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Libertarianism vs. Classical Liberalism: Is there a Difference?
It is hard to tell whether these are genuinely different ideologies or two words for the same thing.

My biggest project this week was finalizing the draft submission of my chapter on land-use regulation for the forthcoming Routledge Handbook of Classical Liberalism, edited by Richard Epstein, Liya Palagashvili, and Mario Rizzo. It so happens I was also a contributor to the Routledge Handbook of Libertarianism, edited by Jason Brennan, Bas van der Vossen, and David Schmidtz, and the Cambridge Handbook of Classical Liberal Thought, edited by M. Todd Henderson.
As a contributor to these three volumes, I should perhaps have a detailed understanding of libertarianism and classical liberalism and how they differ. But I'd be lying if I said I truly have a definitive grasp of the difference between the two!
I've long thought that these are different terms for essentially the same thing (the branch of liberalism advocating very tight limits on government power across the board), and that the difference between them is primarily aesthetic. Thus, I've always preferred "libertarian" because it's easier to say and remember, sounds better, and is more widely known. But there are a wide range of theories about the difference between the two. And it's hard for me to say for sure which (if any) are correct.
Here are some possibilities:
1. Classical liberalism is a more moderate version of libertarianism. For example, classical liberals may be open to a wider range of government interventions than libertarians (though both favor far less than modern liberals do). Could be true. But note that some of the most prominent thinkers who call themselves "classical liberals" are not moderate, even as compared to many self-described libertarians. NYU law professor Richard Epstein is probably the most famous and distinguished scholar who calls himself a classical liberal (he is also the director of the Classical Liberal Institute, possibly the most prestigious intellectual organization that labels itself "classical liberal"). Moderate he is not - even by comparison with many who call themselves libertarians. CLI co-director Mario Rizzo, a prominent economist (and leading critic of paternalism) is also not particularly moderate.
2. Calling yourself a "classical liberal" is a way to disassociate from awful, toxic people who call themselves libertarians (racists, xenophobes, etc.). Such trolls are especially common on Twitter. But there are awful people who try to associate themselves with virtually any widely used ideological designation (conservatism, progressivism, socialism, etc.). If "classical liberal" avoids this problem, it's mainly because few people know the term.
3. "Classical liberal" thought is more closely connected with the great liberal thinkers of the Enlightenment and the 19th century (John Locke, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, etc.), while libertarians take their bearings from more modern thinkers (F.A. Hayek, Milton Friedman, Ayn Rand, Robert Nozick, etc.). The obvious problem here is that the latter group of thinkers are pretty obviously building on the former in many ways. Also, plenty of self-described libertarians are interested in the older thinkers, too, and many self-described classical liberals are interested in the modern ones.
4. Using "classical liberal" instead of "libertarian" signals greater intellectual sophistication. This may well be true, as only people with extensive knowledge of political theory are likely to know what the former means. But I'm not convinced this is the main reason most self-described classical liberals use the phrase. That said, I myself use "libertarian" in part because the term is better-known and therefore less likely to confuse non-experts.
5. I sometimes see it argued that libertarianism requires adherence to one specific core principle, such as self-ownershp or the "non-aggression principle," while classical liberalism is open to a wider range of justifications for strict limits on government power. But, in truth, there are important differences on core principles between libertarian thinkers. Some justify the theory on the basis of deontological rights-based arguments (e.g. - Robert Nozick), some on utilitarian consequentialist grounds (e.g. - many prominent economists), and some (myself included) on a combination of the two. Among those who fall in the rights-based camp, there are disagreements over the exact nature and basis of the rights in question.
6. Maybe it's all just a matter of self-definition. If you call yourself a "libertarian," then you are one! Ditto for "classical liberal." The problem with this idea is that it destroys the value of the terms. If there are no substantive constraints on what qualifies as a"libertarian" (or "classical liberal") view, then labeling a person or an idea with these words tells us nothing of value. To maintain the usefulness of the term, I want to be able to say that people who, e.g., support nationalism, socialism, or racism, are not true libertarians, regardless of whether they call themselves that. To be sure, there will always be gray areas where it's debatable whether a particular person (or policy) is genuinely libertarian or not. But there are also going to be cases that clearly fall on one side of the line or the other. See here for an explanation of why such insistence on boundaries doesn't run afoul of the so-called "No True Scotsman Fallacy."
I think 1 and 2 above are the most common motivations for the use of "classical liberal" by those who embrace it. But perhaps I have that wrong.
