The Volokh Conspiracy
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"The Right to Defy Criminal Demands"
This article (which I serialized several months ago) is now out in the NYU Journal of Law & Liberty. The Introduction:
Craig is trying to force Danielle to do something, by explicitly or implicitly threatening to criminally retaliate if she doesn't go along. And, as often happens, Craig's threatened crime would endanger not just Danielle but also innocent bystanders.
Should the legal system require Danielle to comply with the demand, on pain of civil liability or even of criminal punishment? Or should Danielle have, in effect, a right to defy Craig's demands, even if this means a higher risk to bystanders?
These questions arise in many contexts: threats to abortion clinics; attempts to impose a "heckler's veto" on unpopular speakers; threats by robbers or kidnappers; attacks by jealous exes; and more. And they arise with many legal rules that might punish such defiance, such as nuisance law, negligence law, and the criminal law of disturbing the peace and recklessness endangerment. A version of the problem also arises with the criminal law duty to retreat and its lesser-known cousin, the duty to comply with negative demands.
In this Article, I'll try to bridge these topics, discussing the various facets of the problem together; I hope that showing these connections (which to my knowledge, had not been drawn before) can more clearly illuminate the core principles underlying the right. My conclusion is that, on balance, it's good for courts and legislatures to generally recognize a "right to defy criminal demands": a right to refuse to comply with such demands, without being held civilly or criminally liable for the consequences of this defiance, and without losing other important rights (such as the right to lethal self-defense) because of such defiance. And I think the legal system does indeed usually recognize it, though not completely consistently, and without a recognition that the right transcends various legal doctrines. (This Article is thus within the longstanding genre of works that infer a legal principle from a set of legal decisions that support the principle, even when the decisions haven't consciously articulated the principle.)
The Article will chart the potential scope of this right, and the authority for and against it. I begin by explaining the many fact patterns, mostly based on real cases, in which the question arises (Part I). I then discuss how a possible right to defy criminals arises as to negligence (Part II), nuisance (Part III), criminal law generally (Part IV), and the duties to retreat and comply (Part V). In Part VI, I discuss possible limits on the right to defy: for instance, perhaps the defiant person's behavior may still be punishable if it's independently wrongful (e.g., fighting words); if it has the specific purpose of provoking violence; if forbidding that behavior imposes only a modest intrusion on liberty (one possible rationale for a limited duty to retreat); if the behavior is legal but constitutionally unprotected; or if her defiance is unreasonable. Or perhaps even if Danielle's behavior may not be legally punishable, it should still lead to a lesser penalty for the criminal who is provoked by such behavior.
Finally, Part VII will ask whether it's legitimate for the law to require expensive precautions against threats, short of requiring compliance with criminal demands—for instance, by requiring threatened people or institutions to hire armed guards, put up physical barriers, or warn visitors or neighbors of the threat. I think these precautions aren't as violative of the threat victims' dignity, because they don't enlist the state on the side of the criminal threatener. At the same time, courts and legislatures should be cautious about imposing such obligations, because they do let the threateners use the legal system to impose potentially massive costs on their victims. And, I'll argue, that is especially so when the duty is a duty to warn, which may intrude on the victims' privacy and lead people to shun them.
If you're interested, you can read the whole thing here.
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Did Donald Trump have a free speech right to deny a rape accusation? The recent jury trial found that the woman lied about the rape, but nevertheless found Trump liable because his overbroad denial was defamatory. Should he have the right to deny an accusation any way he wants to?
You found that on the verdict form? Are you a lawyer?
Yes, that was on the verdict form. It was widely reported. You can find a copy of the verdict form online. No special lawyer access is required.
Just checked the form, you lying piece of shit.
Here (from a reputable source) is the completed Verdict Form.
Turns out Roger S is a lying piece of shit as well as a worthless, half-educated right-wing bigot . . . and, therefore, a core element of this blog’s target audience.
If I operated a blog that attracted these fans, I would be ashamed. I guess I’m not Conspirator material.
Carry on, clingers.
The woman testified that she had been raped. The jury form asked: "Did Ms. Carroll prove, by a preponderance of the evidence, that Mr. Trump raped Ms. Carroll?" The answer was NO. That means that the preponderance of the evidence was that she lied.
Strictly, they could have found that it was a tie on the evidence.
Also, they could have found that her claim was false, but that she thought it was true, which would make it not a lie.
But for practical purposes it's fair to say that if even a NY jury, in the age of Me-too, with the Orange One in the crosshairs, failed to find in her favor, then it only happened in la-la land.
Okay, I will be more precise. Her main claim was that Trump raped her. Her only evidence was her testimony. Trump did not put up a defense. The jury found that there was a 50% or greater likelihood that Trump did NOT rape her. The jury did not say whether she was dishonest, delusional, or mentally ill.
Thanks very much for this. I look forward to reading it. It has been shocking to me over the last few years to have lawyer friends suggest little could be done to physically oppose those engaging in heckler's vetos.
It seems to me (IANAL) that proportionality matters similarly to responding to crime or threats. A resident shooting a night-time burglar is at least arguably reasonable; shooting a shoplifter is usually not. If the shoplifter steals because he was threatened with death, the crime lies with the threatener alone. But if the threat was merely yelling loudly, that doesn't justify theft, so both are at fault.
It will be interesting to see how wrong I am 🙂
If the shoplifter steals because he was threatened with death, the crime lies with the threatener alone.
I beg to differ.
I would think that "Your panicked answer to the trolley problem must match our careful after-the-fact review" wouldn't be a great idea. OTOH, qualified immunity started out with that premise and it's gone a bit too far the other way.