The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Baby Ninth Amendments Part I: Infinite Rights, Finite Ink
There are an infinite number of ways we can exercise our liberty but we can't list them all in a constitution. The solution? An "etcetera clause."
Thank you to Eugene and the rest of the Volokh Conspiracy for allowing me to post about my new book published by University of Michigan Press, Baby Ninth Amendments: How Americans Embraced Unenumerated Rights and Why It Matters. I've been a VC reader since my second year of law school (which was also the VC's second year!) and it's an honor to have this opportunity.
My book tells the largely unknown story of how Americans have solved a problem: How do we enumerate rights when we have an infinite number of them?
I start with a thought experiment involving an average American named Jane. Jane goes about her day making choices for herself and her family on her own terms. Some of these choices are pretty mundane: She chooses when to get up, what to eat, and what hobbies to pursue (gardening and stamp collecting in her case). Some are pretty important: She goes to work at a job that she chose over other options, sends her child to a school she chose, and repairs part of her house with her own labor.
Think about your own day. You make all kinds of similar choices that you think are best for you and those close to you.
But then Jane's state legislature passes a law that restricts or even forbids one of those choices. Jane is outraged. She can't believe those know-nothing politicians have done this! Two examples I give, that happened in real life, are prohibiting private schools (Oregon) and banning the growing of vegetables in front yards (Miami Shores, Florida).
Jane isn't a lawyer but she knows that in America we have our constitutional rights and that this law has to violate one of them. How could it not? She also is savvy enough to know that, in addition to the U.S. Constitution, every state has its own constitution. So she sits down with both the federal version and her state's constitution and looks at the bill of rights in each. (All 50 state constitutions have their own bill or declaration of rights. To learn more in general check out Judge Jeffrey Sutton's excellent books.)
In the federal bill of rights, Jane sees what we've all heard about: Speech, the press, religious freedom, search and seizure protections, and all the rest. But notice that of the examples of choices I gave above, there's nothing in the federal bill of rights explicitly protecting them. She also reviews her state bill of rights. Even though it is likely a bit longer than the federal version, it doesn't specifically address the right she's concerned about either.
In fact, almost no state constitution "enumerates" any of the choices above, such as a right to garden or a right to earn a living (with a handful of exceptions). Thus, Jane seems to be out of luck.
"What kind of a hatchet job is this?!" she screams. "When they put these constitutions together they protected a few rights, sure, but couldn't be bothered to name a few more? What about people like me?"
Jane has a point, of course. Some of these rights, such as the right to earn a living, are obviously very important. Some are kind of quirky these days (stamp collecting?), but they still are important to a lot of people.
Then, depressed, Jane glances down to the end or near the end of both bills of rights. Something catches her eye. At item number nine in the federal version she sees this sentence, and a very similar sentence in the state bill of rights: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people."
"Wow!" Jane exclaims. "This must mean that there are other rights beyond just the enumerated ones and that they're protected. So to defend myself against this new, terrible, law I just need to argue that my right is a right 'retained by the people.'" Right?
And that's the question that my book tries to answer. When it comes to state constitutions.
Many VC readers may know about the debate over what the Ninth Amendment (quoted above) means. Almost entirely ignored by the Supreme Court, arguments have nevertheless raged over the years over whether it protects unenumerated individual rights beyond those in the first eight amendments, or whether it does something else, like protect federalism or collective rights. For example, conspirator Randy Barnett has argued the former while Professor Kurt Lash, has, in good faith, argued otherwise.
My book isn't about that debate, although I do draw from it. Rather, I examine what that same language means when it's put in a state constitution. And this isn't an academic worry. State constitutions can protect your rights against state and local governments just as much as the U.S. Constitution. And often more. I understand most people who follow law and politics are focused on the federal government these days. But in the United States, as a practical matter, most of the time when you're dealing with a government's restriction on your liberty it's state or local government wielding that power, whether it's an occupational license, a zoning law, a food sales restriction, a building permit, or the whims of a police officer or planning bureaucrat.