All of the above is an attempt to consider how the terms "libertarian" and "classical liberal" are used today. But it's obviously possible that their meaning will drift over time - as has that of "liberal," "conservative," and "progressive." Those whom we call progressives today are very different from the early 20th century movement that first popularized the term (e.g. - the latter had a strong racist streak, while the former does not).
For the moment, I tentatively still think there isn't much substantive difference between "libertarianism" and "classical liberalism," or at the very least that the overlap between the two is far greater than any divergence. But that could potentially change.
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I think the big distinction is that the Classical Liberalism presumes shared Christian values and beliefs, while Libertarianism does not.
Locke based his "life, liberty, & property" on the basis of them being "God-given rights." Our founding fathers were all devout Christians (and a minister's daughter).
Classical Liberalism is based on Enlightenment values.
By contrast, a lot (not all) Libertarians are atheists, and libertarian values are not drawn from the concept of God-given rights.
This is the first and likely only time I am going to find myself agreeing with Dr. Ed.
Superstition for the "win?"
The greatest trick Jerry Sandusky ever pulled was convincing the world he didn't exist
No, they weren't.
I used to be said that libertarianism required the Three As: Austrian, Anarchism, and Atheism.
I almost dropped out of the movement as a wet behind the ears greenpea, but then I met Marshall Fritz. God bless Marshall! The bitter edgelords of the movement do NOT define libertarianism.
That sounds more like the AnCap wing, not that that is a bad thing, just hardly representative.
I disagree. I consider myself a classical liberal and I am not religious. Neither were many of the founding fathers.
I don't require rights to be given by God to be inherent in you. They simply are, by right of your beating heart.
They are not a gift from a tyrant.
They are not a gift from the powerful.
They are not a gift from the rich.
They are not a gift from a god.
Let's say God came down and boomed, "You have no right to free speech."
I would disagree and say, yes, I do even though You say not.
I would have little chance of success in such a fight, but my chances are lowwwwww as well against tyrants and their armies, or even internal security, much less prosaic normal rich and powerful.
Ed: “Classical Liberalism presumes shared Christian values and beliefs, while Libertarianism does not…Our founding fathers were all devout Christians…Classical Liberalism is based on Enlightenment values.”
The capability of uttering such entirely contradictory statements within a single comment reveals resistance to Cognitive Dissonance is strong in this one.
First, it’s not Classical Liberalism, but modern National Conservatism that presumes shared Christian values and beliefs. This represents nothing more than a craven attempt to move America away from an open, Enlightenment-influenced representative democracy, toward their preferred, authoritarian Theo-National Conservatism. This attempt to commandeer Enlightenment values in service of religion, does not make it so.
Our country was founded by people of various and diverse beliefs: the near-atheistic deism of Thomas Payne; Jefferson’s self-described Rational Skepticism; the modified Congregationalism / Unitarianism of Adams; a mostly ceremonial Anglicism / Episcopalism favored by Madison and Washington (who, by the way, never took Communion in his adult life because he didn’t agree with the accompanying words); and ministers of various religions (Roger Williams, John Witherspoon, etc.).
The Founders’ wildly diverse variety of religious outlooks had a common expression though—references to Nature’s God that were code among the educated of the time for Enlightenment theories under “The Age of Reason.” Indeed, much of the Enlightenment explicitly involved reducing the influence of religion over both individuals and states.
Over decades, I’ve reached the conclusion that the primary reason we were the first nation to explicitly separate church and state (and eliminate any reference to God’s guidance and favor from our founding document) was the strong influence of Enlightenment theory upon the most influential Founders.
Compare the heights of that movement with the dates most associated with the founding of our country (through 1790). Read about the education of privileged males of the time (and sometimes, of smart, ambitious non-privileged like Hamilton). America’s most influential founders were very familiar with Hume, Kant, Leibniz, Rousseau, Spinoza (among others), and the French Philosophes, German Rationalism, and British Empiricism.
And in that, I’m glad that we were lucky…thirty years earlier or later, religion in government would likely have thoughtlessly prevailed (as it did in many of the individual State Constitutions). After the sheer audacity of conceiving a government formed by the common agreement of “We the People” rather than by the whims of Gods or Kings, the most unique, original, and audacious idea in our country’s Constitution is freedom both of and from religion, enforced by the wall of separation enacted by the 1st Amendment’s Establishment Clause.
I am generally an optimist (less by nature than by policy) and I think there’s evidence that over the centuries, over millennia, human society slowly but demonstrably evolves, matures, improves, and ultimately, progresses.
