The Volokh Conspiracy
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Major Questions Or Lax Parents?
Would you let a babysitter take your kids on a two-day road trip to an amusement park without express authorization?
In Biden v. Nebraska, Justice Barrett wrote a concurrence about the major question doctrine. Her analysis invoked an example that any parent could relate to:
Consider a parent who hires a babysitter to watch her young children over the weekend. As she walks out the door, the parent hands the babysitter her credit card and says: "Make sure the kids have fun." Emboldened, the babysitter takes the kids on a road trip to an amusement park, where they spend two days on rollercoasters and one night in a hotel. Was the babysitter's trip consistent with the parent's instruction? Maybe in a literal sense, because the instruction was open-ended. But was the trip consistent with a reasonable understanding of the parent's instruction? Highly doubtful. In the normal course, permission to spend money on fun authorizes a babysitter to take children to the local ice cream parlor or movie theater, not on a multiday excursion to an out-of-town amusement park. If a parent were willing to greenlight a trip that big, we would expect much more clarity than a general instruction to "make sure the kids have fun."
When I read this example, I thought, yeah, that makes sense. As a parent of two young children, if I gave a babysitter my credit card and said "make sure the kids have fun," and she took them to an amusement park, I would be incensed, and would almost certainly fire the babysitter. I distinctly remember when I was about eight years old my parents hired a babysitter to watch me and my younger sister. They gave the babysitter some cash to buy food. The babysitter drove to a nearby convenience store and bought some food, including a small, single-serve container of ice cream. (If my memory serves, it was vanilla Häagen-Dazs). When we got home, the baby sitter refused to share the ice cream with us. When our parents came back, we told them about the ice cream incident. They were not happy, and they did not hire that baby sitter again. I asked my dad what would happen if our babysitter had taken us on a road trip to Six Flags without express authorization. He said they probably would have called the police and accused her of kidnapping the kids. Indeed, since Six Flags was in New Jersey, there would have been an interstate crime!
I think parents generally leave their kids with babysitters with fairly specific instructions. Perhaps the example would be different with a full-time nanny, rather than an ad-hoc babysitter. A regular nanny may have more latitude, but I think a roadtrip, combined with a hotel, would require express authorization.
But maybe I'm an outlier? Kevin Tobia, Daniel Walters, Brian G. Slocum wrote a new paper, titled Major Questions, Common Sense? The authors respond to Justice Barrett on the major question doctrine. They conducted a survey of roughly 500 people to determine whether Justice Barrett's hypothetical about the babysitter was actually "common sense." They asked respondents a series of questions to determine whether a babysitter who took the kids to the amusement park acted "reasonably." (I am grossly oversimplifying their methodology, and I urge you to read the entire paper.) The results? Only 8% of respondents thought that the amusement park hypothetical violated the parents' instruction. That's it!
Although people evaluate Barrett's "major" action (taking the kids to an amusement park) as less reasonable than at least one alternative, they nevertheless understand it as consistent with the rule.
I couldn't tell from the paper how many of the 500 respondents have children, or have ever actually hired a babysitter. A cynic might argue that people who have children probably lack the free time to earn $1 for a five-minute task. Or maybe the sort of people who take surveys for $1 would love a trip to an amusement park! Then again, maybe the respondents have so much free time because their kids on roadtrips with the babysitter.
When Justice Barrett referred to the "normal course," she may be referring to people who are familiar with the process of hiring babysitters. Or maybe the authors would respond that language can't be restricted to a specific category of people, including parents. Maybe the argument is that parents wouldn't be ordinary people, to understand an example about parents hiring a babysitter.
Diversity of views is very important. One facet of diversity is having children. More than any other experience, my kids have fundamentally changed the way I view the world. Careful readers may have noticed a shift over the last five years.
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> 8%
I think the bigger issue is the “two days”, not simply the conceptual visit to an amusement park. Haven’t read their paper but it would be shocking if only 8% of respondents thought a babysitter taking off with your kids for a multi day trip was odd.
It also depends on how they word it. If it suggested she was expected to take them out on the town, that's different from thinking she was to use the card to order pizza, or even go out for dinner and a movie.
This would be more like saying, "Have fun!", and she buys the whole damned amusement park.
The study reports:
475 "participants" mean age 37 (2% non-binary) no indication that they are parents. Duh!
multiple options were offered for response on reasonableness, in surveys many respondents assume that the extremes are intended for identification- bringing the alligator into the home- and select the middle options.
Surveys are not the same as asking parents of children.
"Consider a parent who hires a babysitter to watch her young children over the weekend." Weekend = 2 days. What's the issue?
Participants were not asked about that.
There were only a few questions in total, three of which were reading comprehension checks.
Stripping out flavor text, the rule given was "Use this credit card to
make sure the kids have fun this weekend."
