The Volokh Conspiracy
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Journal of Free Speech Law: "Defamation, Disinformation, and the Press Function," by Prof. RonNell Andersen Jones
Just published as part of the symposium on Media and Society After Technological Disruption, edited by Profs. Justin "Gus" Hurwitz & Kyle Langvardt.
The article is here; here is the Introduction:
Coordinated campaigns of falsehoods are poisoning public discourse. Amidst a torrent of social-media conspiracy theories and lies—on topics as central to the nation's wellbeing as elections and public health—scholars and jurists are turning their attention to the causes of this disinformation crisis and the potential solutions to it.
Justice Neil Gorsuch recently suggested that, in response to this challenge, the U.S. Supreme Court should take a case to reconsider New York Times v. Sullivan, the foundational First Amendment precedent in defamation law. A major premise of Justice Gorsuch's critique of Sullivan is that the changing social-media dynamics—and the disinformation crisis that has accompanied them—threaten the nation's democracy. He argues this changed terrain may call for less stringent constitutional protections in defamation actions. This chapter explores and challenges that critique. Justice Gorsuch is correct that rampant social-media disinformation poses a grave risk to our political and social stability, but there is a troubling disconnect between the anti-disinformation and pro-democracy concerns he articulates and the doctrinal revisions he considers. When the interrelationships between disinformation, defamation, and democracy are interrogated—and especially, when they are situated within the constitutional value of the press function that served as the backdrop for Sullivan—it becomes clear that unwinding the Sullivan doctrine would not be a productive tool for remedying the problem of rampant social-media lies. Indeed, doing so carries the very real risk of exacerbating the problem. Abandoning the Sullivan line of protections would impair those valuable press speakers who are actively prioritizing trustworthy newsgathering and corrective reporting, and it would do so with no meaningful payoff in solving the online-disinformation problem that seems to be driving this proposed reconsideration.
This inquiry matters. Sullivan is not exclusively a press-freedom case, but at this critical juncture, it is a centerpiece of protection for some core press functions (performed by both legacy media and others) that are crucial to healthy public discourse. A Sullivan scaleback harms those entities that are incentivized to get information right, to invest in careful newsgathering, and to engage in important journalistic investigations exposing those who peddle disinformation. At a moment of declining newsroom and press-litigation resources and of increased willingness of public people to weaponize defamation as a tool for silencing and deterring critics, the risks of self-censorship voiced by the unanimous Sullivan Court are especially grave.
Representative democracy needs the press function to survive and flourish. There is every reason to believe that a rollback of Sullivan would compound rather than alleviate the disinformation problem and would further imperil the fragile democracy.
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“Abandoning the Sullivan line of protections would impair those valuable press speakers who are actively prioritizing trustworthy newsgathering and corrective reporting…”
What on earth is “corrective reporting”?
And does the category “those valuable press speakers who are actively prioritizing trustworthy newsgathering” contain any individuals with names?
I think there is a recent Reason podcast interviewing someone about how the “disinformation crisis” is a hoax designed to give more power to those who are also telling us that Russia just bombed its own dam in Crimea, and that’s anyway true.
Yet another comment about internet information malaise without hint of any solution. This time, however, the target was at least briefly in sight, before being missed. That moment came with the superficially accurate assertion that defamation law is in principle powerless to prevent non-defamatory disinformation—which describes most disinformation.
What that genuine insight genuinely misses is that legal liability for defamation imposes a more-broadly useful practical requirement—a need to read everything prior to publication. That activity turns out to be more broadly useful than this author supposes. Uniformly practiced prior editing opens the possibility to compete for audience on the basis of trustworthy publishing of all kinds, not just libel-free kinds.
Human judgment applied prior to publication is the basis of wise editorial practice. No-prior-editing assures willy-nilly content, which is what opens the flood gates to swill tides of disinformation.
When Section 230 was passed, it not only became a practical license to publish defamatory content on the internet, it also knocked down the only practical barrier—near-universal prior editing—which had worked to make non-defamatory falsehoods hard to get published. That absence of editing is sorely in need of correction today.
Any press critic who understands that reasoning, will also understand that it shifts the burden of solution to focus on a different complaint—the so-called, "gatekeeper," issue. Alas, the early trends in internet publishing, bolstered by passage of Section 230, fostered wide expectation that power to publish without being edited was some kind of right. To this day, internet contributors who are unhappy about the current state of internet publishing, nevertheless reject solutions which would result in edited contributions.
