The Volokh Conspiracy
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Why The Statutory Debt-Limit Gimmicks Don't Work
They are all looking for elephants in mouseholes, and even the "premium bonds" theory has its flaws.
I've gotten some texts and emails the past few days about various statutory tricks that the President might use to circumvent the debt limit. If it's right that the President has the statutory authority to circumvent the limit, of course, then the whole negotiation process going on right now would be gratuitous.
So far as I can tell, the two big proposed statutory gimmicks are: (1) mint the giant platinum coin (practically infeasible, already rejected by Treasury, and amply dissected elsewhere over many years); and (2) issue "premium bonds," wherein the "face value" for debt limit purposes is low, but the interest rate is high—so they sell for a higher price. Because the premium bonds scheme has been dissected in less detail and has struck some commentators as obviously more plausible, I'll offer a few preliminary thoughts on it below. This is one where I'd like to learn more.
But I'd also like to offer a kind of macro reaction to this class of theories: If any of the statutory gimmick theories were correct, it would suggest that Congress—despite having re-upped the debt limit more than 100 times and having behaved in numerous other ways in numerous other statutes as if the limit really were a binding constraint on the government—also gave the Executive Branch a simple tool (perhaps many tools!) to render the limit a dead letter. The Scalia line has become something of a cliché, but still: It's a lot of elephants for some little (or at best medium) mouseholes. For legal realists, I don't see any of these strategies prevailing in litigation.
I would also find some of the statutory theories much more appealing if applying a somewhat strained statutory reading were necessary to avoid an imminent constitutional violation. In that type of scenario, perhaps the President would have a kind of constitutional avoidance doctrine to support action: Hey, this might not be the best reading of the statute, but it's not an impossible one—and in this one case it's necessary to avoid violating the Constitution.
The problem with that line of thinking is that there isn't really a good reason to suspect that any constitutional violation is imminent. Under-spending isn't necessarily unconstitutional. (No one thinks banal deficiency appropriations are constitutionally required to correct a violation of the Spending Clause.) And, even if you believe the 14th Amendment prevents "default," there isn't a good reason to think default is on the imminent horizon—Treasury can roll the debt over and pay interest with tax revenue. If negotiations over the debt limit fail (now seeming increasingly unlikely), we might encounter all sorts of thorny statutory problems in the weeks to come—the Prompt Payment Act, the Fair Labor Standards Act, the Tucker Act, the Anti-Deficiency Act, and so on. But I don't see looming constitutional ones—and thus no occasion for a strained reading.
Which brings me to premium bonds—a theory that some commentators regard as not strained at all. The statutory debt limit only looks to the "face value" of securities, but Treasury has control over both the "face value" and the interest rate. So the idea is that Treasury can sell bonds with a low "face value" but a really high interest rate—thereby getting a higher price. But, in addition to the macro point above—would the Court really think Congress provided this authority?—there are some more granular legal problems with it too. (I say all this with the caveat that I am a lawyer and not a financial engineer.)
First, the regulations. It seems uncontested that the relevant regulations contemplate Treasury issuing only notes and bonds at par—$100 price for $100 bond—or at discount, but not a premium. Matt Levine says this is not a problem because the regulations also say that Treasury "[r]eserve[s] the right to modify the terms and conditions of new securities and to depart from the customary pattern of securities offerings at any time." If only it were this easy! The rulemaking provisions of the Administrative Procedure Act apply to the process of "formulating, amending, or repealing" a rule. Sure, sometimes agencies will write a rule that includes something like Treasury's proviso above—hey, here's a rule, but we can waive any part of the rule any time. Including that sentence does not make it so. If exercised—and especially if exercised in a substantial way—this cries out for challenge as an attempt to circumvent both the APA and the Accardi doctrine (whereby an agency must follow its own regulations).
Second, the statute. I do not think it's crazy to read the statute as authorizing premium bonds, but it's also not obvious that this is the best reading. One issue is whether the authorizing legislation (which looks to "face value" and gives Treasury authority to, e.g., "issue bonds of the Government for the amounts borrowed") requires a certain kind of fit between "amounts borrowed" and "face value." Another issue is practice: Has Treasury always read and applied these provisions in that way—i.e., only offering bonds at either par or a discount? My sense is "yes," but I'm genuinely not sure and open to being educated. If it's right that Treasury has never assumed the authority to offer premium bonds over many decades—and that this stable background reading of the statute and course of practice has informed decades of legislative tweaks to the debt limit and authorizing legislation—it would be a bad fact for the premium-bond theory. A final issue is context: The statute specifically contemplates discount securities (so "Congress knows" how to deviate from par), but does not seem to contemplate premium securities, and suggests "issue price" as the baseline for calculating face value.
This leaves me feeling somewhat uncertain. It may all be a non-starter because of the regulations, but even as a statutory matter I am not yet persuaded that premium bonds are the slam dunk that others think.
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This seems to assume an implausible level of competence in Congress and an implausible unwillingness to consider politics in the Supreme Court.
Indeed.
The conservatives on the Supreme Court have damaged its reputation by extreme politically motivated rulings (Roberts' caution has led to him being derided around here as not conservative). Whether a gimmick is within the law probably won't matter to them anyway.
So it seems that the various gimmicks would: put off the issue for however long it takes the Supreme Court to make a partisan ruling, win the Democrats points with their supporters, and push the negotiation of spending cuts into the appropriations process.
Conversely, making a deal with the Republicans is uncertain to put off the issue for very long, would harm the Democrats with their supporters, impose spending cuts the Republicans did not pursue when they controlled both chambers and the Presidency, and create an ugly precedent of caving to Republican bomb-throwing.
The conservatives on the Supreme Court have damaged its reputation by extreme politically motivated rulings
And of course the liberals on the Supreme Court have never given politically motivated rulings. Right...
If there were a partisan leftist majority, that could be a concern. But I don't see any left wing equivalent of some of the terrible right wing rulings in lower courts, like the mifepristone one.
I think that's right. The reason "major questions" happened is because it allows SCOTUS to leverage the filibuster in the Senate to prevent Democrats from imposing environmental regulations and other things SCOTUS justices don't like.
But SCOTUS justices DO like their own investments! So they are going to come into a Platinum Coin or Premium Bond case with a completely flipped set of background assumptions- "how do we uphold this?" rather than "how do we strike it down?".
