of standing.
While I think the court can be reasonably faulted on PR grounds for not calling up the supposed complaining party once you start looking at the details it doesn't really seem like there is much of a legal criticism here. I mean, is the claim that the court should engage in it's own independent investigation before accepting a case? Or that it shouldn't ever accept a case where the parties have stipulated to all the factual issues? I doubt it's really a change of heart about pre-enforcement review.