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Florida Appellate Court Rejects Third Circuit's Reasoning as to Felons and the Second Amendment
From Edenfield v. State, decided Wednesday, in an opinion by Judge Bilbrey and joined by Judge Winokur, with Judge Long concurring in the result (for more on the Range case, see here):
We deny Appellant's amended motion for rehearing, rehearing en banc, and to certify a question of great public importance. We write to explain why we will not apply the reasoning in a federal appeals court decision, decided after our opinion affirming Appellant's conviction for possession of a firearm by a convicted felon, to Appellant.
Appellant argues that we should rely on Range v. Attorney General (3d Cir. 2023) (en banc), to grant rehearing. Range was convicted of "one count of making a false statement to obtain food stamps in violation of Pennsylvania law." This offense was a misdemeanor, but because Range faced a potential term of imprisonment exceeding one year, he was prohibited from possessing a firearm under federal law.
Range brought a challenge to section 922(g)(1) in federal court claiming that the law "violates the Second Amendment as applied to him." The Third Circuit agreed with Range. It held that the "law-abiding, responsible citizens" language from District of Columbia v. Heller (2008), was dicta. It also held that the Government failed in its burden to "show that § 922(g)(1), as applied to him, 'is part of the historical tradition that delimits the outer bounds of the right to keep and bear arms.'"
The holding in Range notwithstanding, we will continue to apply the "law-abiding, responsible citizens" language from Heller in upholding the constitutionality of the crime of possession of a firearm by a convicted felon. As the court in United States v. Rozier (11th Cir. 2010), explained there are two reasons to apply the "law-abiding, responsible citizens" language:
First, to the extent that this portion of Heller limits the Court's opinion to possession of firearms by law-abiding and qualified individuals, it is not dicta…. "Dictum may be defined as a statement not necessary to the decision and having no binding effect." … Second, to the extent that this statement is superfluous to the central holding of Heller, we shall still give it considerable weight…. "[D]icta from the Supreme Court is not something to be lightly cast aside." …
Post Bruen, nearly all of the cases continue to uphold the validity of laws disarming convicted felons. The contention in Range that the "law-biding, responsible citizen" language was dicta, and apparently weak dicta at that, is not supported by most courts post Bruen.
There are a few decisions to the contrary such as Range and United States v. Bullock (S.D. Miss. 2023). But unless a higher court disagrees with us, we will continue to adhere to Epps v. State (Fla. 1st DCA 2011), where we applied Heller and McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010), to uphold the constitutionality of … prohibit[ing] the possession of firearms by convicted felons.
As to the historical traditions argument, Range involved an as-applied change before the trial court, while here Appellant did not raise any challenge to section 790.23(1)(a) at trial. As our opinion discusses in footnote one, Appellant was allowed raise a facial constitutional challenge to the statute on appeal. But he could not raise an as-applied challenge for the first time on appeal.
"To succeed on a facial challenge, the challenger must demonstrate that no set of circumstances exists in which the statute can be constitutionally valid." The court in Range did not invalidate section 922(g)(1). It specifically noted, "Our decision today is a narrow one." And as Judge Ambro stated in a concurrence joined by two other judges, section 922(g)(1) "remains … because it fits within our Nation's history and tradition of disarming those persons who legislature believe would, if armed, pose a threat to the orderly functioning of society."
Range was not a felon; instead, he committed a nonviolent misdemeanor offense. Appellant was previously convicted of much more serious offenses—burglary of a dwelling and aggravated battery with a deadly weapon. As our opinion discusses in footnote two, burglary of a dwelling is classified as a violent felony or crime of violence and so is aggravated battery.
Again, there are a few cases to the contrary, but the majority of cases post Bruen that have applied its historical traditions test have upheld the prohibition on felons possessing firearms. This argument is more compelling when faced with disarming violent felons. See Kanter v. Barr (7th Cir. 2019) (Barrett, J., dissenting).
Ultimately, the United States Supreme Court may address various questions arising from Bruen. See, e.g., United States v. Rahimi (5th Cir. 2023), cert. granted (granting a petition for writ of certiorari to determine whether the Second Amendment is violated by a federal law that prohibits the possession of firearms by persons subject to domestic violence restraining orders). But the current state of the law is that Florida's prohibition of possession of firearms by convicted felons survives a facial challenge from a convicted violent felon. Accordingly, we deny Appellant's amended motion.
Michael L. Schaub represents the State.
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I guess this means that felons like Martha Stewart will still be under a federal gun rights prohibition. I feel soooo safe.
Not. In 2016 91% of firearms using offenders (who carried or used a gun in the crime for which they were in prison) told DoJ NIJ BoJS surveyers they acquired their guns from non-commercial sources, 25% from drug dealers alone. Gun control = federal aid to black markets.
We were sold on the idea of _violent_ felons becoming prohibited persons in the sales pitch leading up to the 1968 Gun Control Act. What we got is legal verbiage that says nonviolent misdemeanors punishable by over 11 months 29 days are a cause to ban a person from owning a gun for life. Unless they can get a presidential pardon.
Democrats' lying is an art form.
I didn’t know Trump was a Democrat. I mean, given that Trump is likely to be the GOP standard bearer, it's a little bit rich to infer that lying is a Democrat issue.
So "yeah it's a nonviolent misdemeanor, but he did this other violent felony in the past, so all is good."
So they should use that rather than the nonviolent misdemeanor argument.
I think you're reading it wrong. They were distinguishing the defendant at hand with the Range case.
The judge was holding that the reasoning applied in Range, that it was a non violent misdemeanor, doesn't apply here. And I agree.