Then one of five scenarios was described:
1 - Babysitter used for self only, 2 - did not use, 3 - used to buy food and rent movie for kids, 4 - took to park and hotel for 2D1N, 5 - hired animal entertainer that brought live alligator to house.
All scenarios end with the explicit statement: "The kids had fun".
The questions:
1) Did the action described violate or follow the rule? (Choose one)
2) How reasonable was the action? Scale 1 to 7 (unreasonable to reasonable).
Other questions were for comprehension, attention, and literal meaning.
85% said the "Use card for self" scenario was a violation.
49% said that the "Don't use card" scenario violated the rule.
0% said the "Buy food and rent a movie" violated the rule.
8% said the overnight trip to a theme park was a violation.
10% said the live alligator show at the house was a violation.
There was also the 1 to 7 (unreasonable to reasonable) scaling responses:
Self) 3.32
Don't use) 5.83
Pizza and movie) 6.84
Theme park trip) 4.68
Live alligator) 3.12
So, curiously, the second most "reasonable" scenario was considered a violation of the rule by 49% of the respondents.
Also, the self-only use by the babysitter was not the most "unreasonable" action; that was the alligator - which still rated 3.12 on a scale of 1 to 7 (which has a midpoint of 4).
The obvious problems I see with this mini-survey are that each scenario ended with "The kids had fun", then asked about a question about a rule that requires that "the kids have fun". That's prompting, and is usually discouraged - by phrasing and placing things that way, you are likely to shift the responses towards the positive. "A is true. Is A true?" has expected results. This criticism is supported by the fact that interpretation about the literal meaning of the rule was very highly correlated with the respondent's determination of a violation, and by the high "reasonableness" rating for what were rated as major violations of the rule.
Second, sample size isn't the best, but decent overall. 475 people scattered amongst the cases is merely OK.
Third, there was no determination of whether the respondent was a parent. This would seem to be a very relevant factor, and should have been asked..
Finally, the paper vastly overstates the conclusion - By choosing to base their determination that Barrett is "clearly" wrong about common views, they themselves "clearly" ignore the statistically significant differences in the reasonableness measure they asked, instead relying on the binary Yes/No answer for a prompted answer that was very vulnerable to "Well, technically..." answers (which they detected, and proceeded to ignore).
Overall, the minisurvey mentioned here is below-average in design, and the analysis is questionable. I would not take it to represent anything without significant improvements.
I can't imagine any parent giving a baby sitter a credit card without restrictions. If they did, they deserve what happened to them. All Justice Barrett has demonstrated is that you can prove anything if you allow absurd hypotheticals.
Maybe she doesn’t know. Based on what we know about the “society” she lives in, this might be a decision that her husband makes.
I am going to defend Justice Barrett (and I do this not thinking very highly of the Major Questions Doctrine at all). I think the notion she is getting at really IS common sense- that when you have open-ended instructions they are nonetheless constrained by the parties' expectations. It's similar to a principle of contract interpretation in California codified in Civil Code Section 1648: "However broad may be the terms of a contract, it extends only
to those things concerning which it appears that the parties
intended to contract."
Barrett's hypothetical might not be the perfect illustration of it, but you can come up with other hypotheticals that establish the same thing. E.g., you give the babysitter the keys to the second family car and say "take the kids to something fun": you can think of things that literally fall within that direction but which it would be absurd to assume the parents authorized, whether it be a multi-day road trip or an excursion to see the "Fifty Shades of Gray" movie.
The problem with the Major Questions Doctrine is NOT that what Barrett is saying doesn't exist. It does. The problems are:
(1) assuming this is what Congress is doing when it creates administrative agencies, (2) assuming that the "major-ness" of the question is what the issue turns on, as opposed to the question of whether Congress really intended to grant the authority, and (3) whether the Court is actually using it as a means of interpretation (as Barrett claims it is) rather than as a substantive canon to disfavor big administrative programs even when authorized (which is what I think is actually going on).
You must be new here. It is illegal to give the other side the benefit of the doubt. You must always assume the worst, even if that means torturing the worst possible meaning out of what was said. /s
Putting the "loco" into "in loco parentis."
heh
I think academia has shifted to just blatantly dishonest. If a fact disagrees with the narrative, they toss out the fact. This is what happens when people learn nonsense in school instead of things like “logic” and “reason”
And you get rhetoric like the above as a result!
The "major question doctrine" was made up so the Republicans can strike down a law that they don't like but can't find any other reason to invalidate it. SCOTUS should not have the job to save Congress when they write sloppy laws.
The MQD seemingly would be applied only to reign in overreaching actions such as regulations or handouts by the executive branch claiming they had the power to do so via laws passed by Congress.
Under what conditions do you envision it being applied to limit the ability to enforce statutory laws? It seems it's unnecessary there as the Constitution is the supreme law of the land and if a statute conflicts with the Constitution in some way the Court identifies that conflict and enjoins enforcement of/exercise of whatever portions of the law in question are in conflict. No MQD needed.