Thirty-three states have one of these "Baby Ninth Amendments." I argue that whatever you think of the Ninth Amendment itself, when it comes to the states Baby Ninth Amendments are a kind of "etcetera clause." Constitution drafters list some important rights but realize that they can't list them all in their infinite variety. So over the course of American history, they took the language of the Ninth Amendment and put it in their state constitutions to do just that. In Part II, I'll summarize the history of how this came to be, with the first Baby Ninths in 1819 all the way to the latest in 1970.
So how have these provisions been interpreted over the years? The people who actually put them in state constitutions thought they would protect unenumerated rights. Judges, on the other hand, generally haven't done their job of enforcing them. But there are exceptions. I'll discuss this side of the history in Part III.
What kinds of rights do Baby Ninths protect? That I'll largely leave for Part IV. They protect natural rights—rights "retained by the people"—such as the ones Jane was worried about. They don't, however, protect positive rights or procedural rights.
Finally, in Part V we'll look at how Baby Ninths protect us at a practical level, but also what their larger lesson is. And it's this: Unenumerated rights aren't weird, as the U.S. Supreme Court often seems to think. Unenumerated rights, in fact, are normal. They're popular! They're as American as apple pie and we should celebrate them as much.
That's all for now. In the meantime you can order a physical copy of my book online (Amazon or likely for less money from the publisher—use code UMS23 for 30% off!). You can also download an electronic copy for free (a price I very much am a fan of), either on Kindle or as a direct download here.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
We have no rights anymore
You wrote that while exercising one of your rights.
Stamp collecting . . . school choice (the banner of fans of public funding of substandard schools) , , , gardening . . . but nothing on abortion, contraception, gay rights, and other apparently less important subjects.
Did I miss the references to abortion and contraception, or is this series (like the blurbs) designed to reflect the right-wing-flattering perspective concerning unenumerated rights?
"arguments have nevertheless raged over the years over whether it protects unenumerated individual rights beyond those in the first eight amendments, or whether it does something else, like protect federalism or collective rights."
I honestly do not understand how this can be an argument. It literally says that's what it does: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people."
There's nothing in there about federalism, and "collective" rights were invented in the 20th century, they're not a founding era concept.
I guess the problem with the 9th amendment is that it only applied to the federal government, until the 14th amendment was ratified, and the federal government really wasn't very aggressive about violating unenumerated rights until the 20th century. So it just went almost totally unlitigated, and the courts were used to ignoring it, until the time arrived that the federal government DID start infringing on the traditional unenumerated rights, by which time the judiciary had been appropriately staffed with people who were also inclined to ignore them.
And had no precedents to say they couldn't.
". . . the federal government DID start infringing on the traditional unenumerated rights . . . . "
Can you give a couple of examples?
Are you kidding? Ask Jack T. Skinner, Richard Antonio Rochin, Estelle Griswold, William F. Baird, John Geddes Lawrence and Tyron Garner.
(These litigants faced infringements by oppressive state governments, but their federal constitutional rights were ultimately vindicated by the U. S. Supreme Court.)
What about Paul's unenumerated right to engage in the political process to see his preferred policies enacted? While Jane is "outraged" about those "know-nothing politicians," Paul is pleased that his elected representative worked with other representatives to enact the policy that Jane is so angry about. Paul, and others like him, exercised their rights - enumerated and unenumerated - to support and promote the legislation that Jane is so mad about. In addition to Paul and other supporters, there was a strong push by opponents of the legislation, all exercising their rights, to rally public opinion against the legislation.
Suddenly, Paul hears that Jane has filed a lawsuit challenging the legislation as a violation of her unenumerated rights. Jane claims that one of her unstated rights is to be free from the legislation that passed, which restricts her liberty. Paul claims that one of his unstated rights is to engage in the collective decision-making process of politics to advocate for policies he believes further the common good. Paul can't understand why Jane's unenumerated rights should supersede his unenumerated rights.
