The Volokh Conspiracy
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Journal of Free Speech Law: My "The Reverse Spider-Man Principle: With Great Responsibility Comes Great Power"
Just published as part of the symposium on Media and Society After Technological Disruption, edited by Profs. Justin "Gus" Hurwitz & Kyle Langvardt.
The article is here; here is the Introduction:
An entity—a landlord, a manufacturer, a phone company, a credit card company, an Internet platform, a self-driving-car manufacturer—is making money off its customers' activities. Some of those customers are using the entity's services in ways that are criminal, tortious, or otherwise reprehensible. Should the entity be held responsible, legally or morally, for its role (however unintentional) in facilitating its customers' activities? This question has famously been at the center of the debates about platform content moderation, but it can come up in other contexts as well.
It is a broad question, and there might be no general answer. (Perhaps it is two broad questions—one about legal responsibility and one about moral responsibility—but I think the two are connected enough to be worth discussing together.) In this essay, though, I'd like to focus on one downside of answering it "yes": what I call the Reverse Spider-Man Principle—with great responsibility comes great power. Whenever we are contemplating holding entities responsible for their customers' behavior, we should think about whether we want to empower such entities to surveil, investigate, and police their customers, both as to that particular behavior and as to other behavior. And that is especially so when the behavior consists of speech, and the exercise of power can thus affect public debate.
Of course, some of the entities with whom we have relationships do have power over us. Employers are a classic example: In part precisely because they are responsible for our actions (through principles such as respondeat superior or negligent hiring/supervision liability), they have great power to control what we do, both on the job and in some measure off the job. Doctors have the power to decide what prescription drugs we can buy, and psychiatrists have the responsibility (and the power) to report when their patients make credible threats against third parties. And of course we are all subject to the power of police officers, who have the professional though not the legal responsibility to prevent and investigate crime.
On the other hand, we generally don't expect to be in such subordinate relationships to phone companies, or to manufacturers selling us products. We generally don't expect them to monitor how we use their products or services (except in rare situations where our use of a service interferes with the operation of the service itself), or to monitor our politics to see if we are the sorts of people who might use the products or services badly. At most, we expect some establishments to perform some narrow checks at the time of a sale, often defined specifically and clearly by statute, for instance by laws that require bars not to serve people who are drunk or that require gun dealers to perform background checks on buyers.
Many of us value the fact that, in service-oriented economies, companies try hard to do what it takes to keep customers (consider the mentality that "the customer is always right"), rather than expecting customers to comply with the companies' demands. But if we insist on more "responsibility" from such providers, we will effectively push them to exercise more power over us, and thus fundamentally change the nature of their relationships with us. If companies are required to police the use or users of their products and services (what some call "third-party policing") then people's relationship with them may become more and more like people's relationship with the police.
To be sure, none of this is a dispositive argument against demanding such responsibility. Perhaps sometimes such responsibility is called for. My point, though, is that this responsibility also carries costs. We should take those costs into account when we engage in "balancing," "proportionality tests," Learned Hand cost-benefit analysis, or something similar—whether as a matter of adjudication, policymaking, or even just moral judgment—in deciding whether to demand such responsibility.
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Would make just one side comment here. Classical libertarianism tends to make a very sharp distinction between private entities and government, presenting virtually everything a private entity can do as a free choice not meaningfully affecting others, and virtually everything government does as potential tyrrany. Reducing hovernment power and increasing private power is portrayed as a net gain in freedom. This things tend to be believed as axioms, as a political catechism or bible. But they ain’t necessarily so.
The reality is private entities, whether or not enabled by government, have real power over the lives of ordinary individuals. Violence is not the only form of coercion. Entities controlling vital resources and opportunities have real coercive power, because ordinary people have no choice but to meet their demands if they want to function. An accident victim can’t really bargain with the hospital; he is literally unable to walk away if he doesn’t like the terms. And while this example might be considered extreme, many others are, in reality, comparable. Many kinds of vital resources and services cannot realistically be walked away from, resulting in offers that cannot realistically be refused. Control of vital resources or services essential for life and for functioning in society is real control, and can be as coercive a form of power as military or police force or mafia muscle.