Nonsense. Congress could certainly have authorized a President to forgive student loans en masse without violating the Constitution. The question is whether Congress did that and the conclusion that it didn't, using \g the MQD, seems persuasive to me.
I don't have an issue with the MQD being used to strike down the student loan forgiveness.
I have an issue with it being called into existence when Biden had an overreaching program. But not, for instance, when Trump openly exploited an existing law as a pretext to fulfill his Muslim ban, or when he declared a border emergency and diverted military funds to build a wall across the border.
To me, banning a immigration by religion (even if done loosely) and building a wall across the border are both "major questions" one would have expected congress to speak clearly on.
So my main issue with MQD is it's applied only to one side. And my follow up question regarding that is whether the concept of a "major question" is too vague for an institution as politicized as SCOTUS.
"or when he declared a border emergency and diverted military funds to build a wall across the border."
I'll be the first to say that the National Emergencies Act is a bad, bad law, and ought to be repealed or massively changed. BUT.
It quite unambiguously delegates to the President the power to declare emergencies, and it gives only one criteria that has to be satisfied for such a declaration:
He says so.
That's it, that's the entire guidance.
An emergency having been declared, Presidents then get to do a lot of things on their own say-so, as a matter of perfectly unambiguous statutory law. One of them is to divert unused military funds to construction projects.
So, you're kind of stuck trying to claim that a border fortification isn't a military construction project, when that's been THE definitive example of a military construction project since before Hadrian's Wall.
That makes it really hard to legitimately apply the major question doctrine to declarations of emergencies. The parents didn't say, "See to it the kids have a good time." The parents said, "Here, spend it on whatever you want."
It quite unambiguously delegates to the President the power to declare emergencies, and it gives only one criteria that has to be satisfied for such a declaration:
He says so.
That’s it, that’s the entire guidance.
If Congress intended a President to be able to declare an emergency when nothing had happened other than Congress refusing to fund the President's bill then I think they would have written that into the National Emergencies Act.
That sounds like an Emergency Declaration that should be struck down by the MQD.
So, you’re kind of stuck trying to claim that a border fortification isn’t a military construction project, when that’s been THE definitive example of a military construction project since before Hadrian’s Wall.
It's a military project if it had a military purpose, slowing illegal immigration is not that.
And the actual act of building a wall across the southern border is significant enough in so many ways that it's really something you do need Congressional approval for.
Your claim here is basically that the President can decide to do something as significant as build a wall across a border and they don't need congressional approval. Doesn't that sound extreme to you?
I think courts are entitled to assume that when Congress uses the word “emergency,” it means something narrower than “whatever the President says is an emergency.”
And think this is so as a matter of ordinary statutory interpretation. There is no need to bring the Major Questions Doctrine into it.
Millions of illegals flooding across a border certainly sounds like an emergency to me. It is of course an ongoing emergency.
Anyway, as I recall Trump WASN'T allowed to spend Corps of Engineers funds on building a wall, so "myself"'s whole premise is nonsense.
As is his description of "Trump openly exploit[ing] an existing law as a pretext to fulfill his Muslim ban." The relevant executive orders were entirely consistent with the laws authorizing them, and actions properly in accord with a law and its intentions aren't "exploitation'. The attempted student debt gifts are not remotely like that.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Executive_Order_13780#Presidential_Proclamation_9645
Millions of illegals flooding across a border certainly sounds like an emergency to me. It is of course an ongoing emergency.
Strange how it only became an emergency when Congress refused to fund the wall.
Anyway, as I recall Trump WASN’T allowed to spend Corps of Engineers funds on building a wall, so “myself”‘s whole premise is nonsense.
There's two parts to the wall. One funding the building, and two, the authority to actually put a wall there (including going through all the protected areas and private property).
Either way, Brett is the one who claimed that the military spending was fine, though I'm not sure it reached the SCOTUS to its hard to say what the final ruling would have been.
As is his description of “Trump openly exploit[ing] an existing law as a pretext to fulfill his Muslim ban.” The relevant executive orders were entirely consistent with the laws authorizing them, and actions properly in accord with a law and its intentions aren’t “exploitation’.
I'm incorrect that this should have been a "Major Questions" decision because it wasn't. The Muslim ban was a flat out violation of the constitution.
It doesn't matter if some law gave Trump to exclude people from country X, the moment he decided to make that decision on the basis of religion it's a violation of the 1st amendment.
"SCOTUS should not have the job to save Congress when they write sloppy laws."
A law isn't "sloppy" merely because it can be unreasonably interpreted.
Deciding what a reasonable interpretation is is something courts do all the time, and it's done not to "save Congress", but for the benefit of us all.
Of course the reasonableness of courts is often very much in question. But not in this case.