The big problem for premium bonds and the Coin is practical- it needed to be done awhile ago, so the challenges could happen BEFORE we hit the debt limit. Now, Judge Kacsmaryk's ruling striking it down, even if temporary, will throw the world economy into chaos.
The text you linked to does not say this, it says that bills are issued at par or at a discount but notes and bonds may also be issued at a premium "depending upon the auction results".
The author is wrong about this.
Treasury auctions result in premium bonds being issued all the time. Mostly because coupons are rounded and market rates change. Albeit slight premiums. Often coupons are rounded to .5% or .25% or .125% for arithmetic ease. Which sometimes results in bonds being auctioned at slight premiums.
See my post below… there are lots of sound financial reasons the Treasury rarely (if ever) sets out to issue premium bonds (other than coupon rounding). So no surprise the statute is somewhat silent.
ISTM that the very fact that the securities are sold at auction permits premium bonds. Indeed, the regulations Clarke links to, far from prohibiting sales at a premium, actually allow for them:
(c) Treasury bonds —
(1) Treasury non-indexed bonds.
(i) Are issued with a stated rate of interest to be applied to the par amount;
(ii) Have interest payable semiannually;
(iii) Are redeemed at their par amount at maturity;
(iv) Are sold at discount, par, or premium, depending on the auction results; and
(v) Have maturities of more than ten years.
The sections on bills and notes also contain the bolded language. So I don't know what he's talking about.
Under current practice, new issues are sold at or below par, but reopenings of existing issues can be sold above par. For example, in January of this year the treasury sold 29 year, 10 month bonds at a price of $107.556697 per $100 face value. Here is a link to the auction result: https://www.treasurydirect.gov/instit/annceresult/press/preanre/2023/R_20230112_4.pdf
Indeed. And you don't have to be a very deep financial engineer to appreciate that if you are aiming to issue at par, if you use an auction to sell your bonds, you are as likely to finish up issuing at a premium as issuing at a discount, unless you deliberately aim off, and shoot for an issue at a modest discount.
It's inherent in the auction process that the issue price is governed by the bids, not merely by the issuer hope to issue at par. It's not easy to see how either the reality of issuing by auction, or the statutory language, could be argued to forbid deliberately issuing at a premium.
Obviously the economic reality, if you deliberately issue at a premium, is that you are issuing a type of amortising loan with a principal equal to the actual issue price, not the face amount, and with each interest payment really being a mix of interest and prncipal repayment. And for a corporate borrower, that's just how the accounting and tax would go.
But accountants and tax collectors (and the courts when considering tax matters) are well used to seeing through the formality and dealing with the substance. But I cannot imagine the courts trying that with the statutory text of the debt limit.
The real questions are practical.
(a) how would the financial markets react to the attempt to issue such bonds ? Would there be a risk premium attached to the possibility that a court might find them not to be "authorized by law and thus capable of being repudiated ? Treasury Bond buyers are not risk seekers.
and
(b) would the Treasury Bond market like the idea that for practical purposes the debt limit had been permanently abolished with a financial engineering wheeze ? They might not like the game of Congressional chicken over the debt limit, but it's not obvious that they'd be that keen on the idea that the President can issue as much debt as he likes, whenever he likes.
Mostly correct, and the issues you raise in (a) are good questions, but I very much disagree with (b).
The President could not, in fact, issue as much debt as he likes, or at least he couldn't spend the money, since his ability to spend is limited.
My own view is that the financial markets would welcome the idea. The debt ceiling is a loaded gun in the hands of children. It might go of at any time.
Bernard is correct, in the absence of the debt limit borrowing is still limited by statute to "amounts necessary for expenditures authorized by law" and Congress controls that authorization.
Y'all are obviously very inexperienced financial engineers.
You're assuming that “amounts necessary for expenditures authorized by law” authorizes no more than the borrowing to finance the deficit - ie the excess of spending over tax. But of course it authorizes borrowing to finance the totality of spending.
It doesn't say "amounts necessary for expenditures authorized by law, less amounts received in tax and other revenues" - the limit is the amount of the authorized expenditure. The President is not instructed to use tax revenues first and borrowing second. Nor is he required to hold off spending until a good chunk of tax comes in. Borrowing is only not "necessary" if and to the extent that the President decides to use tax revenues to finance expenditure in preference to using borrowing.
And once you have no borrowing constraint (other than the markets) you can spend anything you like without "spending" - you can for example waive student loans, or decline to collect taxes from favored groups.
I don't agree that the courts would read "amounts necessary for expenditures" to mean "amounts of expenditures", but in the unlikely event they did the President's ability to borrow would still be limited so your claim that he could "issue as much debt as he likes, whenever he likes" is incorrect.
I can think of only one situation where the President might want to issue debt not actually needed for expenditures. In an extreme low interest rate environment it might make sense to issue some long-term bonds just to hold the cash.
Of course the solution here is to pass a simple and sensible bill that kills the debt limit and says the President is authorized to borrow money only to the extent that appropriations exceed revenues.
That would produce a rational situation, as opposed to what we have now, where Congress appropriates and then some members stupidly get angry about borrowing to act on them.
What it would result in, predictably and intentionally, is eliminating the last remaining situation under which spending limits get any serious consideration.
I doubt it.
There would still remain a real check on borrowing - the bond market, which, btw, is a vastly better judge of these things than the Freedom Caucus.
"Obviously the economic reality, if you deliberately issue at a premium, is that you are issuing a type of amortising loan with a principal equal to the actual issue price, not the face amount, and with each interest payment really being a mix of interest and prncipal repayment. And for a corporate borrower, that’s just how the accounting and tax would go."
That's exactly what I was thinking.
For the taxation of treasury bonds though, wouldn't the "interest payments" all be taxable income, and thus divorced from the economic reality? This also means that the higher the "premium" goes, the market price of the securities will become dramatically lower in order to maintain the same after-tax yield, as what would be a tax-free return of principal is converted to taxable interest. Thus the government's real cost of capital goes higher and higher.
Yes, but mostly no. Yes, there may be some taxpayers (including some foreigners) who are going to be taxed on the formal amount of interest, and for whom the capital loss on the principal is a lemon for tax purposes.