That is too bad, because prior editing need not be the imposing bar to publishing in the age of the internet that it had become during the previous traditional media regime. Economic efficiencies inherent in internet publishing point the way to a new model for an information ecosystem, based on vast profusion and diversity among outlets, and very low barriers to entry for any would-be publisher who wanted to try his hand. Such a swarm of mutually competing publications would assure outlet to opinions of almost every stripe, while opening economic possibilities on a populist basis to would-be publishers.
All that stands in the way is the current power of the internet publishing giants, protected and fueled by Section 230. A practical means to restore wide-scale prior editing, and thus strengthen trustworthy news gathering and publication of all kinds, would begin by repeal of Section 230.
The "Coordinated campaigns of falsehoods" are not just found on the internet. Certainly the idea that the Hunter Biden's laptop was a Russian disinformation operation was spread via a coordinated disinformation campaign. What are the chances that the 51 former intelligence officials can be sued for defamation? Government employees coordinated a disinformation campaign that the Covid-19 virus definitely came from animals, not a lab leak. And what about the covid disinformation so read by Supreme Court justices during discussions of the vaccine mandates? I don't see how defamation law can address any of those. Also, stop pretending that the internet is the only or most dangerous source of disinformation.
1) Who do you think they defamed? Russia?
2) What false statement did they make?
Even though the SPLC has been sued and lost, it still publishes defamation. https://reason.com/2023/06/09/southern-poverty-law-center-moms-for-liberty-splc-hate-extremist-list/?comments=true#comment-10102566 yet it attracts donors and is cited by NPR and other respected news sources. This is a problem beyond the scope of tweaking law.
Something can be true but not the truth.
Yes, SPLC lost a case but it also has won cases, i.e., cases were dismissed.
You’re half-truth IS false information.
But, relevantly, when the SPLC gets cases dismissed, it's not usually by establishing that their claims are true. It's by invoking the Sullivan doctrine; They argue that the targets of their attacks are 'public figures', so falsehood ceases to be relevant.
No, they argue that opinions can't be defamatory.
Well, if you've looked at any of the cases, they argue several claims every time. It's almost as if lawyers seem to make any claim that might help.
And right there, you demonstrate the problem with "disinformation" claims.
What EdWard wrote is true, period. The SPLC has been sued for their false reporting, and lost. This is true - no amount of spin can ever change this truth.
You don't like the implications, though, so you try to bring up something you think is related and important: the fact that the SPLC has won some cases, too. That is true.
You then claim that this renders the first fact a "half-truth" and therefore "false information". The logical connection between the your claim and your conclusion is non-existent, but you use some vague and undefined terms to try to imply that EdWard is lying.
Brett points out, correctly, that the SPLC often wins, not by showing that their claims are true, but through some other form of 'free speech' protection. This is true.
Does this render your claim that the SPLC has won some cases to be a "half-truth"? Are you posting "false information"?
According to your own standard, you are.
I posted both sides (lost and won cases); how can that be a half-truth?
But you claimed that the fact that the SPLC had lost cases was "false information", even though it was 100% true. For it to be "half-true", half of it must be false what half of the claim is false?
You instead justify your attack by pretending that the truth is modified by some other information you feel should be included.
But now, when Brett points out additional information to your claim, you think that the same argument doesn't apply to you?
News flash for ya - NPR is not a resected news source.
NPR is a propaganda tool,
You guys stick with Fox News, the Volokh Conspiracy, Gateway Pundit, Instapundit, Breitbart, Stormfront, FreeRepublic, Epoch Times, and Newsmax, while your betters choose The New York Times, NPR, The Washington Post, The Associated Press, and other mainstream newsgatherers. Let's see who prevails at the modern American marketplace of ideas and who becomes culture war roadkill.
The problem here is that basically from it's first use in the West, the only thing "disinformation" has ever really meant was, "Something I'd like to censor". Sure, "Coordinated campaigns of falsehoods are poisoning public discourse.", but often as not, the only falsehood is that the thing some people are trying to suppress is false!
For instance, remember the letter from over 50 intelligence specialists warning that the Hunter laptop looked like Russian disinformation? That was used to widely suppress coverage of it prior to the election? That, itself, was a coordinated campaign of falsehood! Which depended for its effect on the expectation that, once the laptop was labeled "disinformation", it would be suppressed.
The thesis here depends on an explicit assumption that you have, on the one hand, purveyors of disinformation, and on the other hand, the institutional media. This is an absurd assumption for anybody to make! I wonder how little attention somebody has to be paying to the media environment to credit it?
Institutional media routinely are purveyors of 'disinformation'. Think of the Nick Sandmann case, for instance. That letter condemning the Hunter laptop. "Russian coordination" by Trump. And that's just recently.