The MQD wouldn't exist if the interpretation was unreasonable.
Nonsense. The interpretation Biden asserted was absolutely unreasonable and the MOD expresses clearly why it was absolutely unreasonable.
* MQD
So you're fine with weasels doing what they want, badly abusing laws in ways the creators of the laws would have laughed out of the chamber?
An early anti-terrorism law from the 1990s was passed, the government swearing it would only be used for terrorism, and it was immediately used against drugs. When asked, they didn't even bother with the sophistry drugs were akin to terrorism.
They just said, "Haha! It doesn't actually say just terrorism."
Screw these lying pigs and weasels. And their defenders. Pigs and weasels.
Now if you wanna say the Republicans are only fair weather friends of it, sure. Both sides are continuously flopping situational ethics hacks.
These hacks had no problem with Trump abusing emergency powers to redirect money for The Wall. And Dems had no problem squeaking out proto-MQD reasoning against it. Indeed, IIRC, Republicans were warned at the time Democrats would try to use "emergency" in various ways because of the brave new path Trump was forging.
Hacks all! And here we are, shocked! Shocked!
Nothing here you describe is MQD.
Most of it is hating textualism.
All of it is unrepentant weasle-ism.
If your utter lack of perspective means you can't stay on topic, you should get the weasels removed from your eyes.
“Careful readers may have noticed a shift over the last five years.”
You’ve gone from an adorable idiot to a complete assclown.
Don’t worry though, you’re still the biggest narcissist.
Blackman IS a narcissist, but he never be the biggest assclown so long as you are posting here.
Give Jason some credit. Even if he stops posting here, he'll still be a bigger assclown.
What happened yesterday? I proved that you have reading and comprehension problems, and then you just....ran away.
I wouldn't expect that reaction from a real Marine.
Citation? You've never proved a thing in your life. Certainly not involving reading or comprehension.
Besides, I'd never run away from you. Probably wouldn't even need to walk at a moderate pace, to be honest.
Pretty clearly referring to
https://reason.com/volokh/2023/07/27/thursday-open-thread-147/?comments=true#comment-10173309
But you figured that out, since you went and posted a weak reply a few minutes after this post. That someone offers an explanation that communication between other people may have led to a misunderstanding doesn't negate a firm denial.
Vinni got his ass handed to him by Jason.
Actually what you proved there and here that you are a clown who congenitally misrepresents the issues under discussion.
No, Bengels’s statement, “I am completely confident that I never indicated that I was calling from Mr. Kittila’s firm or that I worked with him in any way” is not in fact a denial that she intentionally deceived the clerk, but is merely a denial that she INITIATED the deception by saying that she represented Kittila. It doers not rule out that she realized that the clerk had understood her to say that and that she then took advantage of that situation to get the result — the withdrawal of the amicus brief from public view — that she wanted. A real denial would have said that she was unaware of that result, and AFAIK we’re still waiting for that.
I wonder what he thinks has changed, or why he would believe that anyone would read his posts "carefully." Josh's prose does not exactly reward close scrutiny.
The only gradual change I can say I've observed is that he has become increasingly confident in his most asinine observations. But I'm not sure why having children would cause that.
I used to have strong, confident ideas as to how children should be raised . . . until I became a parent myself.
Well, Brett has helped to illustrate how well conservative parents can insulate themselves from changes that parenthood might prompt, in other people.
I'm not sure what kind of parent Josh might be. I would not be surprised if he is too obsessed with his own self-promotion to be around all that much. Still, active, real-time engagement with the family (especially with young children) could explain his boom-bust posting schedule. I hope, in any event, that he is a better parent than he is a legal commentator.
"Well, Brett has helped to illustrate how well conservative parents can insulate themselves from changes that parenthood might prompt, in other people."
You wouldn't think that if you'd met me before I became a parent, that's for sure. I'm a lot more conservative these days. As one would expect.
Same here, captcrisis! 🙂
What's missing is the relationship between babysitter and parents and children. If she's a neighbor and been babysitting for years, even a weekend trip might seem reasonable. If she's a local high schooler and this is the first time, it's not even close to reasonable, but then I wouldn't be handing over a credit card either.
I was going to say that; When we'd hire a baby sitter for our son, she was a niece of mine attending a local college. Quite trustworthy, and no idiot.
Yeah, the big flaw with this analogy is that the President is not an untested 16-year-old and he doesn’t work for Congress. He is a coordinate branch of government who deserves equal respect as Congress. The closer analogy would be a co-parent.
Imagine I were divorced, with sole legal custody of my children, and I left them for a week with my ex-wife. If I said “Make sure they have fun” and she takes them on an outing to Six Flags, I should not be surprised. In general, co-parents have wide discretion to do what they want during visitation because they are presumably competent people whose decisions are entitled to a degree of respect. Even on the assumption that I as sole legal custodian could constrain my ex from taking them to an amusement park (as Congress no doubt can constrain the President in many respects), I would think that I would have to exercise that constraint explicitly. With co-parents, wide discretion should be the default rule.