Ultimately, state judges will be the ones that resolve the dispute, guided by their beliefs on unenumerated rights and the hierarchy among them. Once the judiciary takes this role, Paul, and others like him, shift their resources from legislative advocacy to advancing like-minded judicial candidates to serve in the state courts. Jane continues to be outraged over newly enacted laws, claiming that every law violates one of her unenumerated rights.
Paul does NOT have an unenumerated right to engage in the political process. Paul's right is specifically enumerated - and bounded by the terms of that enumeration.
At the federal level, Paul does not have a right to enact whatever policies he favors. He can argue for whatever he likes but his elected representatives may only enact if/when that policy preference fits within the enumerated powers of the federal Constitution. At the state level, Paul may have more success but that's limited to the terms of the state constitution in question.
The bottom line is that Paul's right to engage in the political process doesn't matter at all to your hypothetical litigation. Either the law Paul lobbied for is defensible under the state constitution or it unconstitutionally infringes on Jane's rights and must be struck down.
Put more simply, a functioning democracy is not two wolves and a sheep voting on what's for dinner. Functioning democracies put boundaries on the rights on the majority to abuse the political process.
Rossami, no. Functioning democracies constrain government power to abuse the political process. Under American constitutionalism, functioning democracies are decreed by joint popular sovereigns, practicing majority power at pleasure.
You are missing the point. Under the US Constitution (and most state constitutions), some decisions were intentionally and deliberately put beyond the power of mere majorities to enact.
Not all aspects of personal liberty can be neatly enumerated in a constitution. Some things are simply none of the government's business.
If I may be indulged a personal example, for the first ten years of my married life, my then-wife and I committed a felony punishable by five to fifteen years imprisonment each time we engaged in oral sex. (Tenn. Code Ann. § 39-707, prohibiting "crime against nature" (repealed November 1, 1989)) Neither the United States Constitution nor the Constitution of Tennessee mentions any right to oral sex, but what business of the state is that?
"Some things are simply none of the government’s business."
The problem stems not from a lack of rights but from over-reach in the name of the police power (at the state level). This is most true with malum prohibitum and/or laws intended to protect you - from yourself.
There's a very big conceptual distinction between state constitutions and federal constitutions; it came into the foreground in the late 19th c. The federal constitution creates discrete political forms--there was no minimal form or natural-law-based list required in terms of defining the state, because states already existed, and the federal form was just a connecting device. Conceivably, it could have been limited to the building of post offices, something not possible in state constitutions. State constitutions must form a state, so historically, courts have more freely inferred powers between and among the varying branches of state government.
So where does this leave the state (the diminutive form is a poor choice, imho) ninths? Like every ninth, they're not Beethoven, but there is presumably (unlike the federal ninth) a positive obligation on the courts to detail precisely which rights (or which type of rights) are placed outside of the totalizing state structure.
Just a thought, a finite thought.
Incidentally, pay attention to this emerging trend of freely downloadable academic books. They generally involve author-side fee payments to the publisher, which tends to shift the power to create such work to foundation and university grant mechanisms. Big controversy in the Philosophy world of late as to the practice, though more in the context of journal articles. (See Leiter's screed for the details).
Mr. D.
The only unenumerated rights liberals care about are killing unborn babies and shooting off into another man's rear end.
Unenumerated rights aren't weird, as the U.S. Supreme Court often seems to think. Unenumerated rights, in fact, are normal. They're popular!
Sure, until you particularize them. Then they can get controversial, and unpopular.
Maybe it isn't the job of the courts to enforce on the joint sovereignty which controls the entire government, policies the courts decree on their own. To put a sharper point on that, what power greater than government's power can a court command to vindicate a right it has decreed itself?
I suggest a point of distinction. My guess is that all the ninth amendments, from the U.S. ninth on down, were written with an eye to common law. Which is to say with an expectation that the rights protected were already-existing rights which had already been found and announced as principles of common law. Use that as a method to discern protected ninth amendment rights, and to distinguish them from weird, newly asserted policies dressed up to parade as rights, and you might have an orderly basis to get some good out of disused ninth amendments.