Such progress is not smooth; it happens in fits and starts with considerable backsliding—our own current backsliding has lasted several decades (characterized by erosion of the Wall of Separation triggered by political movements roughly, from about the period of 1950’s McCarthyism through National Conservatism’s longing for theocracy today). But the gradual, continuing, global disentanglement of religion from government over the last 300+ years is evidence of that long slow societal progress.
As with all such distinctions, it is not at all clear why it matters.
It matters, because, as Professor Somin notes,
"If you call yourself a "libertarian," then you are one! Ditto for "classical liberal." The problem with this idea is that it destroys the value of the terms. If there are no substantive constraints on what qualifies as "libertarian" (or "classical liberal" view), then labeling a person or an idea with these words tells us nothing of value."
Destroying the value of terms is, these days, all the rage with leftists/progressives.
"What is a woman?"
"I don't know, I'm not a biologist."
Which means saying one is a man or a woman tell us nothing of value.
Though why the terms "man" and "woman" are to be utterly fluid according to an individual's feelings on the subject, while race 'assigned at birth' is sacrosanct, no-one has been able to explain to my satisfaction.
Just what we needed. Another off-topic rant.
If you think that, you're a moron. Sorry I cast m pearls before such swine.
It had value to me when I was dating as I dated only women. But it would've been my definition that mattered (which happened to also be the generally accepted one). It had value to society and government when we had "enforced" rules as to gender roles. I agree with Bernard - why does it matter any longer?
I think it is probably more of a scale than an axis (historical uses of that term aside).
"Calling yourself a "classical liberal" is a way to disassociate from awful, toxic people who call themselves liberals"
FTFY.
There was a big rush of self proclaimed "libertarians" around 2008 as many Republicans didn't want to be associated with W. Bush.
Robert La Follette, the candidate of the Progressive Party in 1924, had opposed racial discrimination throughout his career; I have no qualms about associating myself with some of the early 20th century progressives.
Negative, I am a meat popsicle
To me "classical liberal" is a broad philosophy of open-mindedness tied to the Enlightenment, and could apply to science, art, religion and culture in general. "Libertarianism" is specifically a political philosophy.
I thought that libertarians were primarily interested in minimizing the role of government with regard to the consumption of cannabis, migration of Mexicans, and rectal penetration for sexual gratification, while classical liberalism was about less government in a broad array of contexts.
Here's a supposed "libertarian" arguing that the government should prevent private employers from "discriminating" based on sexual orientation:
https://reason.com/2016/12/05/time-to-end-discrimination-against-gays/
A small, but highly vocal minority.
Calling oneself a classical liberal is a way of sounding pretentious without telling most people what you actually believe. It does however make a clearer distinction than libertarian does when trying to distance yourself from the Libertarian party.
If you have read Locke, Smith, Hume, Mill, Mencken, et al, you have a solid idea of what Classical Liberalism consists of. It's libertarianism that is squishy. Reason, for instance, features drug warriors like Sally Satel and proposes that "mental health" workers act as law enforcers.
Classical liberalism is not "squishy". It's merely not strident. It is a broad political philosophy that encompasses libertarianism.
One difference is that classical liberalism is rarely associated with the ideologies of open borders and globalism, while libertarianism is often associated with such positions. Of course, open borders and globalism is a usually a statist position, but with certain libertarians it is dressed up (unconvincingly in my view) as being “less government” and somehow good for liberty.
Ironically, libertarians have quite the authoritarian streak. This is because they tend to be universalist and rigidly ideological in their outlook. The universalist outlook means they believe they have a one-size-fits-all solution. The rigidly ideological bent means libertarians tend to be less pragmatic, and less grounded in history (i.e. the actual real world), and more prone to imagining political “science” as some kind of purely theoretical intellectual game or a math problem.
Classical liberalism as it see it, is by contrast more reflective of self-government and decentralization, and for example the views of the founders of the U.S. in those aspects, which were based in large part on the early enlightenment thinkers that Somin references. Such views were very focused on being concerned with liberty, while also being deeply grounded in history, and marked by a willingness to not look away from or flinch at examining the intractable problems of fallible human nature.
Libertarians are curiously likely to maintain and express their political views as being an important part of their identity. Their careful, autistic curation of political views is a testament to their good taste and intellectual superiority. They are proud of their political opinions, like a collector is proud of his collection of anime trading cards, or the like (and there is presumably significant overlap between such things).