But the vast majority of the market - banks, other financial service businesses, IRAs, tax exempt entities, foreign sovereigns, and of course the Fed - couldn't care less about the legal form difference between interest and capital as it would make no difference to their tax.
They might not be a great deal for some, taxwise, but for most players the tax would be a meh. The issue would be - is there a risk I might not get my money back if the courts decided it was too clever by half ? Even a 1% risk of that would have an effect on the pricing.
Ok, so if you bought a premium bond from Treasury, your principal would be the price paid rather than the face value, and the “interest payments” would be treated as return of principal in part? So that taxation is more in line with the economic reality? Never mind then. Still I wonder how exactly this would be figured, is the recognition of interest income spread out evenly over the term?
I'm not offering any comment about how an individual US taxpayer would be taxed. I'm just saying that if an individual US taxpayer was taxed on the whole interest coupon as income, and got squat, or squat useful, as a capital loss on the difference between what he bought for (a lot) and what was redeemed (a little), yes that would be very sad and it would be a bad investment for him.
But the bulk of Treasury Bonds are not held by individuals, they're held by institutions of various kinds. And they wouldn't care, because they'd just be taxed (if taxable at all) on the real overall return. eg a bank would treat both the interest and the loss on the principal as ordinary income items.
Google how to amortize bond premium. Essentially, a portion of the premium offsets the interest. It can be spread evenly over time, but the IRS and accountants prefer “level yield” calculation which means the premium is written off over time in line with economic reality,
Got it!
https://www.wallstreetmojo.com/amortization-of-bond-premium/
With the second method, it is based on a "market rate" - what's that? The rate the market is currently yielding for that security?
Whatever the contract specifies as market rate = With the second method, it is based on a “market rate” – what’s that?
Typically names a tracking index in the contract.
For tax purposes, the market rate is the yield at the time of the purchase. You can determine this in excel. For example, given the date of purchase (settlement date), coupon, price, some other parameters, you calculate yield() given price. Then you recalculate price (at that initial yield) every tax season (except the new settlement date is the as of date of the tax return). new price – old price = change in premium, which you can then use to offset interest.
“The problem with that line of thinking is that there isn’t really a good reason to suspect that any constitutional violation is imminent.”
There actually is a good reason to suspect a constitutional violation is imminent: Democrats are very devoted to high spending levels, and not terribly fond of the Constitution, and if they have to chose one or the other, there’s actually a very good chance they’d decide to violate the Constitution rather than cut spending.
This is not to say that they'd openly admit to violating the Constitution, of course. They haven't quite gotten to that point, they'd come up with some strained interpretation to justify the action.
Republicans are a giggling child playing with a loaded gun, unaware of the real danger. Biden is the nervous parent trying to talk the kid into handing it over.
Democrats are drooling idiots, incoherently babbling about things they do not understand and cannot handle. Republicans are the party of science and understanding.
I mean that very literally. Biden, Fetterman, Feinstein -- the whole lot are being propped up by hacks.
Republicans are the party of science and understanding.
Yes, the party whose leader stared at the sun, is a party of science and understanding.
Yeah, except he didn't go blind, because he didn't look directly at the sun.
Your "Party of Science" are the ones that fly in Petroleum powered Jets to Climate Change Conferences, and believe chopping off a chick's tits, sewing up her pussy, and implanting a prosthetic dick turn her into a Man (they don't she's a woman with chopped off tits, a sewn up pussy, and a prosthetic dick)
Frank
I realize that Biden being older than dirt produces an inherent temptation to characterize him as the adult in the room, but it’s more like he’s into his second childhood.
If you want a real analogy, the Democrats are driving the car towards a cliff at 100 mph, and the Republicans are wrestling for the steering wheel. And people are complaining that they’re risking a crash by doing so…
Of course, everybody has known the cliff was there for decades, and that the car was headed towards it, but the drive was just so enjoyable nobody wanted to stop until it was absolutely necessary. And now everybody is arguing over how far away the cliff is, and whether it’s really necessary to turn yet, or we can just enjoy the drive for a bit longer.
A few people have become so addicted to the trip that they argue the cliff is a mirage… And are arguing for ripping out the brake pedal. (Abolishing the debt ceiling.)
You make it sound like raising the debt limit is a continuation of our addiction to deficit spending. It's not. If anything it's Biden who is trying to turn away from the cliff.
Since you don't understand the situation I won't continue this conversation.
Very adult of you. When will you be kicking in your $100,000 share of the debt?
I was merely following Proverbs 23:9
Seems that would be better suited to SaecasrtO and Nige among others.
“It’s Biden who’s trying to turn away from the cliff”
Biden is still pissed that the last Congress wouldn’t agree to let him print another $3 trillion. The detachment of your statement from reality is alarming. Are you ok?
The addiction is to spending, deficit spending is just the easiest way to get the hit.
You absolutely have zero understanding of this issue.
That's just the disaffected delusion, the antisocial autism, and the belligerent ignorance talking.
A better analogy is that we are driving down the highway, should probably slow down a bit, and the GOP just wants to slam on the emergency brake - now.
And it's not because they are really worried, but because it will make the driver look bad.
Your better analogy is just taking the Democrats' position in the argument as a given.
Basically everybody but lunatics agrees that growing federal debt will eventually cause a disaster, so your 'highway' ends in a cliff. The argument is over whether or not we've gotten so close to the cliff that we need to slam on the brakes, or if we can enjoy the ride for a bit longer.
everybody but lunatics agrees that growing federal debt will eventually cause a disaster,
No. Everyone does not agree with that. Not remotely. Because it's not true.
DANGER WILL ROBINSON.
haha, no. There is no danger from lower spending levels. When inflation is high, this is exactly what .gov should be doing: fiscal restraint.
Raising taxes does not raise revenue. People change behavior and avoid them. See also: CA and NY.
From a cynical enough point of view, all laws achieve nothing because people will simply avoid them. (States with high taxes suffered from the 2017 tax cut bill, which limited the federal deduction for state and local taxes, so some of their negative experience was inflicted by Republicans at the federal level, not their own longstanding policies.)
For example, the Massachusetts millionaire tax will indeed raise less revenue than it might due to tax avoidance and relocation to other states, but it will raise revenue. And less relocation than avoidance is expected, even though relocating to another state is substantially easier than relocating to another country.