This is one of those cases that looks like it was supported by anti-gun groups hoping to set a precedent upholding gun bans. But this guy probably has a public defender. Who might have a problem with guns being legal.
This is a public defender case. https://casetext.com/case/edenfield-v-state-28 I doubt that anti-gun groups weighed in on behalf of the state. (Casetext does not list any amicus curiae briefs.)
I am curious as to why you mention whether defense counsel might have a problem with guns being legal.
Especially since a bunch of public defenders filed a brief agreeing with the NRA in Bruen.
Public defenders generally don't like gun control laws, because their clients are often on the wrong side of them.
"Post Bruen, nearly all of the cases continue to uphold the validity of laws disarming convicted felons. "
Sure, but two points really need to be addressed by the Court:
1. Federal law treating offenses that are explicitly 'misdemeanors' under state law as though they were felonies.
2. Felony inflation has made into nominal "felonies" many crimes that would either have been misdemeanors or not even crimes in the founding era. Founding era "felonies" we're extremely serious crimes; Today, picking up the wrong feather can get you a felony rap.
This is all true, but most judges being cowards, they didn't want to address anything but the issue at hand.
Reminder: A "felony" used to be a crime punishable with death.
Edit.
Removing one convenience link, so this will (I hope) post:
“As our opinion discusses in footnote two, burglary of a dwelling is classified as a violent felony or crime of violence and so is aggravated battery.”
FootNote 2:
Why this doesn’t fall afoul of Gorsuck’s majority opinion in Sessions v. Dimaya, holding that home burglary is NOT a “crime of violence” is non-obvious, though perhaps GA state law is clearer on this point than Federal law.
https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ga-supreme-court/1634994.html
https://www.oyez.org/cases/2017/15-1498
Because Sessions was a case interpreting a federal statute. It was not a Constitutional holding. Something can be a "non-violent" offense for immigration purposes but be a violent offense for purposes of disarmament under the 2nd Amendment.
The debate over "crime of violence" concerns a statutory definition unrelated to justice or the constitutional right to keep and bear arms.
If you say "don't touch me" and I deliberately brush you with the softest feather on Earth, the law says I have committed battery. Battery has a specific legal meaning only partially overlapping the common understanding of the word.
In the case of burglary, our legal tradition defines burglars as violent criminals. Traditionally burglary meant breaking into somebody's house at nighttime with intent to commit a crime. You could imagine violence would result because the owner and family were likely to be home. But it's still burglary if nobody is home and you know nobody is home. It's still burglary (in my state, but not under federal law) if you reach through the sunroof of a car to take something left on the dash.
I think that once a criminal has done his time, he should get all of his constitutional rights back. So, I would favor giving him his gun rights back, but I also want him to get his voting rights back. I see one right as just as important as the other.
I agree, provided that people who are still dangerous are not released from prison.
Agreed. If you are too dangerous to have all of your civil rights restored, you are too dangerous to be released at all.
Anti-gunners don't want 2nd amendment and voting rights tied together with that, because they want to maximize the fraction of the population who can vote, but can't legally own guns, and so will see no personal downside in the right being infringed.
Not to mention that violent criminals vote Democrat by a factor of 10 to 1.
Source? I seem to remember that Ted Bundy was a Republican.
https://www.newsweek.com/felons-vote-democrat-bernie-sanders-1404728
Did you actually read your own link? Those numbers do not support your claim.
Yes they do.
No they don’t. You made the specific claim that violent criminals vote Democrat by a factor of 10 to 1. Show me anything in your link that bolsters that claim.
"As to the historical traditions argument, Range involved an as-applied change before the trial court, while here Appellant did not raise any challenge to section 790.23(1)(a) at trial. As our opinion discusses in footnote one, Appellant was allowed raise a facial constitutional challenge to the statute on appeal. But he could not raise an as-applied challenge for the first time on appeal."
I think this is buried, but important: Range was an as-applied challenge, whereas here the appellant was not allowed to raise an as-applied challenge. Big difference!
An as applied challenge requires development of an evidentiary record, which cannot be done in the first instance in an appellate court.
Nothing in the opinion suggests that the defendant "was not allowed to raise an as-applied challenge" in the trial court. I surmise that he simply failed to do so.
So felons can't have guns. Great. Why not just say nobody can have guns, then you'll have no gun violence? Just like if you ban drugs, there are no drugs. Hell, they could even just ban shooting people.
But we did ban drugs and shooting people.
This seems unexceptional procedurally.
He didn't have an as-applied challenge in the lower court (waived).
There was, apparently, binding precedent on this appellate court- they cite another Florida appellate court, and while it is unclear (given there is no link to the opinion), I assume it was a panel of the same circuit. Usually, a panel cannot overturn the precedent of another panel (that's why they said that until another higher court releases an opinion, they will continue to follow the prior ruling).
Most Republicans were fairly liberal until the mid 1990s or so. They also largely voted for the ADA, the 1965 Immigration Act, and numerous others.
It is people like Queenie, who don't think larceny is a serious crime, that are ruining our country.
Founding era felonies we're all crimes that were seen as extremely serious *at the time.* As Gandydancer points out, you could be executed for them. So 'just' losing a civil liberty was a lesser punishment.
Modern felonies range from the worst malum in se offenses like murder, to silly things like picking up an eagle feather, that hardly anyone would consider heinous. "Felony" no longer means "heinous crime you could potentially be executed for."
Founding era felonies we’re all crimes that were seen as extremely serious *at the time.*
That’s a big moving of the goalposts, though.
Because modern felonies are very much things we see as extremely serious at this time. (And you can babble about stealing an eagle feather all you want- when someone gets disarmed for stealing one eagle feather, we can have a conversation about an as-applied challenge.)