The universalist, rigid ideological outlook of libertarians makes them intolerant toward diverse viewpoints that disagree with their own. (By diverse viewpoints, I am referring to the actual content of a viewpoint, rather than the superficial “diversity” of the skin pigmentation or sexual behavior of a person who might happen to be expressing the viewpoint.) As a result, they sometimes tend to disfavor self-government and decentralization, and favor centralization and globalism instead. This can be seen when libertarians want to force the supposedly “libertarian” position on all of the States in the U.S., for example, or upon other countries on the other side of the world.
Forcing liberty on people seems like a contradiction in terms, no? And that’s why for me, the whole libertarian thing is kind of a big “so what?” because it doesn’t get to answering the real question, “Who decides?” I might agree that government should do less, and that it doesn’t strictly need to do much at all, I might still think there’s important roles for enforcement of criminal laws and contracts, and that government can probably do a lot more without being all that harmful under the right circumstances, but overall I might agree with most of the general thinking. But so what? I think government should be this way, now over what territory or jurisdiction should this view be imposed? Who decides?
Some libertarians are like this: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rFiutKZjRW8
I recall reading Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia, back in my college days. Nozick's position was that freedom of exit was an important libertarian value, but not freedom of entrance, because while freedom of exit clearly helped people move to societies more in tune with their preferences, freedom of entrance would extinguish the diversity of societies necessary for freedom of exit to give you a meaningful choice.
You should re-read the book; you will find your memory to be faulty.
No need to reread it.
This gives you the flavor. Caplan quotes from an article by Joseph Carens:
According to Nozick the state has no right to do anything other than enforce the rights which individuals already enjoy in the state of nature. Citizenship gives rise to no distinctive claim…
Note what this implies for immigration. Suppose a farmer from the United States wanted to hire workers from Mexico. The government would have no right to prohibit him from doing this. To prevent the Mexicans from coming would violate the rights of both the American farmer and the Mexican workers to engage in voluntary transactions.
I'll reread it over the weekend, I may be wrong, but I do recall such a principle in the final chapter, "A Framework for Utopia".
I largely agree with your take on libertarianism.
Libertarians seem to me to be like Marxists in that they elevate their theories to axioms and then pretend that whatever they deduce must be right. Empiricism plays no role. Remember praxeology?
I always tended to believe that libertarianism suffers from a "I cannot tell you what it is, but I can tell you what it is not" type of problem.
Go anywhere that bunches of libertarians are congregating (e.g. Libertarian National Convention)... You have those who lean socially left and those that lean right. Those that fiscally lean left and those that lean right. You have LINOs (Bill Weld anyone?). You have single issue extremists. The list goes on and on. Seems about the only thing you see two of them ever agree on is what a third one is wrong about.
Kinda hard to say how libertarianism is similar to something else, when you cannot get a consensus what is even is.
I call myself a classical liberal to separate myself from the milquetoast libertarianism of Reason.
Fringe misfits fighting over ill-fitting labels?
This is the website and blog for it.
Classical liberalism is "fringe" if you ignore the histories of Western societies.
There likely are more strong Taylor Swift, Steelers, Kim Kardashian, or Harry Styles fans than there are people who describe themselves as "classical liberals" in America.
I think it's much simpler and clearer than this. It's not Libertarianism V Classical Liberalism. Classical liberalism is a sub-type of libertarianism, just as "paleolibertarian, anarcho-capitalist, geolibertarian, etc" are all sub-types of libertarianism.
As sub-types, you can point to things that each of these ideological positions have in common, and points on which they each differ. Some of these sub-types are closer or further from each other, etc.
So, referring to yourself is, indeed, a way to differentiate yourself from the other sub-types when you're speaking with someone or in a context where such differentiation matters or would be understood.
A classical liberal would agree with this:
Though society is not founded on a contract, and though no good purpose is answered by inventing a contract in order to deduce social obligations from it, every one who receives the protection of society owes a return for the benefit, and the fact of living in society renders it indispensable that each should be bound to observe a certain line of conduct towards the rest.
(Mill's Essay On Liberty Ch IV)
I am not sure that the more axiomatically inclined libertarians would agree.
I also think that classical liberals are pragmatic in a way that libertarians are not. The former would not get eaten by bears, for example.
BTW within the domain of law, Richard Epstein may well be an authority. Outside that, he's a fuckwit, as demonstrated by his advancing an epidemic model which told him that COVID would kill 500, and then when he was mocked online - by yours truly (I came across his original post almost as soon as he wrote it) - claiming he'd made an arithmetical error and the actual number would be around 5,000. Cobbler, stick to your last.