But look out if you do it. That wide-open route to empowerment will put an intense focus on some pretty obscure history, done with an eye to turn up stuff that will sometimes surprise everyone.
"I suggest a point of distinction. My guess is that all the ninth amendments, from the U.S. ninth on down, were written with an eye to common law. Which is to say with an expectation that the rights protected were already-existing rights which had already been found and announced as principles of common law. Use that as a method to discern protected ninth amendment rights, and to distinguish them from weird, newly asserted policies dressed up to parade as rights, and you might have an orderly basis to get some good out of disused ninth amendments."
Not to be bitchy, but I seem to recall saying something similar, and you replied with one of your wall-of-text posts about the indeterminacy of history.
Margrave, after each of my longer posts touching on the intellectual problems inherent in the activity of historical research, I recall from you one or another dismissive comment—pronouncing yourself too confused to credit any of it. Stick with that.
Or, if you want to take that back now, and discuss what you purported previously not to understand, go ahead and quote whatever you said that you thought was similar. I will try again to be helpful.
I can give a fully accurate paraphrase.
Some parts of the Constitution either use terms of art, which require explanation in terms of contemporaneous and traditional usage, or they specifically refer to then-existing law, as with the 9th Amendment. Both types of provisions require, not rummaging in newspapers and legislative records, but looking at statutes, precedents, treatises, etc., reflecting conteporary consensus, covering the right in question.
The 9th Amendment would be an example of a reference to then-extant recognized rights, which by definition wouldn’t be mentioned in the Constitutional text. But for example, the English Bill of Rights says “[t]hat all grants and promises of fines and forfeitures of particular persons before conviction are illegal and void,” which sounds like a basic right though not specifically in the constitutional text, likewise the right to bail in noncapital cases, which IIRC was in every new states’s constitution (except two) since 1789.
The 9th and 10th should be read together. They make clear that any topic of proposed laws that is not mentioned in the Constitution is (9th) either a state or local power or an individual right, but (10th) definitely NOT a federal power. In other words, federal powers have to be enumerated; individual rights do not.
First of all, sincere thanks for writing the book
I will argue from one of the author’s other recent works , in which he discusses two aspects of the Montana Constitution : “… “right to a clean and healthful environment.” …the right “of pursuing life’s basic necessities.”
I see the Ninth Amendment as based in religion and in Federalism. The environment. “Public lands managed by the federal government constitute about 30% of Montana’s landmass.” So, how can we talk of local rights to environment when 1/3 of that land is federal? Stupid, stupid, lazy Biden now has his 30×30 plan : ” goal to conserve at least 30 percent of U.S. lands and freshwater and 30 percent of U.S. ocean areas by 2030, in an initiative commonly referred to as 30×30.” the right has disappeared with no hint of struggle.
On a global scale “Studies have shown that the 30×30 plan could affect the lands and livelihoods of 300 million people, the ones least responsible for environmental destruction. As it stands today as COP15 begins, the plan would be the biggest land grab in history. No wonder the idea is supported by the most contaminating and destructive corporations in the world, like Unilever, Nestlé and Shell, amongst others.”
People are experiencing intense economic problems and we are spending our asss on dirt.
At this moment there is a Scotus case of a USPS worker trying to defend his right to not work on Sunday. And why do we have Sunday delivery? Amazon. Do you care about the environment
"The report also found that Amazon’s estimated plastic packaging waste, in the form of air pillows alone, would circle the Earth more than 600 times.":
===================== the right “of pursuing life’s basic necessities.” Well, unitl you can afford food and groceries and medicine all the rest is just rich people’s games. The world progresses and progresses according to Biden…the land , the infrastructure , the climate, the roads — but people are doing worse and worse.
============= These two rights are trumped by any measure that takes state property from the state or that takes the state taxes and funnels the money to what does not help people in need of necessities, NOW.
Well, until they don't. Granted link is to UK but has occurred de facto in US.
https://www.steynonline.com/13482/steyn-vs-ofcom-it-on
WOW!
I didn't know Mr. Bumble was pro-choice.