For this reason, deregulation is not always a net gain in freedom, at least the freedom of most ordinary people. Freedom is not always on always maximized by maximizing the non-governmental side of the equation. Leaving the hospital free to set whatever terms it cares to or to refuse seevice for any reason or no reason is great for the hospital, but not necessarily so great for the accident victims. And the same with many other things.
You ignore private action to address private crimes. The US judicial system is slow and expensive. You couldn't design a more useless system if you tried.
Take § 230, for instance. Most of people's frustration with social media is the companies which violate their own Terms of Service. The only legal way to address this is expensive lawsuits which take years, which is no way to having your account deleted. All their marketing and propaganda touts them as means of staying connected to family, friends, and customers. But multi-year expensive lawsuits to restore a mistakenly-deleted account are pointless.
The US legal system seems intentionally rigged to prevent ordinary people from using it. Small claims courts are not as expensive or slow as ordinary courts, but they still take months, and the State does almost nothing to enforce and collect verdicts.
The last thing the rich and powerful want is for the poors and workers to hold the rich and powerful to account. But they need to allow the poors and workers to blow off steam, so they invented small claims courts and §230. As always, fixes on top of fixes on top of fixes.
* Get rid of bar exams
* Let anyone represent anyone else in court
* Let anyone challenge any law as being too damned confusing to be valid; if a random jury of 12 people cannot agree on what a law means, throw it out and tell the government to try again.
There are a zillion other ways the US legal system could be improved. None will be discussed or tried.
The main reason classical libertarianism distinguishes so rigidly between government and the private sector, is because it starts with applying the non-aggression principle, with government, and ONLY government, having a limited carve-out from it. So government IS categorically different, and more dangerous than, the private sector.
But I'll agree that the more naive versions of libertarian theory do not effectively deal with the anti-liberty consequences of private cooperation to restrict rights. Things like all your neighbors forbidding you from crossing their property, so that you're trapped unless you have access to a helicopter, were common thought experiments among libertarian political philosophers back when I was first introduced to the field back in the 70's.
I've observed some tendency for libertarian thought to become more simplistic, maybe even cartoonish, over the last few decades. Nuances that the early libertarian thinkers were grappling with seem to have been just wished away.
I think this might be a byproduct of the political program stalling thanks to modifications to our campaign laws designed to fend off third parties. A lot of the serious people in the movement, realizing that Libertarianism wasn't going to go anywhere, moved on, leaving the movement in the hands of less serious people.
The problem with libertarianism is that it doesn't recognize that private power can be every bit as coercive as government power. In a libertarian society, my employer could tell me whom to vote for and which church to attend, and if I have few practical alternatives, I'm stuck. Company towns really did exist in this country at one time. My mother lost her job when she got married.
And one very important function government serves, at least in theory, is to level the playing field somewhat. I will grant it doesn't always work out well, but the alternative of allowing the rich and powerful to be as abusive as they like has already been tried. The little people need someone to look out for their interests; the free market certainly won't.
"The problem with libertarianism is that it doesn’t recognize that private power can be every bit as coercive as government power."
Oh no it can't. Government is a coercive monopoly. Individuals aren't even close. Not even the classic faux-monopolies like Standard Oil or ATT were.
And it takes only a little exploration of history to notice that the rich only become coercive with the assistance of government. True justice systems, as I said above, would make it just as easy for the poor to sue the rich as it is for the rich to sue the poor.
It is government wrong from top to bottom which creates monopolies and prevents ordinary people from righting the wrongs done by, or on behalf of, government and its cronies.
Of course private power can be coercive: If a private citizen points a gun at you and says, "Your money, or your life!", that's coercion, isn't it?
The relevant question is whether the private exercise of normal rights can be coercive, without any violation of the libertarian non-aggression principle. Whether it's relevantly coercion if nobody will sell you groceries, for instance.
This isn't a very important question in a competitive free market, because it's damned unlikely to happen. But in a market with widespread monopolies and de facto cartels, it becomes very important.
Then there's the intermediate case where the government nominally isn't acting, but is actually pressuring or bribing private actors to act on its behalf. Both Operation Choke Point, and the online platform censorship of the last few years, are illustrations of that, and it is perhaps a lot more common than we knew, thanks to being covert.