IMHO you overrate Epstein. When his initial number of 500 was overtaken by events he said he found an error in his model and meant 5,000. I went back and read his paper carefully. He lied. There is no model. He pulled a number out of his ass, and when that became laughable pulled out a bigger, yet still laughable number. IANAL so I am pretty much forced to assume his legal scholarship is of a similar quality. The really scary thing to me is that Epstein may well be ignorant enough to believe that actual epidemiology models are like his.
What he said
If you agree with Locke's arguments from his Second Treatise of Government, but reject his property provisio (what Nozick calls the "Lockean provisio"), you're probably a libertarian as opposed to a classical liberal.
If you agree with Adam Smith's arguments from The Wealth of Nations, but have never read his Theory of Moral Sentiments (or disregard the work), you're probably a libertarian as opposed to a classical liberal.
The one thing all libertarians can agree on is that that guy over there isn't a real libertarian.
Between classical liberalism and libertarianism there is a stark difference.
Classical liberals may differ on what constitutes sovereignty, but tolerate the notion that sovereignty to empower limited government has been accepted government theory for centuries. Classical liberalism is thus positioned to offer alternative theories of government.
Libertarians deny sovereignty, calling it an illegitimate exercise of arbitrary force, and on that basis deny themselves access to every theory of government most others believe in. Libertarianism is thus positioned to limit itself to critiques of policy choices made by governments they call illegitimate—a posture hard to distinguish from being a crank.
"being a crank"
Like you I guess.
That likely depends on context.
At the Volokh Conspiracy Lathrop is a crank.
In modern America, the Volokh Conspiracy's right-wing and Reason's anti-government "libertarian" fans are the cranks.
I like how Prof. Somin points out that these labels are underspecified, and a bunch of people respond by declaring, "Oh, no, this one means this and that one means that."
People, you're free to say, "I use classical liberal to refer to X, and libertarian to refer to Y," but that does not mean that classical liberal means X and libertarian means Y.
I use “classical” to refer to any political theory that recognizes individuals as persons, not categories, and therefore believes in the things which empower the individual: personal agency, personal freedom, personal responsibility, free speech, free thought, free conscience, and so on.
The upshot is that both Classical Liberals and Classical Conservatives could happily attend the same dinner party, have a lively, intelligent, wide-ranging table conversation incorporating at least one dirty joke, and after the wine bottles are emptied, slap each other on the back and promise to get together again soon.
That’s what I remember from my childhood, and what I’ve tried to keep going in my own family circle. It’s getting very hard, indeed now.
"it destroys the value of the terms."
No political classification term has any value. Liberals are really illiberal, and conservatives don't conserve anything.
I think you overstate things, Bob, but I do agree that that the terms are not particularly useful.
I mean, there is a whole set of issues on which individuals have views - environment, social welfare, education, fiscal policy, etc., etc. Trying to shoehorn one person's set of opinions into a category that will necessarily include others, with probably somewhat different views, doesn't make a lot of sense to me.
My understanding is that both “libertarian” and “classical liberalism” were new names adopted for “liberalism” after Fabian socialists succeeded in taking the term over. (In much the way Jack Balkin is working to take over the term “originalism” on behalf of living constitutionalists.)
As libertarianism evolved in a more left-wing direction, especially after flirting with the left in a ‘liberalitarian’ alliance, the more conservative libertarians reverted to calling themselves classical liberals.
I just drop the “classical” and refer to myself as a liberal. Granted, I do that because I live a college town where I’m surround by “liberals” (in the pejorative sense). These “liberals” are more likely to engage when they think you’re on their “team” and it’s an enjoyable pastime watching them struggle with the confusion as you continually point out they’re just as illiberal as their mortal MAGA enemies.
However, I stopped considering myself libertarian because there’s a lack of emphasis on responsibility and accountability. Libertarians will talk all day about individual Liberty and freedom, but they rarely, if ever, balance that with discussions of individual responsibility and accountability. Libertarians are, by and large, victims just like the left and the right.
Liberalism, in the classical sense, places a greater emphasis on individual responsibility and accountability as a necessary condition to live as a free man. Perhaps that’s the result of its grounding in Judeo-Christian teachings. Regardless, individual responsibility and accountability transcend religion and are the missing elements in our finger-pointing, victimhood society today.
I have to say that the libertarian movement has changed radically since I joined it back in the late 70's, and I don't think for the better.
As you say, it used to the be common understanding of libertarians that liberty and self responsibility were yoked together: That you would never be permitted to be free if you were unloading the consequences of your choices on other people.