What is true is that tax cuts do not raise revenue, demonstrated over and over again, but it's still claimed to justify another round of tax cuts.
no.
tax revenue as a percent of state gdp rarely changes when taxes go up.
The health of the overall state economy and the stock market is what drives tax revenue.
Millionaires, especially MA millionaries, have the option of working from Florida. Or singapore!
Whether revenue goes up or down when taxes are cut depend largely on whether it stimulates the state economy.
dwb68 torpedoes his own argument; tax increases build up the economy.
The failure of tax cuts has been proven by multiple experiments, like in Kansas, and like every Republican administration that's tried it.
Millionaires leaving Massachusetts? Experiment underway.
ha! if only building an economy was as easy as taxing it to death LMAO.
Taxes have been raised many times, and according to you, it's rare for that to work out otherwise.
Why, it's as if legislatures were actually competent to judge when a tax increase is advisable, and are only rarely incorrect, as opposed to a knee jerk stopped clock like you.
Now you are reaching. Legislatures do all sorts of things that don’t work out, and then try the same thing over and over. Like Illinois. State fiscal incompetence is nothing new. Google the history of the colonies. Lots of them suffered from fiscal incompetence and inflation.
Or maybe you are just being willfully ignorant. Connecticut got themselves in trouble to the point bondholders demanded fiscal restraint. CT used to have no income tax! Since CT imposed income taxes (in the late 90s), crime has gone up, people have moved out. If taxes are so great for the economy, why do people flee ?
You're reaching to disavow your own self-own.
No, he's the creepy old demented man who advised to fire a shotgun out the window.
"and not terribly fond of the Constitution."
You forgot to add "As I, Brett Bellmore, expert in all things for all time, interpret it."
I think you misunderstood the point there. He was saying that if the debt ceiling isn't raised by these time frames that Treasury comes up with, this doesn't mean a Constitutional violation will result, because a "default" still doesn't need to happen (as previously explained) and even if there was a "default" this wouldn't be a Constitutional violation.
...meanwhile Congress recesses for the holiday weekend and I'll guess Biden is off to Delaware.
Presidents can fulfill their responsibilities from other locations; even Trump from prison, I hear. But Congress can only be in session in DC. The main benefit to Biden being in Washington would be to negotiate face to face with Republicans from Congress, and they're not going to be there.
Who would have standing to challenge a dubiously legal gimmick for evading the debt ceiling? I don't have standing as a taxpayer. If I don't want the $100 bond with 100% annual interest I can choose not to buy it. (Like I can choose not to take the abortion pill.)
I'm guessing here, but the only party that might claim standing is the Congress (in this case the House) arguing that the executive was exercising authority that it did not possess.
The House would have clear standing, although the Court might decide it's a nonjusticiable political question.
The Supreme Court decided a few terms ago that one branch of a bicameral legislature does not have standing to defend a statute. Virginia House of Delegates v. Bethune-Hill.
But would the House be "defending a statute" or a Constitutional power?
Lack of standing and jurisdictional issues would seem to be a high bar to clear for any potential plaintiff.
Or it would if there weren't a bunch of Trumpy judges scattered around the country who either don't understand or don't care about legal niceties like that. A kumquat from Argentina could file in Amarillo and Judge Kacsmaryk would happily entertain the suit.
Who would have standing to challenge the executive branch simply ignoring the debt limit?
If the violation of law were obvious to most people the next administration could disavow illegally issued bonds. In the case of a gimmick that too-big-to-fail institutions relied upon there would be pressure on Congress to ratify the bond issue. Better to ask forgiveness than permission.
Better to refuse forgiveness, than see this tactic become routine.
Of course, they should have let some banks fail back in 2007, too. "pour encourager les autres".
Better to avoid contradictory laws in the first place.
Blah, blah, some of the "gimmicks" you pooh-pooh were successfully used under Reagan during this debt limit skirmish. Yet, somehow, you only address the theoretical ones that few support.
If the facts are on your side, pounds the facts. Why are you pounding the table?
Premium bonds are uncommon because borrowers minimize interest costs. Generally: Why even do it. Just reduce the coupon to market (par) and increase the size of the offering, for the same net funds but lower ongoing interest expense.** see example below.
A secondary reason issuers generally avoid above-market coupon (premium bonds) is that the coupon signals to the market what the issuer thinks the price should be. In other words, if the issuer says I should be paying 7%, the market will say “well they know their financials better so…” and maybe yields will climb. Its like when the used car dealer offers a really cheap price and you think “geez this must be a bigger lemon than I thought”
The risk is that then market rates reset higher to 7% from 5%. The issuer auction fails in the sense that what the issuer thought would be premium bonds become auctioned at par, because raters climbed. oops. Then the issuer is paying higher interest with no benefit of additional funds upfront.
There are a lot of reasons issuing premium bonds is not a thing.
Now, what should count against the debt limit? clearly the *redemption amount* because thats what needs to be repaid. Even on premium bonds. Could UST issue premium bonds? Yes, absolutely, why not. The fact that they have not done it historically is irrelevant. It doesn’t make financial sense during ordinary times to pay more in interest expense and it carries a lot of market signalling risks. Its not contemplated in statute, because its rarely done. But if they did, I have zero doubt what should count is the redemption amount.
A more interesting question: do consols count against the debt limit. Probably not – they never need to be repaid. Yes the founders were aware of consols, UK has issued them for hundreds of years.
————————— ** example: Bond A has coupon 7% at a market price 108.75 (5% yield), or a premium of 8.75. Issue 10000 bonds (with 1000 face each) for a total borrowing of $10,875,206 (=108.75/100 * 1000 * 10000) but a future redemption amount of $10,000,000 due in 5 years. The annual interest costs are 7% * 10000*1000 = $700,000. Clearly what matters is the future repayment obligation, $10,000,000.
Or issue 10875 of bond B, coupon 5%, market price 100 (at par or market yield). The initial borrowing is also 10,875,000 (I rounded a bit)- so issuer receives the same funds. The redemption amount due in 5 years is 10,875,000, but the ongoing interest costs are 5% * 10,875,000 = $543,750 , lower than bond A.
Bond B is the one that minimizes interest cost, and why issuers prefer discount or par bonds.
