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"Cops Ahead" Sign Protected by First Amendment, at Least Given Specific Connecticut Statutory Scheme
"Look out" vs. lookout.
From Friend v. Gasparino, decided yesterday by Second Circuit Judge Steven Menashi, joined by Judges Gerard Lynch and Richard Sullivan:
On April 12, 2018, Plaintiff-Appellant Michael Friend responded to a distracted-driving enforcement operation conducted by Defendant-Appellant Sergeant Richard Gasparino and the Stamford Police Department. Friend stood down the street from where the police were stationed and displayed a sign reading "Cops Ahead." Gasparino twice confiscated Friend's signs and ultimately arrested him for interfering with an officer under Connecticut General Statutes § 53a-167a(a)….
A First Amendment violation, the court held (among other things):
Friend's speech would have lacked First Amendment protection if it were "integral to criminal conduct," a category of speech that historically may be restricted. The "constitutional freedom for speech and press" does not "extend[ ] its immunity to speech or writing used as an integral part of conduct in violation of a valid criminal statute." Thus, "the First Amendment is quite irrelevant if the intent of the actor and the objective meaning of the words used are so close in time and purpose to a substantive evil as to become part of the ultimate crime itself." "In those instances, where speech becomes an integral part of the crime, a First Amendment defense is foreclosed even if the prosecution rests on words alone." Thus, in some cases, speech that helps another person engaged in criminal activity evade detection by law enforcement may be subject to criminal penalties. See, e.g., United States v. Cassiliano (2d Cir. 1998) (affirming an obstruction-of-justice sentencing enhancement because the defendant contacted a "principal target[ ] of the government's investigation[ ]" to "alert[ ]" him "to the investigation and discuss[ ] whether they would lie to" investigators); United States v. Arzola (6th Cir. 2013) (affirming an enhancement because a defendant alerted a co-conspirator before law enforcement executed a search warrant).
Friend's speech does not fall within this category. Friend was not acting in coordination with lawbreakers such that he could be said to have been engaged in a conspiracy to commit violations and evade detection. Gasparino cannot identify a crime that Friend committed, let alone a crime to which Friend's speech was "integral." The only offense with which Friend was charged—and for which Gasparino arrested Friend—was interference with a police officer under § 53a-167a. But … Friend's conduct did not violate that statute. The Connecticut Supreme Court has long construed the statute "to proscribe only physical conduct and fighting words that by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace." Because there is no predicate crime that Friend even arguably committed, Gasparino cannot show that Friend's speech was unprotected for being "integral to criminal conduct."
{Friend's conduct also did not constitute incitement or aiding and abetting. Friend's sign was not "directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action" or "likely to incite or produce such action." Furthermore, § 53a-8 of the Connecticut Penal Code, which imposes criminal liability for aiding and abetting "an offense," does not extend to motor vehicle violations. The Connecticut Motor Vehicle Code does not include a complicity provision.} …
The mere fact that speech is protected by the First Amendment does not mean that it is always immune from regulation. But restricting such speech requires the government to satisfy a higher burden than the district court applied in this case….
Strict scrutiny permits the government to restrict speech "only if [it] proves that [its restrictions] are narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests." Narrow tailoring requires that the restriction on speech be "necessary to serve the asserted compelling interest, … precisely tailored to serve that interest, and … the least restrictive means readily available for that purpose." This is a "strict test" because "regulations of speech based on its content 'are presumptively invalid.'"
The district court concluded that, even assuming Friend's speech was protected by the First Amendment, Gasparino's actions satisfied strict scrutiny because those actions served a compelling state interest and were narrowly tailored to that interest. First, the district court held that "the police department's interest was in saving lives by stopping distracted drivers and issuing citations for their behavior" and that "this was a sufficiently compelling interest." Second, the district court determined that "the only way in which Gasparino could tailor punishment was to remove Friend and his signs from the adjacent area," that "[t]he operation could only effectively continue without Friend's interference," and that "there was no less restrictive alternative." Both conclusions were erroneous.