To me the metaphor is missing the context that the major questions doctrine only emerged because of the shackles placed on judicial interpretation by textualist methods.
My read of the whole situation is that ACB's choice to try to articulate a fuller view of MQD came in response to Kagan (and others') criticisms of MQD. So it makes more sense to view the entire situation as a dialogue between those opposing sides. Fine to disagree with Kagan's perspective... to me something very much like MQD makes sense as a general tenet of jurisprudence... but Kagan's perspective isn't looking at MQD in a vacuum, it's looking at MQD as advanced by people whose default position is textualism.
I think what Kagan would say is "You must follow the rules to the letter, irrespective of where that leads you" is at tension with "You must interpret the rules in a reasonable way". So perhaps a revised metaphor would involve the parents specifically castigating the babysitter for making reasonable but against-the-letter-of-the-law decisions in some contexts, and castigating the babysitter for making by-the-letter-of-the-law but unreasonable decisions in others. At this point I wonder whether the metaphor is actually doing anything useful.
Dumb example especially in a Supreme Court decision.
If the example was an actual case, it would probably fall under some Contract law and the babysitter would win.
"Was the babysitter's trip consistent with the parent's instruction? Maybe in a literal sense, because the instruction was open-ended."
But instead Prof. Blackman wants "common sense" to drive judicial decisions - not the law.
So who's "common sense" gets to prevail?
Originalists?
Living constititutionalists?
Textualists (and the babysitter would win)?
Which "reasonable person"?
This paper is a good example how survey design and questions can skew results from what was originally intended.
In the original example, the parents simply hand the babysitter a credit card and tell her to "make sure the kids have fun". It then asks if its "reasonable" for the babysitter to use this to go on a 2 day excursion to a theme park. (No, it's not).
In the paper's examples, the instructions change. The parents hand the babysitter a credit card, and explicitly say "Use this credit card to make sure the kids have fun". They then give multiple options, including one where the babysitter doesn't use the credit card on the kids, and ask if it violates the rules, as well as an extreme example (bringing in an alligator).
"(No, it’s not)."
You can't say that.
As Á àß äẞç ãþÇđ âÞ¢Đæ ǎB€Ðëf ảhf mentioned above, "What’s missing is the relationship between babysitter and parents and children."
Maybe it was reasonable.
No, it wasn't.
Yes, I can say that. It’s not reasonable. And the relationship, frankly, doesn’t matter.
I want you to imagine the following situation. You and your husband say to the babysitter, “have fun, here’s a credit card for anything”. And you leave. But then your hotel got cancelled, and you come back later that night.
And your kids aren’t there. And the babysitter isn’t there. And you’re like “oh, maybe they’re just out to dinner”. But then 8 PM hits 9 PM, turns into 10 PM, then 11 PM… And you’re like…”where are the kids?” I was going to say “where is the babysitter", but you don’t care, you just want to know where your kids are”.
Imagine you try calling the babysitter, and no one picks up. How long before before you call the cops?
They could be the kids grandparents, and I’m still upset. And if they get back and say “Oh, we didn’t think we needed to tell you if we left town…” The kids grandparents aren’t babysitting for a long while, if ever again.
And if it’s not a family member?….there’s a decent chance charges get pressed.
Bingo. The question of whether a babysitter of any sort could take the kids on a days-long junket on your credit card merely because your explicit but minimal instruction didn’t say she couldn’t proposes a Major Question to which the answer is “NO” unless explicit authorization is obtained. Apedad is a nitwit if he thinks he can plausibly claim otherwise.
Years ago, I took part in marketing firm customer surveys to help a friend who worked for a firm (and which were done walking distance from my place.) I learned some interesting things.
At some presentations, all volunteers were friends of the firm's employees.
Firms might be "encouraged" to see that the volunteers reached certain conclusions to please the ad creator or product manager.
Volunteers may or not be told that the ad agency is watching the group behind a one way mirrorand, if told, warned not to say anything negative,
Volunteers' responses could be thrown out by the agency if disliked or not as expected. Several panels could be run to reach the desired result.
This is one of the big flaws in this concurrence.
Congress has rather different incentives than a nanny. Congress isn't transferring responsibility only because it has to, it does so at least partially because it wants to avoid the political decision.
I'm down for nondelegation. But the Court just kinda wants to invoke Special Circumstances sometimes. When they feel the time is special. That just seems goofy to me. Untethered to the Constitution, and bad prudentially.
"(If my memory serves, it was vanilla "Häagen-Dazs)""
Well that's a capital offense. Off with her head!