Without getting into the weeds of bond math… this relationship is robust. Par or discount bonds minimize ongoing interest expense. As a rule, the only time when issuers issue above market rate coupon bonds is when the issuers have a call option – the right to redeem the bonds early. But in those cases, the cost of the option subtracts from the premium so even those are generally issued at par.
Also... I should point out, the IRS tax regulations *do* deal with premium amortization should investors buy premium bonds (typically off the secondary market). So its not like premium bonds are a unicorn.
"Probably not – they never need to be repaid."
But they do incur future expenses. They should probably count against the debt limit at their present value if not repaid.
I mean, there's an instrument called a "perpetuity", which is just an annuity that never expires. (Consols are just a variety of this.) How is issuing one of those handled for accounting purposes in the private sector? I expect the institution issuing it has to treat it as a debt on their books, at SOME value.
Whatever they "should" be valued at for accounting purposes, there is a law that governs debt issue and the language of that law controls.
I think the potential difficulty with a perpetual annuity (as opposed to a premium bond) is the part of the debt limit law that says :
“the face amount, for any month, of any obligation issued on a discount basis that is not redeemable before maturity at the option of the holder of the obligation is an amount equal to the sum of….[basically what you’d expect it to be commercially, ie intiially the issue price, growing as the discount unwinds towards payment date
With an ordinary bond, and even with a premium bond, the “obligation” is commonly taken to be the principal of the loan, while each interest coupon, though it is obviously an obligation, is not the obligation. “The” obligation is the amount payable on redemption. The interest coupon is incidental to the principal obligation.
But with a perpetual annuity, there is no principal obligation. The final amount to be paid isn’t an obligation, because there is no final amount to be paid. Thus unlike the case of the interest coupon, where we can overlook the fact that it is ‘an” obligation, because it is not “the” obligation, it is much easier, indeed natural, to regard each annuity payment not as an incidental obligation, but as the obligation in its own right, because there is no principal obligation to which it is incidental.
So if I were a lender, I would MUCH prefer the premium bond idea to the perpetual annuity. I’d be decidedly nervous that a perpetual annuity would walk straight into the above rule for obligations issued at a discount.
If I understand correctly, it sounds like you are saying that "face amount" for purposes of the debt ceiling is not the same thing as "face value" for general purposes of treasury bonds.
And it sounds like "face amount" represents something that is more matched to the economic reality, compared to "face value" which is potentially divorced from anything resembling actual principal or amount borrowed in the case of high premium bonds.
If so, this kind of blows up the whole premium bond gimmick idea.
No, the debt limit law has special rules for obligations issued at a discount, substituting – basically – an economically sensible amount as the “face amount” instead of the actual face amount – ie the stated amount of the debt.
The premium bond idea is that these rules only apply to obligations issued at a discount, not to obligations issued at a premium. Hence you can use an economically non sensible amount - ie a number way less than the "true" borrowing, for debt limit purposes. It is hoped.
My concern – if I were a lender – is that what people are describing here as consols or perpetual annuities might, accidentally, fall into the obligations issued at a discount rule. Because what is the “obligation” for a perpetual annuity ? Consol puffers seem to think it is zero, and that the annuities can be ignored. I think that would be a risky take, vulnerable to the argument I made above that the annuities themselves are the only obligations around, and they are indeed issued at a discount.
Premium bonds are different, and do have a principal obligation – the amount payable on maturity – so are safer on this score. Not slam dunk safer, of course, because any bond is in reality a series of zero coupon obligations issued at a discount (that’s basically what strips are about). I just wouldn’t expect the courts to go all substance over form, except in a tax case.
Got it.
In any event, seems like there's a question as to what "face amount" means for purposes of the statute. On the one hand, it sounds similar to "face value" which has a commonly used meaning. This would support the idea that premium bonds could be used to evade the debt ceiling.
On the other hand, one might argue that the "special rule," even though it refers only to discount bonds, clearly illustrates that "face amount" in this statute does not necessarily mean "face value." And one might further argue that the provision is useful in determining what "face amount" does mean, such as in the case of premium bonds which, although not explicitly mentioned, present a similar case to discount bonds.
What makes it perpetual is that there is no maturity date. It can still have a face (par) value and be redeemable at the option of the issuer. The UK government called all its remaining circulating consols in 2015, paying them at par.
What makes it perpetual is that there is no maturity date.
True. But that is also what prevents there being any obligation aside from the annuity payments.
It can still have a face (par) value and be redeemable at the option of the issuer.
And so in terms of the chunk of law I quoted above, because the issuer has an option, but not an obligation, to redeem, if a court were to ask "so, guys, what is the "obligation" on this consol thing ?" there would be a danger that they would answer their own question thus : "the only obligation we can see here are the obligations to make the annuity payments, and it seems to us that these obligations were issued at a discount. Indeed the mathematcal experts state in the record that the proportion of the total issue price of $101,000 attributable to the obligation to pay $5,000 on 14 January 2026 is $4,311, consequently that obligation was issued at a discount of $689.
If they said that, then the statutory arithmetic for obligations issued at a discount would kick in, and that would displace the stated face amount. Thus if an attempt was made to defeat the debt limit, by constructing a high interest "consol bond" that could be issued for roughly $100,000 but with a face amount of only $20,000, being the amount payable at redemption if the issuer exercises his option to redeem, then there's a non trivial risk that it wouldn't work under the law as written.
I see what you mean, I'm just not sure "obligation" can be defined so narrowly here. It has a rather broader definition elsewhere in Title 31 that encompasses many varieties of future monetary liabilities, including "a loan agreement showing the amount and terms of repayment".
Now, not all obligations are subject to the debt limit, only those issued under chapter 31, which is to say Treasury debt instruments. I have to think a perpetual Treasury bond with an amount (face value) and terms of repayment (at the option of the issuer) ticks all the boxes.
You might be right. But the important thing is not what you think, or what I think, but what bidders for bonds think. And if they think there's even a very small chance that youre wrong, then they're going to bid less for the fancy new bonds. Or not play at all.
Unless you can think up a good way of forcing them to buy. So for example in galaxies not that far away, governments force banks, pension funds etc to buy government debt as part of their financial stability rules (the theory being that government debt is "risk free" - ho ho ho.). No reason why they can't force you to buy whatever issue they want you to buy.