So the libertarian position was that people got to make their own choices, and then suffer the consequences of them.
Was. I don' know what's going through their heads now.
I'll go along with this distinction. It's an important one. I do have one nit to pick. You say,
Classical liberalism's emphasis on responsibility and accountability are the result of its grounding in Judeo-Christian teachings. Regardless, individual responsibility and accountability transcend religion.
That's a bit of a contradiction. You can't transcend the thing you're grounded in.
I mean, if you’re gonna quote, quote. That’s not really what I wrote. I was speculating (hence the Perhaps) that the reason liberalism places greater emphasis on individual responsibility and accountability than libertarianism was liberalism’s grounding in Judeo-Christian teachings. However, Judeo-Christian teachings are NOT a necessary nor sufficient condition to be individually responsible and accountable.
At the end of the day, I’m not concerned with why liberalism balances liberty and responsibility, freedom and accountability. Nor should we be except as an academic study of liberalism and it’s genesis. Liberalism offers all humankind the promise of liberty and freedom, with the demand of responsibility and accountability regardless of your religious beliefs or lack thereof. Hence, their transcendence. To see it any other way is, in fact, illiberal.
Chalk me up under the second reason for changing my self-identification from libertarian to classical liberal. When the new national LP made it their first order of business to remove "We condemn bigotry as irrational and repugnant." from the platform, I no longer wanted to be associated with them.
Categories are what someone decides they are. Anyone can decide anything. Such discussions are a pointless waste of time.
Many prefer libertinism. They say it's just more fun.
The answer is simple.
If you read Mill, Locke, and Adam Smith, then you are a classical liberal.
If you read Ayn Rand, Robert Heinlein, and Robert Nozick, then you are libertarian.
I've read all of those. Now what?
Stick with Mill, Smith, and Heinlein, and get rid of the others.
Rand had one important insight, maybe two.
1) The non-contradiction principle applies to ethics.
2) In order to be valid, an ethical system has to be survivable.
Her mistake was trying to transform them into an entire system.
Ayn Rand wrote virile-man-swooning-women Romantic Fantasies. Her characters (heroes and villains, those who triumphed and those who were trampled) acted the way they did, achieved the outcomes they did, because she wrote it that way (it’s fiction folks…the same concept some folks who cite the success of Jack Bauer in debates over torture can’t quite grasp).
I think you have to factor in that we have a Libertarian Party but not a Classical Liberal Party in US politics. So those who don’t associate or have some significantly different views than what the LP leadership and/or majority have may prefer to say they are classical liberal.
That is sort of where I am. The LP, in my view and others that I’ve talked to even that aren’t CL or LP at all, see the LP is closer to anarcho-capitalist and see them arguing for social freedom policies that are more left than the repulicans but still centrist at best and maybe even center right. My views are basically shited further left. Definitely less government than either two major parties but also more center left on social freedom.
So ultimately my choice is more tied to the LP party and therefore what get’s thought of as libertarian. I certainly believe one can have the same exact beliefs as I do and consider themselves libertarian so I don’t think for me is philosophical as much as associative reasons to the party rather than the philosophy. So sort of #2, but not quite
Whatever label you choose, libertarian, classical liberal, man, woman, trans, or puppy dog, it comes down to this; do you prefer government that enhances personal freedom, or that enhances government control of the individual?
If you simply must have labels, use individualist and statist.
I like that.
In a standard four-quadrant poli-sci chart, the two axes are Individualist/Communitarian and Anarchist/Totalitarian.
Seriously, the meanings of all these phrases: "libertarian", "classical liberal", "right", "left", "liberal", "progressive", "conservative", "individualist", "Marxist", "Freudian", "rationalist", "socialist", "radical", even "Catholic" and "Lutheran" and "Jewish" and "secular", change over time. To ask for exact definitions of any of them is kind of pointless. There are no Platonic forms of any of them. Ordinary language is not math.
"Classical Liberal" is approximately the same as "small-L libertarian". "Big-L Libertarian" is the more nutty extreme version, for example the Libertarian Party.
Classical Liberalisim would be economic libertarianism combined with a more aggressive approach to law enforcement & foreign policy.
Or what the US used to call 'conservatisim' before it was hijacked by a bunch of redneck know-nothing blue-dog Democrats in 2016....
I've been thinking about this question myself, recently. A few preliminary conclusions:
1. The word libertarian standing alone now has an association with the Libertarian Party, with which classical liberals and (or) small-l libertarians may nor may not be associated with and with whose platform classical liberals and (or) small-l libertarians may only partially agree with.