You left out the fact that it was a “small single-serve container”. Those are 3.6oz and come with a tiny plastic spoon, because using a regular spoon would result in spooning out maybe three spoonfuls.
It seems that the youngster version of blackman hadn’t seen reruns of the classic Brady Bunch episode where Cindy learns that nobody likes a tattle tale. So blackman and his siblings couldn’t wait to tell mommy and daddy about being stiffed on their share of the 3.6oz of vanilla. And blackman continues the same sort of work today.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DoLF7gU4R2Q
Ben & Jerry's didn't even manufacture single-serve containers of ice cream when Blackman was a kid. So, no, evidently what the babysitter kept for her own consumption was a pint. Which, back then, was actually a pint.
I don’t understand what Ben & Jerry’s has to do with blackman’s story.
Blackman says “small, single-serve container of ice cream”. If it was a pint, he would have said pint. Blackman says he thinks it was “Häagen-Dazs”. Anyway, it was purchased at a convenience store, when even in the long ago days of blackman’s childhood, it was common for “small, single-serve” containers to be sold.
If you’re saying it is a mistake to rely on blackman’s actual words in this piece, or his memory, I agree. But he says, “small, single-serve container”, so if you want to argue against blackman and call it a pint, that is between you and blackman.
Barrett’s “have fun” hypothetical is unhelpful, for a couple of reasons. First, it is deliberately fantastical, which is intended to prime the intuition pump when considering the student loan relief program. Second, it fails to distinguish between directives to do something and simple authorizations to do something.
When a principal or employer is directing an agent or employee to do something, they would ordinarily be understood to also be authorizing them to do something on the principal/employer’s behalf, but the scope of authority would not typically be understood to be as broad as would still be literally consistent with the text of the directive itself. An agent/employee would reasonably be expected to understand the purpose and intention behind the directive, and to exercise only that authority reasonably necessary to achieve the purpose or intention. In contrast, when a principal or employer is authorizing an agent or employee to act, the purpose and intention as well as the means to the end are left more open-ended. In such examples, the principal/employer is entrusting the agent/employee with greater discretion about how, and whether, to proceed.
To illustrate this, consider a couple of other babysitting examples.
The parents might instruct the babysitter, “Please make sure the kids are in bed by 9,” while leaving at around 5:30. Now, it would be literally consistent with this directive for the babysitter to put the kids to bed immediately. But I think most of us would recognize that as not the directive. Rather, we would understand the parents to be saying something more like, “bed time is at 9,” meaning that the children are to be permitted to be up and about until then, subject to pre-bedtime preparations like baths and dinner time. The babysitter is understood to be tasked with managing pre-bedtime activities – calming the kids down, etc. – with the ultimate end of having the kids in bed by 9; by the same token, the babysitter would not be understood by this instruction to ensure that the kids are actually asleep by 9. We can see, then, that the scope of authority implicit in the directive is actually quite narrow.
But consider another statement: “If you or the kids get hungry, you can help yourself to anything in the fridge or pantry.” This is not a directive to do anything; the babysitter may or may not exercise the authority it grants (though we would find it unusual if the babysitter disregarded the children’s hunger and opted not to feed them). Here, too, we would acknowledge some limits to the authorization. The babysitter wouldn’t be able to rely on literal compliance with the statement in order to justify polishing off the half-bottle of vodka she finds in the freezer, or the preparation of a lavish three-course meal from expensive ingredients she finds in the fridge. Most of us would probably understand the instruction to mean something more like: you can make a sandwich or a bowl of cereal. The idea isn’t to have a grand feast, or to get drunk; the idea is to stave off hunger while you’re otherwise bound to the physical premises of the house.
In any event, we can see that the scope of authority, in the latter example, isn’t as narrow, or to be as narrowly construed, as the authority implicit in a directive. There is a limiting background understanding, but not a common intention or purpose that can be said to limit how the babysitter may exercise the authority. Moreover, if the babysitter were to rely on the “help yourself” authority to do something like, say, carve off a piece of a rotisserie chicken she finds in the fridge – a chicken the parents might have been saving for another purpose – we would recognize that there’s an ambiguity in the authorization’s scope that might excuse some actions at the boundary. That is, we might agree that the “help yourself” authority wouldn’t clearly entail something like carving into a rotisserie chicken, but we would understand how one might honestly make that mistake.
It seems to me that the HEROES Act’s grant of authority to “waive or modify” student loans is more of a grant of authority than a directive. It does not direct the President to do any particular thing; it merely authorizes him to take certain steps with respect to financial assistance under the Higher Education Act, in the context of war, other military operation, or national emergency, in order to prevent certain kinds of financial harms. The grant of authority includes a grant of discretion – the President is authorized to determine what kinds of waivers and modifications to implement, and what kinds of financial harms to avoid – as well as limiting principles – the waivers/modifications must be keyed to preventing “affected individuals” (which is a defined term) from being placed in a “worse position financially in relation to that financial assistance because of their status as affected individuals.” So, as with the latter babysitter example, we should interpret the authority more broadly and flexibly than we might if this were a “directive”; but that interpretation should not be so open-ended as to lack limiting principles, which the statute itself makes clear.