(And while I'm on the subject, I'll mention that the regime that may not be mentioned, run by the guy with the silly moustache, did this with corporations. Corporations were allowed to make profits, but they weren't allowed to spend the profits as they wished. They could invest profits in new productive assets - if and only if that was approved by the relevant Ministry - or they could buy German government bonds. And that was the full extent of the choice open to them.)
Annuities are valued at the expected present value of cashflows, including some probability that the recipient dies early. Social security puts out actuarial tables just for this purpose.
Consols... yeah idk. one argument might be these are simply deeply discounted bonds.
Sure. Make the face value something like 1% of the annual payment. Have them mature in 100 years.
Premium bonds are uncommon because borrowers minimize interest costs. Generally: Why even do it. Just reduce the coupon to market (par) and increase the size of the offering, for the same net funds but lower ongoing interest expense.** see example below.
I'm don't quite follow this. In your example, assuming the payments on each bond have the *same PV (which of course they should) why would the borrower prefer one over the other (unless its expected cash flows were are going to be much bigger towards the end of the term)?
Yours don't quite, but that's a nit for these purposes.
Here by "cost" I mean the annual expense (not the PV of it).
Bond B has lower annual interest expense (543k vs 700k).
Annual interest expense is a cash outflow and generally borrowers try to minimize cash outflows (think, minimum payment) (alternatively you can think of it as maximizing [revenue - cash outflows]).
CFOs love to see positive cashflow, and the more positive the better!
OK. So you are saying the reason is psychological, not economic.
maximizing positive cashflow is not psychological LMAO.
Business revenue is often uncertain. Minimizing fixed costs (including interest expense) is sound financial management.
In terms of government spending, you minimize annual interest expense to leave room for other expenditures.
There is really no reason to issue above market coupon bonds... like I said you simple increase size of the offering, reduce the coupon, collect the same $ day 1, and lower interest costs.
Put your ass back on.
If the PV is the same you are not maximizing positive cash flow.
Business revenue is often uncertain. Minimizing fixed costs (including interest expense) is sound financial management.
But part of those fixed outlays is the ultimate payoff of the debt, which is higher in B than A, by just the right amount.
The exact opposite. Cashflow is critical. This is actually a point that I never see discussed with the "premium bond" proposal, which I will separately comment on below. But the gist is simply that higher interest is a real, yearly cost.
Yes, Publius, cash flow is critical.
But that doesn’t make your statement true.
You can’t argue that one scheme is better than another by just looking at some of the cash flows, and not all of them.
I found it confusing that you put in quotes a term that doesn’t appear in the linked text, but you appear to be asserting that the authorized amount borrowed must refer to the face value rather than, say, the receipts at auction. That doesn’t make sense to me, but if I concede the point it only makes premium bonds more attractive because it authorizes receiving funds that may be significantly greater than what the expenditures justify.
It is absurd to conclude that premium bonds aren’t authorized because Congress didn’t write an explicit definition of face amount for them. That interpretation would also deny that issues at par were authorized, since they aren’t specifically contemplated either.
I agree with this. However the author didn't really address the interpretation of the debt limit statute and the issue of whether premium bonds would evade the debt limit, instead focusing on whether premium bonds could even be issued in the first place, and the argument seems a bit soft there.
Every single one of the mother fuckers should have to sell their Plasma till the debts paid off.
That's what I did in Med School when I was short of $$$ (that and my Jizz, but you gotta have Testicles for that, which rules out Congress)
Frank "What do you you know, I AM Bitter"
How about an analysis of what happens if bonds are issued in violation of the debt limit?
Would Congress refuse to pay them? I don’t see that happening. Would Biden be impeached? Probably not. Would the Treasury secretary be prosecuted? Hah! Yeah right.
What’s the penalty for just issuing bonds anyway? None I can see.
If they were issued on questionable authority, who would buy them?
Someone will. Under the premise that either 1) it's legal or 2) they'll be paid back anyway.
I expect that getting people to buy bonds the government could perfectly legally default on, since they'd been issued illegally, would be a bit of an uphill battle. Anybody buying them on behalf of an institution would be taking a huge risk, because it could be treated as a clear violation of their fiduciary responsibilities.
I don't know, maybe you could sell them directly to Democrats, with the understanding that they had a high probability of ending up being donations, not investments?
I figured Democrats would buy them under the premise they're legally issued. There's enough in institutions that they'd have no problem. Especially since it's someone else's money.
It seems as if Clarke is unaware that the U.S. has previously issued consol bonds.
It seems as if Stephen Lathrop is still ignorant of the fact that consol bonds have a dollar amount that counts as debt.
I believe the actual proposal is to issue consol bonds with a low face value and outrageously high rate of interest, so that they could be sold at an extreme premium, while being counted against the debt ceiling based on their face value. This would be done as part of rolling over the current debt, so would not require raising the debt ceiling.
Then if the debt ceiling actually was raised, they could pay off the bonds with funds from issuing normal bonds, to terminate the elevated interest payments.
Or, you know, just sell them in the first place to cronies, and neglect to do that…
Anyway, wouldn't a private sector entity that tried treating such ultra high interest consol bonds as a debt based on their face value be looking at some sort of accounting fraud charges?
Who would buy such bonds unless the government guaranteed the consols could not be redeemed for some multi-month or multi-year term?
And if the government made such guarantees, why wouldn't that level of fiscal irresponsibility be impeachable or even criminal misconduct?
Trivially, it would be impeachable, (Because anything more than half the House dislikes is.) but extraordinarily unlikely to result in a conviction, because at least a third of the Senate would likely be OK with the criminal misconduct.
If criminal misconduct, it would be a federal crime, and I'm sure a pardon would be in the offing.
Do you mean they couldn't be called?
Why on earth would issuing such a security be a crime, or even misconduct of any kind?
Who would buy such bonds unless the government guaranteed the consols could not be redeemed for some multi-month or multi-year term?
If the redemption price was the present value of the remaining payments people would buy them.
Indeed, if the redemption price were just stated explicitly, whatever it was, people would buy them, factoring the redemption into the price they were willing to pay.