I don't know that revising the Sullivan doctrine would really combat this, but when the author's thesis is grounded in assumptions this silly, I tend to doubt their conclusions.
The problem here is that basically from it’s first use in the West, the only thing “disinformation” has ever really meant was, “Something I’d like to censor”.
That is something which crappy cynics say, when they are stuck in a self-deluding ideological groove, and don't care how much damage they do to the notion of public discourse. The next thing they say is that private editing of privately-owned institutional press publications is censorship.
'That, itself, was a coordinated campaign of falsehood!'
You don't know what disinformation is.
'on the one hand, purveyors of disinformation, and on the other hand, the institutional media'
This is only a useful dichotomy if you're a disinformation merchant who occasionally gets fact-checked by real journalists and you need to portray yourself as a plucky truth-teller.
'Institutional media routinely are purveyors of ‘disinformation’'
None of your three examples qualify as disinformation. At worst the first two are disputed facts and opinions. The third is just dishonest. The side that relies heavily on disinformation laboriously constantly trots out exactly the same supposed examples of mainstream disinformation, when actual disinformation is stuff like the election lies, the vaccines-are-poison lies, the trans panic lies, and pretty much everything about the Hunter Biden laptop story.
What was reported to be "Hunter's laptop" was actually Hunter's laptop, true or false?
Good question. Leave it right there until information shows up to resolve the question and you won't risk stupid assertions.
What evidence are you aware of that would lead you to think it is not Hunter's laptop?
Much evidence has been shown that it is his laptop. and none that it is not.
Unknown. I think the question itself is not well formulated, though. The issue isn't whether there's a computer out there that was a laptop belonging to Hunter. The issue is whether the data that has been reported as being on that laptop (a) came from that laptop; and (b) was Hunter's data. And that can't be answered en grosse; if it were a Russian plot, it would likely have legitimate data and phony data mixed together.
Brett rationalizing an end to critical reading in favor of believing what you feel to be true.
Really emblemizing the problem on the right these days.
I'm sorry, are you suggesting that there is no need to revisit Sullivan, because consumers of media are capable of applying critical analysis to what they consume, and coming to the truth from that? Because that would mean the "disinformation" censorship schemes the Left is pushing are unnecessary and harmful.
Don't let any other Leftists know you've embraced right-wing values, or they'll chase you out of the club.
If you have information indicating that Sarcastr0 is embracing half-educated racism, superstitious gay-bashing, deplorable immigrant-hating, race-targeting voter suppression, nonsense-based schools, old-timey misogyny, Volokh Conspiracy-style racial slurs, chanting antisemitism, gun nuttery, or any other right-wing values, please provide that information so that I can personally push Sarcastr0 out of the club -- the Culture War Winners Club.
Carry on, clingers.
I don't believe we should revisit Sullivan - the UK seems an object lesson against that.
But I'm not talking about that, nor am I talking about how cynical to be about consumers of media as an undifferentiated mass, nor about policing falsehoods. I have thoughts, but that's not my motive here.
I'm talking about individuals. You, and Brett. And how Brett's take on disinformation just being created by the conspiracy that is the institutional media, man.
That's just rationalizing how to pick and choose what to believe.
I’m sorry, are you suggesting that there is no need to revisit Sullivan, because consumers of media are capable of applying critical analysis to what they consume, and coming to the truth from that?
I do not suggest, but instead insist, that in most cases no one is capable to do that, unless they have opportunity to interrogate qualified sources of information. Which means not just consuming information, but participating in dialogue with the source, to see how things come out.
Given the unlikelihood that most, "consumers of media," will get that opportunity on most questions, what alternative do you suppose best serves would-be, "consumers of media?" My suggestion is reliance on sources who do have capacity to dialogue with sources. It works best when those demonstrate over time that they do it in a trustworthy way, and then report results which include enough description of the process of finding out to enable confidence.
None of that can happen in the cases of anonymous sources whose contributions are never read by any person curious about the validity of the subject matter prior to its publication.
The claim that coverage of the laptop was widely suppressed is not so much disinformation as a bald-faced lie.
Also, since it was empirically true that it looked like Russian disinformation, it could not be a campaign of falsehood to say that it looked like Russian disinformation.
"It looked like Russian disinformation", hmm?
So, just asking, since this is so obvious to you - what other cases that WERE "Russian disinformation" looked like the Hunter Biden laptop?
Of course, it could be a campaign of falsehood when people making the claims knew it was true... which, since the laptop had been shared with law enforcement and the IC years before, was not a small number of people.
I'd love to see a coherent definition of "disinformation" that is legally enforceable without violating first amendment rights. I suspect that none exists ... and that this is simply a cudgel against unpopular views.