The problem with Roberts’ analysis in Nebraska v. Biden, it seems to me, is that he gives short shrift to the textual analysis, and switches to the MQD when he’s tired of waving his hands around the meaning of the terms “waive” and “modify.” A proper textual analysis would have construed “waive” and “modify” in light of the statutorily-provided limiting principles referred to above. In other words, what waivers and modifications might the HEROES Act permit? Well, it would be just those reasonably necessary to prevent people directly affected by war, other military operation, or national emergency from being placed in a worse financial position due to their being exposed to that war, other military operation, or national emergency. Biden’s loan forgiveness, in contrast, granted relief based on family income levels and outstanding loan amounts. It did not require a demonstration that COVID had made repayment of the forgiven amounts so difficult as to place the payor in a “worse financial position” than others not exposed to COVID.
Really, there were a number of textual hooks Roberts could have used here, which he just didn’t use. The focus on whether “forgiveness” of the size and scope contemplated by Biden’s program is properly a “waiver” or “modification” is an unfortunate red herring. Roberts’ interpretation of these words would seem to call into question a forgiveness program that ought to fit squarely within the intention of the HEROES Act – such as a total loan forgiveness program for anyone severely disabled in a war or military operation. The MQD “analysis” similarly suffers from overbreadth and a lack of clarity; is a student loan forgiveness program more clearly tied to disabled war victims and veterans, for example, to be cast aside, just because it might be expensive?
Ultimately, I think it’s clear that the HEROES Act can’t sensibly be read to authorize Biden’s student loan forgiveness program. It was clearly designed to serve a benefit that the HEROES Act wasn’t intended to provide, for policy purposes not considered by the HEROES Act, that sought to rely on literal consistency with certain of its terms. Biden was, so to speak, downing the vodka over a three-course meal while the children went to bed at 6 without their dinner. Still, the holding of Nebraska v. Biden, and Roberts’ superficial analysis, leaves us with little guidance on how better to avoid running afoul of the MQD, going forward. All we have, in essence, is, “We don’t like it!”, and Barrett’s concurrence merely adds, “Yeah!”
Ugh. Biden v. Nebraska*, throughout.
the major question doctrine argument boils down to
One side arguing that the executive branch can only do what is authorized by Congress
The other side argues the executive branch can do what it wants to unless prohibited by Congress
Which argument is most faithful to the constitution
The answer mostly depends on which party the President is and which party controls the Congress.
Agreed, and there are two separate issues here.
You're absolutely right about the hypocrisy. Republicans only care about reining in the executive when a Democrat is in the White House; when it's Trump they go the other way. And if the Constitution routinely produced liberal results, conservatives would drop it like a hot potato.
But the other question is the extent to which any of this matters. Maybe we just acknowledge that changing the rules whenever it benefits your side is a time honored Washington tradition. It's not like all the complaints about "your being hypocritical" even when true ever got anyone to change their behavior.
Don't forget the budget.
Republicans don't care at all about spending when they're in charge. Tax breaks for the wealthy and punishment for the poors is their motto.
The moment it's a Democrat though? GOP goes crazy complaining about how we don't have enough revenue to cover spending.
Weasel behavior is why they went into government. Anti-weasel behavior is why the Constitution was created.
The Constitution was created by people in government.
The government contains multitudes, it is not a machine created and run only for corruption.
History, and a look around the world, offer a different, actual reality.
Corruption is mildly reduced here* because of evolved behaviors like:
Skimming off the top of much more massive spendings, so it hides better
Regulatory changes creating new industries oh look who invests
Setting loose regulators to cut deep into business, so business will play ball and make more legal donations in hopes of fending off future assaults
Your statement is of the form, "Good hearted person who wants a functional government that can get things done as needed."
You, and George Will, and many others across the political spectrum are of that mind. So was I, uncounted trillions of dollars ago.
In short, absent corruption, not a single damned one of these people would be in office.
* though dollars on the penny, is much more costly
So regulations that help a businesses are corrupt because businesses will end up paying money to campaigns.
Regulations that hurt a business are shaking them down next time.
Son, what you have there is an unfalsifiable theory. Good for making simplistic ideologies think they're connected to the real world, not good for much else.
absent corruption, not a single damned one of these people would be in office.
At this point, I do not know what corruption means for you. Money + bad vibes, I think.
Tenth Amendment.
No one in this case was arguing that Biden was doing something not expressly authorized by Congress. The question was just whether the putative "authority" granted by Congress contemplated the specific program he implemented. The Court held that it did not.