The theory outlined by Brett is that the redemption price would be small, but the interest rate would be huge. However, the number of interest payments is controlled by the issuer -- so the buyer doesn't know their value, and cannot reliably estimate the value unless the issuer makes a promise that limits their redemption rights. But then the issuer commits the US government to unappropriated expenditures (which is the ethical and/or legal problem) for some time. And maybe they're violating the constitution by doing something that calls into question the validity of that debt.
If there is significant uncertainty about the value of interest payments, buyers will pay less premium over the face / redemption value of the bond, but that premium is the supposed benefit of the scheme. Even with a guarantee of minimum value from the issuer, this kind of bond is likely to have a higher cost of borrowing than debt with a more predictable return.
Well, sure, you could make an extreme example where no one would buy. But so what?
That's not how calls normally work. The call price is stated, and there is a date before which the bonds can't be called. Indeed, bond quotes often show a "yield to worst," which is generally the yield assuming the bond is called at the earliest possible time.
Buyers of course take this into account in determining their bids. That's the fundamental problem with a lot of these scenarios. The bonds are sold at auction. The conditions attached influence the bidders, and thus the price at which the bonds sell.
Yes, is not clear whether the scheme that Brett outlined would actually work to raise revenue.
When a consol bond is issued, who commits the US to pay interest indefinitely? What authority is required to do that? The post-Civil War consols were specifically authorized by statute: https://www.theherbstmancollection.com/1877-consol-bonds
The Second Liberty Bond Act of 1917 created the first debt ceiling and broad authorization to issue debt, before then individual authorization was the norm. It was business as usual in 1877 to require a specific statute and it is business as usual today not to require one.
Those consols became redeemable at the government's option in 1907. Committing the US to pay interest for 30 years happens whenever Treasury sells a 30 year bond, and it sells a lot of them.
Selling them at an extreme premium is the whole point of the consol bonds scheme: You use consol bonds instead of regular bonds to roll over the debt, and the premium is available to spend. No premium? It doesn't help you keep up spending levels.
As you say, the redemption period is unpredictable, and assuming no deliberate financial malfeasance by the administration, (Like selling them to cronies, and making a point of delaying redemption...) going to be very short. Ideally you'd redeem them before the first interest payment was due! So to get a high enough premium to make the scheme worth doing, your interest rate has to be extreme.
I'm describing how the scheme is supposed to work. I don't believe, as a practical matter, it does work, because you have to subtract the interest payments from the premium to arrive at the additional money available to spend, and no sane purchaser is going to offer a premium higher than the (Discounted!) anticipated interest payments; It would be simpler to just donate the difference to the Treasury!
Really, the most the consol bond proposal gets you is a bit of extra cash prior to the first interest payment, and then you're probably in a hole, instead.
But, that's to be expected: When people who are living beyond their means, and refusing to even consider spending less, they grasp at straws, and buy into stupid schemes that just put them in a worse position. Basically ALL the proposed fancy work-arounds for the debt ceiling are of that nature, none of them make actual financial sense, because continuing to keep going deeper into debt doesn't make financial sense, and they're all schemes aimed at that.
None of this makes sense.
First, you seem to be confusing premium bonds, which have a fixed maturity date, and consols, which are perpetuities.
I don’t believe, as a practical matter, it does work, because you have to subtract the interest payments from the premium to arrive at the additional money available to spend, and no sane purchaser is going to offer a premium higher than the (Discounted!) anticipated interest payments
The PV of the interest payments consols will always equal the amount paid for the debt, by definition. In the case of debt with fixed maturity the interest payments plus the debt repayment will have PV equal to the purchase price, again by definition.
So I don't know what your point about subtracting interest payments is all about.
If the government has the right to redeem the consols at any time, then the only way anyone will buy them is at a discount from the redemption price.
But it is not automatic that they will be redeemed before the first interest payment. Suppose the consols pay $50/year in interest, on Dec. 31 of each year. Now Dec. 30 rolls around. Will the Treasury redeem the bonds to avoid the interest payment?
Not necessarily.
Say the redemption price is $1000. By not redeeming the government is effectively borrowing $1000 for a year at 5%, which might be a good deal. The risk to the holder is that interest rates drop, which would increase the value of the bonds, but cause the government to redeem them, while if rates go up, the holder is stuck with what is now a poor return.
Really, it's identical to the situation holders of mortgages face. Rates drop and borrowers refinance. Rates rise and they don't.
Anyway, the point that you seem to be stuck on is that the bonds are sold at auction, and the conditions are known to the bidders. The bidders will take all those conditions into account in deciding what to bid.
I don’t think this is correct. (By “this” I mean Brett not bernard.)
It’s easy enough to do a little spreadsheet model of a 10 year Treasury issue. First as a conventional issue, issued and redeemed at 100, with a 5% annual coupon. Second as a “premium” bond issued at 100 and redeemed at 10. The annual coupon required to give the second bond an NPV of 100, using the market discount rate of 5%, is (roughly) 12.16%.
Thus on day zero, with the premium bond, you have refinanced 100 of debt, which was using up 100 of debt limit, with a premium bond using up only 10 of the debt limit. So you have banked 90 of extra debt limit. At the end of year 1, you have to pay the extra coupon of 7.16, reducing your debt limit saving to 82.84. And so on until the end of year 9, you’ve still saved 25 on your debt limit. So the debt limit advantage persists over a long period and only completely unwinds at maturity (after taking into account that you have to refinance the extra interest payments as you go along.)
So if the scheme works as a matter of law, it works arithmetically throughout the life of the bond, albeit diminishing gradually from the original 90. But you can rinse and repeat – what good is a Ponzi scheme if you forget to keep the money flowing round ?
wouldn’t a private sector entity that tried treating such ultra high interest consol bonds as a debt based on their face value be looking at some sort of accounting fraud charges?
No.
Have you ever looked at a company's published financial statements? When you get around to it you will notice that, besides listing the face value of any debts, they also provide footnotes that describe the issue in more detail, including the interest rate.
People who concern themselves with such things read the footnotes pretty carefully. Nobody should be fooled.
Was it done without Congress specifically authorizing it?
That's the question here: Not whether it can be done, but whether the Biden administration can do it on their own initiative.
Congress doesn't need to authorize it. The Treasury has the authority to decide the nature of the debt securities it sells.
I'm aware that the administration can rationalize doing absolutely anything, figuring that the courts will take a while to slap them down, so that they can buy some time even if the rationale is total bullshit.