2. Related to the first, Libertarian Party foreign policy may scare away classical liberals and (or) small-l libertarians. You hear a lot of talk from capital-L Libertarians about how the U.S. is becoming an empire and abandoning its founding. Think of Ron Paul. Capital-L Libertarians' views with respect to this position are rather ahistorical. When you look at the writings of the founders, they almost universally spoke favorably of empire--it was not viewed as a bad thing or as being inherently incompatible with republican government or republican virtue. To carry out the Monroe Doctrine, we had to keep expanding west, so that European powers would not take that land. Prior to the Monroe Doctrine really becoming U.S. policy, we were expanding west. Jefferson viewed this as necessary to create an American empire--he used the word empire favorably to describe U.S. expansionism. To compete with the empires of the old world, we had to become one. For our own benefit (economic, political, militarily) as well, the founders believed we needed to become an empire.
2(b). Our modern military interventions around the world are compatible with a classical liberal or small-l libertarian worldview. We are not destroying liberty or propping up big government by aiding Ukraine militarily. Whatever the wisdom and cost to ourselves and the inhabitants of Iraq and Afghanistan of our wars, it is pretty much impossible to argue, in terms of civil rights, standard of living, opportunities for education and social mobility, women's liberation, etc., that things were not better after U.S. intervention than before. Yet, you won't hear much from capital-L Libertarians about this. Preventing nuclear proliferation, maintaining intelligence assets around the world, giving foreign aid to our allies--these are all things capital-L Libertarians oppose to one degree or another, but which do not do damage to classical liberalism or small-l libertarianism.
I could go on. In short, I think the usefulness of the differentiation is because of the existence of the Libertarian Party. Just to put a finer point on it, I can say I am a civil libertarian, or an economic libertarian, and it will be universally understood what I generally mean by that. If, however, I refer to myself only as a libertarian, there is some ambiguity as to what that means. If I refer to myself as a classical liberal, it seems to me that I would be more generally understood to be both a civil libertarian and an economic libertarian. Foreign policy, party, and the associations people have with those two things, are not implicated by the term classical liberal. By way of example, neo-conservatives (properly understood--think Irving Kristol, not George W. Bush) can refer to themselves as classical liberals. If they refer to themselves as libertarians, however...well, watch what will happen in a comment section on the internet (and maybe in this comment section, too! We'll see.). That, as much as anything else, should sus out the perceived differences between the two, and why a distinction may be useful, even if, as Somin contends, the distinction between classical liberalism and small-l libertarianism is one without a difference.
I welcome all outraged comments lmao! And, better yet, all thoughtful, civil, and insightful ones, as well.
There's a lot of overlap between classical liberal and libertarian views, but one difference is that you could legitimately call the early United States a classical liberal nation -- but not a libertarian one (espcially not when slavery was officially sanctioned by the Constitution). I'm not sure that there's any nation that you could accurately call libertarian, but there are many that have been influenced by classical liberalism.
In general, I view classical liberalism as being more willing to compromise than libertarianism -- for better or worse.
My view is that Classical Liberalism cares about liberty AND Justice. I view Libertarian's as concerned with only freedom. Further, I see Classical Liberalism as friendly to religion, while Libertarians tend not to be. This is how is just theory. Practically, I see Classical Liberals closer to the center of the Advocates for Self Government (advocates.org) while Libertarians skew straight to the extreme corner.
As to not all of the Founders being Christian, they were definitely influenced by the Protestant Reformation.
The Protestant Reformation, led by figures such as Martin Luther, John Calvin, and John Wesley, had a significant impact on the economic and political thought that emerged prior to the American Revolution. These reformers challenged the authority of the Roman Catholic Church and emphasized the importance of individual conscience and direct communication with God. This led to a new emphasis on individualism, personal responsibility, and the idea that individuals should be free to pursue their own interests.
The ideas of the Protestant reformers had a significant impact on the Enlightenment thinkers who came after them, including John Locke, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, and David Hume. These thinkers developed a new understanding of human nature, emphasizing the importance of reason, natural rights, and free markets. Their ideas paved the way for the political and economic systems that emerged in Europe and the United States in the centuries that followed.
Martin Luther challenged the authority of the Roman Catholic Church and argued that individuals should have direct communication with God. He emphasized the importance of personal responsibility and the idea that individuals should be free to pursue their own interests.