Libertarian over-simplicity might also be a backlash to government over-complexity. I got this quote from https://loweringthebar.net/2021/09/assorted-stupidity-147.html:
IANAL and I have seen innumerable examples of this kind of over-complication. I understand the rationale: cover all crimes. I understand defrauding an innkeeper being distinct from other theft because the defrauder is presumably a traveler. But how much simpler to just call it "theft", and if you need to punish thieving travelers more, make it a crime to flee after stealing.
All it really does is create so many exceptions and loopholes that some criminal will find a way to be acquitted and some legislator will come up with a new addendum to the law on theft.
It is full employment for lawyers and judges, not justice.
"The reality is private entities, whether or not enabled by government, have real power over the lives of ordinary individuals. Violence is not the only form of coercion."
I recall being shocked to discover this insight in the works of...Freddy Hayek.
Several years ago Overlawyered,com had an article about the owner of a Hotel that was being sued by the families of three women who were murdered while staying there. The murderer was a Handyman who worked for the Hotel. The basis for the lawsuit was that the Owner didn't do a good enough background check on the Handyman before hiring him.
There's a push right now to make looking at a prospective employee's criminal record a crime in itself.
Your statement "with great responsibility, comes great power", but isn't there a problem when you are prevented from exercising that power?
To what extent should the Owner even been liable, and for what?
To what extent should this be Respondeat Superior and not Negligence?
And to what extent should this be covered by a general liability policy, like slip & fall is?
What were the perp's prior convictions? I doubt murder was one...
"To what extent should this be Respondeat Superior and not Negligence?"
Zero. Respondeat Superior applies when the person is acting within the scope of his employment. If the handyman was fixing something, and his hammer fell and hurt a guest, or damaged some luggage, the RS would apply. Deciding to murder some guests is totally outside the scope of his employment.
You would have to ask the Lawyer who brought the lawsuit. I can't find the article in Overlawyered's archive. I looked.
Had the employer been categorically forbidden from looking at the prospective employee's record, the suit you discuss would have ben immediately dismissed. You cannot be held legally accountable for the consequences of complying with a law, even if it is a stupid law.
There are lots of disadvantages to employers of such 'ban the box' laws. One of the few advantages is that they preempt lawsuits such as you describe.
Ban The Box laws prevent employers from asking about an applicant's criminal background on the initial application for employment. The employer is able to conduct a background check on applicants that are selected for an interview, or after a "contingent" offer is made, where the offer is contingent on successfully passing a background check.
"At most, we expect some establishments to perform some narrow checks at the time of a sale, often defined specifically and clearly by statute, for instance by laws that require bars not to serve people who are drunk or that require gun dealers to perform background checks on buyers."
Both of these are relatively recent, though; The legal requirement for gun dealers to perform background checks only dates back to 1993, pushed by the gun control movement. Dram shop laws appeared as a result of the temperance movement, which was working towards making alcohol illegal.
Both were, in other words, imposed as part of drive to deliberately infringe the implicated right.
We might consider the extension of such laws to moderation in that context: As motivated by an actual desire to infringe on freedom of speech.
" Whenever we are contemplating holding entities responsible for their customers' behavior, we should think about whether we want to empower such entities to surveil, investigate, and police their customers, both as to that particular behavior and as to other behavior."
I think there is a more basic question here -- not of "empowering" but even "allowing." entities to do this. A related issue is what should be our expectations regarding the information obtained via investigation/surveillance necessary for unrelated reasons.
For example, internet network traffic must be monitored to find out what got fried by lightning in the recent storm, and TCP/IP involves saving a copy of everything so that it can be resent if the checksum doesn't come back right. Employers obtain medical records via insurance company billing, particularly in cases where they are essentially self-insured with the insurance company merely acting as a billing/payment agency. Just about every state now has a monitoring program for Schedule II prescriptions, with (apparently) everyone but the patient having access to the data, which isn't always correct.
Other examples abound, and beyond asking if we want to require the collection of this data (we don't!), I think we need to first ask if we should even allow it to be collected, and in cases where it is necessary, what safeguards and limits we will impose on the collectors.