These schemes aren't meant to be a long term work-around. They're meant to buy enough time for the Republicans to cave. Which is not a stupid thing for Biden to expect, they've always caved before, why not this time?
As an alternative to Rs caving, you prefer a U.S. credit default?
Geeze, how many times already does it have to be pointed out to you that a default isn't in the cards unless the Democrats intentionally engineer one?
You seem to be ruling out the Ds caving, or the two sides reaching a mutual semi-cave deal. Why is that ?
Why would the courts slap them down?
What law would be broken?
The court slapping down would come - if it ever came - in the event of a future admiistration declining further payment on the bonds and the creditor suing for payment. At that point we would discover the courts opinion on whether the bonds were legally issued or not.
Did the US issue consols?
I know the UK has.
When... and when did we redeem them?
What tangible assets or benefits have the American people received from $31+ trillion borrowed spending?
Nothing, unless you’re a defense contractor or other welfare recipient, or one of those politicians who mysteriously become wealthy like Nancy Pelosi, or a Biden or Clinton family member that rakes in millions from foreign interests for as long as you have political power (but not a minute longer).
Why are people surprised that Pelosi is wealthy? That's what happens to people who marry wealthy real estate investors. It's like being surprised that Melania Trump is wealthy.
Whats surprising is Senescent Joe isn't worth more than he is, but then again he was "Senescent" when he was 30.
Frank
Biden is actually, by high level politician standards, remarkably poor. Or, alternatively, really good at cooking the books to look that way.
Joe Biden’s Net Worth Has Grown Massively Since Leaving Office
By the time he left office as Obama’s VP, he had a net worth of about zero, or maybe even negative… on the books.
Then he scored a book deal worth an estimated $8M. I’m sure you remember his books flying off the shelf. And he scored about as much in speaking fees. So, in the space of a couple of years he went from a net worth of zip to about $15M.
But the many years he spent living hand to mouth, (Huge cash flow, no savings to speak of.) may be why his family is so into cashing in via dubious deals.
I’m sure you remember his books flying off the shelf.
As I'm sure you well know, few politicians' books fly off the shelves, though they are sometimes bought in large quantities by supporters, lobbyists, etc.
It's a bipartisan scam. No need to single out Biden.
Oh, I know it's a bipartisan scam. I'm just pointing out that it IS a scam.
Most high level politicians have been very adept at cashing in on their positions in a fairly deniable way. Usually by miraculous stock picking skills, (AKA "insider trading") or being insanely good at day trading. The Bidens were unusually bad at this. I think that's why they eventually resorted to much less deniable ways of cashing in.
OK, that's an easy one,
Military retirement checks, Veterans benefits, Anyone who's used Medicare/Medicaid, visited a National Park, Monument, gotten a hand job from TSA, do you like your airlines being controlled by Air Traffic Controllers? Border "Control", pretty sure I wouldn't have FA-18 flight hours if I had to pay for it myself, gotten an ROTC/HPSP Med School Scholarship, Attended Military Academy,
those I'm all for, it's the $$$ for Egypt, Saudi Arabia, May-He-Co (Why the fuck are we paying THEM Dinero??)
OK, I'm cool with foreign aid to Israel, it's what? 20-30 bullion? that's a "rounding" error.
And I'm for executing every prisoner in the SuperMax, is the Unabomber serving any useful purpose doing Sudoko all day??
Frank
Reality check:
The debt limit means that the Gov't can't assume any more debt above level X
That means the gov't can not legally spend the money where said expenditures would drive the debt above X
That is not a "default", any more than you cutting your expenditures to match your income is a "default"
Congress "authorizes" expenditures, and later "appropriates" money to pay them.
No appropriation? Then the money doesn't get spent, regardless of the "authorization"
If teh Democrats aren't willing to negotiate and compromise, then once we hit the debt limit we'll be forced to have a "balanced budget". The fights over what gets spent vs what doesn't will be amusing.
But forcing such a fight is no more a violation of the 14th Amendment than refusing to pass an Appropriations bill is.
What's going on here is that the authoritarian and anti-democratic "Democrats" refuse to accept the results of the 2022 elections, and the fact that the GOP now controls the US House of Representatives
President Biden should consider addressing the appropriations-without-funding problem by ending spending money on things Republicans like, on states Republicans control, etc. Let's see how long the clingers can go without being subsidized by better Americans before relenting.
I can't help but note that the crowd here fervently advocating for the US government to adopt some sort of way too-clever approach to avoiding rules explicitly put in place to restrain its unbridled spending, bears nearly a 1:1 correspondence with the crowd that thinks Trump should get jail time for supposedly entering a number in the wrong column in his privately-held business.
Truly fascinating stuff.
Eggs-zactly,
The U.S. National Institutes of Health funded a $592,527 study to explain why Chimpanzees throw their feces.
"The neural and cognitive correlates of aimed throwing in chimpanzees: a magnetic resonance image and behavioural study on a unique form of social tool use"
We also found that chimpanzees that have learned to throw are better at communication tasks than chimpanzees that have not. Interestingly, these two cohorts of chimpanzees do not differ on cognitive tasks that assess dimensions of physical cognition. These results suggest an explicit association between the cognitive foundations for throwing and the ability to engage in successful intraspecies communication, at least as assessed by the PCTB. Leavens et al. [38] have argued that, in captivity, chimpanzees learn to gesture to humans for foods that are otherwise unavailable to them by solving the referential problem space. That is, the chimpanzees want the food, but the food cannot be reached owing to physical barriers preventing the apes from attaining the foods. What the chimpanzees have learned to do with their gestures and other signals, such as attention-getting sounds, is to manipulate humans to obtain the food for them. Thus, in essence, the human becomes a tool for them. Indeed, we would argue that if a physical tool was available in these contexts, such as a long stick, the chimpanzees would use them to get the food rather than wait for a human caretaker to come by and retrieve the food for them.
Frank
Still an open question for those who support these gimmicks:
What if you do them and spending still exceeds the funds available?
The relying on the historical quirk that markets like T-bills is no basis for a constitutional decision.
What if you've been paying the interest on one card by using another card, and the bank puts a hold on that big check you got for opening a new credit card?
Cascading failure, that's what happens.