Luther's emphasis on individualism had a significant impact on economic thought. He argued that individuals should be free to pursue their own interests and that they should be able to benefit from their own labor. This idea laid the foundation for the development of capitalism, which emphasizes the importance of individual initiative and the pursuit of profit.
John Calvin's ideas had a significant impact on economic thought, particularly in the development of capitalism. Calvin emphasized the importance of hard work, thrift, and the accumulation of wealth. He argued that individuals should use their talents and abilities to the best of their ability, and that they should be rewarded for their efforts.
Calvin's emphasis on the accumulation of wealth laid the foundation for the development of capitalism. His ideas encouraged individuals to invest their money in productive enterprises, and to reinvest the profits to generate more wealth. This led to the growth of the modern economy, which is based on the accumulation of capital and the pursuit of profit
John Wesley's ideas had a significant impact on economic thought, particularly in the development of social welfare programs. Wesley emphasized the importance of charity and the idea that individuals have a responsibility to help those in need.
Wesley's ideas about social welfare programs laid the foundation for the development of modern social welfare programs. His emphasis on charity and the responsibility to help those in need helped to create a sense of social responsibility and a commitment to helping others.
Therefore, Protestant reformers had a significant impact on the Enlightenment thinkers who came after them, including John Locke, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, David Hume, and others. These thinkers developed a new understanding of human nature, emphasizing the importance of reason, natural rights, and free markets. Their ideas paved the way for the political and economic systems that emerged in Europe and the United States in the centuries that followed.
John Locke's ideas were influenced by the Protestant emphasis on individualism and personal responsibility. He argued that individuals have natural rights, including the right to life, liberty, and property.
Locke's ideas about natural rights had a significant impact on the development of modern political and economic systems. His emphasis on the importance of individual rights laid the foundation for the development of liberal democracy, which emphasizes the protection of individual rights and the rule of law.
Montesquieu's ideas about government and the separation of powers were influenced by the Protestant emphasis on individualism and the importance of personal responsibility.
He argued that power should be divided among different branches of government, and that each branch should have a check on the other branches. This idea laid the foundation for the development of modern constitutional government, which emphasizes the separation of powers and the rule of law. His anonymously published The Spirit of Law (1748), which was received well in both Great Britain and the American colonies, influenced the Founding Fathers of the United States in drafting the U.S. Constitution. Montesquieu advocated reform of slavery in The Spirit of Law, specifically arguing that slavery was inherently wrong because all humans are born equal
Adam Smith's ideas were influenced by the Protestant emphasis on individualism and the importance of personal responsibility. He argued that individuals should be free to pursue their own interests, and that this pursuit of self-interest would lead to economic prosperity.
Smith's ideas about free markets had a significant impact on the development of modern capitalism. His emphasis on the importance of competition and the pursuit of profit laid the foundation for the development of the market economy, which is based on the exchange of goods and services in a competitive marketplace.
David Hume's ideas were influenced by the Protestant emphasis on reason and the importance of individualism. He argued that knowledge is based on experience and observation, and that reason is the key to understanding the world.
Hume's ideas about reason had a significant impact on the development of modern science and technology. His emphasis on the importance of observation and experimentation laid the foundation for the development of the scientific method, which is based on the systematic observation and testing of hypotheses.
Even if all of the founders were not Christian, the ideas of the Protestant Reformation had a significant impact on economic and political thought prior to the American Revolution. The emphasis on individualism, personal responsibility, and the pursuit of self-interest laid the foundation for the development of capitalism and liberal democracy. The ideas of the Protestant reformers influenced Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, and David Hume, who developed a new understanding of human nature based on reason, natural rights, and free markets. The ideas of these thinkers paved the way for the political and economic systems that emerged in Europe and the United States in the centuries that followed, and continue to influence economic and political thought today.
Tocqueville would write you off for tryiing to appear ‘tolerant’ but not seeing what is in front of your face
” religion “should be considered the first” of America’s “political institutions” and even that it is necessary for Americans to “maintain Christianity…at all cost.”” Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), pp. 279–280, 519.
In his Farewell Address of September 1796, Washington called religion, as the source of morality, “a necessary spring of popular government,” while Adams claimed that statesmen “may plan and speculate for Liberty, but it is Religion and Morality alone, which can establish the Principles upon which Freedom can securely stand.”
I live in a neighborhood of very good people
Reading your question they would mostly conclude that you are a person with money, with time on your hands, and generally privileged. Many would note your studious avoidance of moral or religious words.
It would be almost unanimous that you serve many masters, for you don't seem to have any beliefs you would die for.