Bank of America gave the FBI credit card data on all of its customers who were in DC on January 6th and/or had traveled to there then. There are several interesting exclusionary rule cases involving police use of a so-called "stingray" which transmits a stronger signal than a more distant cell tower, thus fooling the cell phone into connecting to it as the closest tower. And when someone is lost, it is common knowledge that the individual's cell phone is "pinged" in an attempt to locate it and thus the missing person.
And this involves law enforcement which, theoretically, is bound by the Constitution -- what about private entities? Should a cell phone company be allowed to tell people that your phone was in an abortion clinic or a church? Should an employer be allowed to drive around the parking lot of either looking for employee's cars?
We need to say NO!
I’d like to focus on one downside of answering it “yes”: what I call the Reverse Spider-Man Principle—with great responsibility comes great power. Whenever we are contemplating holding entities responsible for their customers’ behavior, we should think about whether we want to empower such entities to surveil, investigate, and police their customers, both as to that particular behavior and as to other behavior. And that is especially so when the behavior consists of speech, and the exercise of power can thus affect public debate.
That frames the debate on a shaky premise. It insists tacitly that internet publishing is a new thing in the world, for which new laws and new practices are appropriate means of address. It ignores a long-used, long-customary alternative—to disperse the exercise of power so generally among a myriad of private actors that it becomes senseless to refer to it as a unified phenomenon—and thus to make it unobjectionable.
Private editing prior to publication was a workable norm for at least the entire 20th century. It accomplished that dispersal well enough that complaints of the sort which now vex every discussion of social media giants never much arose then.
Instead, there was a different kind of complaint, one which never rose to a level of national controversy, but which was no doubt keenly felt here and there. It was the problem of broadening private access to a public life dominated by publications subject to prior editing. However many people were well-served by the private editing system, some were left out. And because of the difficulty and expense to establish in the marketplace any new publishing medium (an often overestimated difficulty, but not negligible for some), those bypassed envied the others, and sometimes counted themselves ill-accommodated in the exercise of a fundamental right.
That raises a question which should have drawn sharp focus at the outset of the internet age, but instead got bypassed. What would happen if the enormous economies afforded by electronic publishing techniques had been applied to broaden publishing opportunities, instead of to narrow them and restrict every would-be contributor to dealing with a few giantistic platforms?
It is not too late to reopen that question. It is what good faith concern for the public life of the nation requires. It is probably the only way to restore to health the previously vital and widely decentralized news gathering capacity on which public debate had been founded. It is certainly the only way to put to rest concerns about untoward publishing influence in what otherwise promises to be an age continuously dominated by a few gigantic publishers, or by government meddling in publishing as an alternative.
Every college town I know of has successfully bullied the college into regulating the off-campus activities & behavior of its students, and this was before they went full fascist during COVID.
What I'm thinking the author realizes is that this could be extended to employment, or the receipt of governmental benefits. (Mandatory drug tests for anyone receiving a governmental benefit has been proposed.)
This is an important topic, but it's also much broader than speech laws. Those in a wide range of occupations, from doctors to plumbers to auto mechanics, now have or are proposed to have legal responsibilities that amount to informing on their customers if the professional discovers certain facts, whether it's a psychologist whose patient has PTSD or a mechanic whose customer's car has bullet holes in it. Most of these requirements were made with good intentions, but many of them cause more harm than they prevent. And occupational licensing is used to impose all of them, which is a good reason never to have licensing.
I think this type of power (by authorities, not the regulated workers) has been abused enough that a categorical constitutional ban on any such requirements is long overdue. And while we're at it, we should replace the tax system with one that doesn't require the government to pry into anybody's private financial information. No one should need to know how much you make.
I'm pretty sure credit card company's can, and do, prohibit their customers from using their product to donate money to known terrorist groups. If money is a form of speech, then these companies are using their power to block people's speech based on the ideology and/or behavior of certain groups.
Should credit card companies not have this power?
Are we talking "adjudicated as terrorist groups", or terrorist groups in the opinion of management? Makes a big difference.
The problem is who defines "terrorist groups". By some people's definition the NRA and any Republican's election fund would be supporting "terrorist groups".