The MQD, as it's developing, is a check on the executive's ability to implement robust or nuanced policy initiatives pursuant to statutory language that at best only technically or generally authorizes the actions. Which is fine, as a matter of principle - ordinarily, as a matter of constitutional design, Congress should be able to "correct" for a MQD problem by passing a more articulated statute, if it so desires.
But the MQD will present a problem where legislative dysfunction has become a matter of course, and presidential shoehorning of policies into archaic or imprecise statutory language has already become relatively routine. The CFR is rife with detailed and longstanding regulations that might be ripe for a MQD challenge. If the Court starts tossing these regulations - instead of just sniping at recent Biden initiatives - this could prove to be enormously disruptive for many different regulated industries.
“Careful readers may have noticed a shift over the last five years.”
Actually I have not noticed this.
I’d be really interested to know what he thinks are examples of this phenomenon. I had no idea he even had kids, let alone that they influenced his writing.
My Talmud study group is taking this up in a special session.
Hope you had an easy fast, bernard11.
XY,
Thank you.
I don't actually have a Talmud study group. It just struck me that Josh was discussing the possibility that people read and study his writing in great detail, and spend many hours arguing over it's meaning.
You know the one about the four rabbis discussing a fine point of the Talmud?
One, Mordecai, disagrees with the other three. Finally he yells, "Lord, please tell these people that Mordecai is right."
Comes thunder, lightning, and a loud voice: "Mordecai is right!!"
OK, says one of the others, "That makes it three to two."
😀
ROFL.
LOL
I loved it. Shabbat Shalom. 🙂
Purely personally, I think the overnight trip would be excessive but a day trip would be stretching but not unforgiveable. I would be more mad at myself for not giving better instructions.
It's not lax parenting or vague contract language. It's bad parenting to have only 8% of parents think that it's within the realm of reasonableness to have consented to an amusement park and hotel.
The analogy doesn't work for me at all. The context is vastly different.
Congress has plenty of time to draft legislation, and the product is often long and detailed. If it authorizes some action by an agency then so be it. Why is it the business of the Supreme Court to declare it a "Major Question" especially since the practice is so obviously prone to abuse.
The parents, OTOH, gave only brief, general instructions. In that case the babysitter does need to use some common sense. (But what parent with a brain would do what Barrett describes, anyway unless the babysitter was a well-trusted level-headed person?)
“The analogy doesn’t work for me at all.” Me neither.
The babysitter is an employee with a limited set of responsibilities and little or no expectation of future business. Can she even be said to be an agent to the parents as principals? She can be fired at will. She cannot investigate, prosecute, arrest, or imprison the parents. She cannot levy taxes on them. She cannot set conditions of others’ employment by them.
Call me old-fashioned, but maybe Tenth Amendment jurisprudence is called for as a framework for examining the issue. What the Federal government is not explicitly enumerated a power to do, the Courts shall not allow it to do.
Very much agreed. It seems like a perversion of textualism to allow an out if a policy falling within the strict text is deemed "too big." And the determination of whether it's too big should be left to the political branches. If Congress wants to pass more limited legislation after the executive takes a major action that technically falls within the bounds of statutory authorization, then Congress can do that! There is zero reason that the courts should be making that call. It's an entirely political question with a clear political remedy.
"It’s an entirely political question with a clear political remedy." As we say in my part of the country: "Bless your heart! " What a quaint notion. : )
Plenty of time to craft laws, yes.
By the way, are bees fish or not?
The bigger problem is that Justice Barrett argued that there would need to be additional context and clues to indicate that the parents had given broader authorization that might include a trip to the amusement park. But the statute in question had those! It specifically allowed the DOE to bypass certain procedures that would slow down its response. It specifically authorized the DOE to waive loans for entire groups rather than just individuals.
It's more like if the parents left a credit card, a note saying to "Have fun!", and a pamphlet for Six Flags. Then the babysitter took the kids and a couple of the kids' friends to Disneyland. The parents might be miffed, but it's not clearly outside the bounds of expectations set given the additional context.
The real conclusion here is that Congress is a very, very bad parent.
I think the babysitter would have pretty good defense against any damages claim brought by parents, esp. if bulk of the expense incurred could be shown as directed toward "kids having a good time." Parents clearly entrusted babysitter to provide safe care of their children. If they don't want to engage babysitter's services in the future, that's their right.
It's hardly a novel thought that you can get any result you want from a survey by framing the questions to get that result.
https://youtu.be/ahgjEjJkZks
Requirements should be clear and unambiguous. This applies to everything, not just software development.
The same logic applies to qualified immunity.
The current framework is wrong in that it holds that law enforcement can do whatever they want, as long as it has not been clearly decided otherwise in that specific scenario.
To use the babysitter analogy, a government employee may act ONLY if that specific action, in that specific scenario, has been approved by statute beforehand.