While we agree that the state has "an unqualified interest in the preservation of human life," the district court erred by defining the interest as "saving lives by stopping distracted drivers and issuing citations for their behavior." In so defining the relevant interest, the district court did what the Supreme Court has expressly disallowed: it took "the effect of the [restriction] and posited that effect as the State's interest." … [N]either Gasparino nor the district court explain why Connecticut has a compelling interest not simply in saving lives, or even in the enforcement of distracted driving laws, but specifically in doing so by "issuing citations" to distracted drivers. As noted above, a content-based restriction on speech must be narrowly tailored to a compelling interest. The district court here, however, tailored the compelling interest to the restriction by defining the compelling interest in "saving lives" in terms of the specific means of serving that interest—issuing citations—that Friend's protest made more difficult to accomplish. Defining the compelling interest so narrowly "eliminates the entire inquiry concerning the validity of content-based discriminations" because "[e]very content-based discrimination could be upheld by simply observing that the state is anxious to regulate the designated category of speech" through the means it has already chosen.
The compelling interest asserted in this case is properly defined as the state's interest in saving lives or perhaps in the enforcement of distracted driving laws. We do not question the seriousness of the state's interest in enforcing traffic laws, including laws regulating distracted driving. But we must ask whether Gasparino's arrest of Friend and confiscation of Friend's signs were narrowly tailored to advance those arguably compelling interests. As explained above, Connecticut has not enacted any law that proscribes conduct such as Friend's. As a result, Gasparino cannot establish that his discretionary restriction of Friend's speech was "necessary to serve" Connecticut's interests in saving lives or in enforcing traffic laws. Connecticut's legislature and state courts have concluded that restricting speech such as Friend's is not necessary to advance the state's interests, and yet Gasparino unilaterally decided to impose such a restriction. Gasparino identifies no exigency or emergency to justify his decision but argues instead that he could impose a speech restriction in his discretion based on arguments that the state itself has disclaimed. That cannot satisfy narrow tailoring.
{We need not decide whether a state could under any conceivable set of circumstances prohibit actions such as Friend's or what sort of showing it would need to justify such a law.}
This, of course, leaves open the question whether warning people about upcoming police enforcement might be constitutionally unprotected if such conduct were aiding and abetting a traffic offense under state law. (To be sure, "Cops Ahead" encourages people to follow the law, not violate it; but it in the process aids people in avoiding detection for their violations, much as would be the case with a "Police Are Coming" warning to gang members or burglars who are about to commit a felony.)
Congratulations to Dan Barrett & Elana Bildner (ACLU Foundation of Connecticut), who represented Friend.
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"but it in the process aids people in avoiding detection for their violations, much as would be the case with a "Police Are Coming" warning to gang members or burglars who are about to commit a felony.)"
What violation? Conspiracy to commit a crime? No burglary or "felony" no crime.
In fact, his signs actually increased drivers’ attention and were better at decreasing distracted driving than the cops.
ETA just like when cops put up decoy wooden cop cars to make people slow down and pay attention.
Also, the courts let police-qua-highway robbers get away with yhe facetious lie this is about safety not money.
Some say its both, one feeding into bolstering the other. But you know...
You beat me to what I was thinking, and probably said it better than I would have.
I know. If I say, "hey, don't kill that guy, the cops are coming, and you'll get caught!" I can get prosecuted for preventing the murder, and therefore preventing the detection of the murder? That doesn't sound right.
"Friend's conduct also did not constitute incitement or aiding and abetting. Friend's sign was not 'directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action' or 'likely to incite or produce such action.'"
So, if BravoCharlieDelta or one of the other nuts here says there might be a shooting war soon, and I write something like, "YES! Please, please, please start the shooting war," (because I know they'll lose and be destroyed), would I be guilty of 'inciting or producing imminent lawless action' or 'likely to incite or produce such action?'
Apples and oranges.
I say go for it. If BCD does indeed start a shooting war and gets himself killed, you may get prosecuted, but that's a risk I am willing to take. 😉
Starting a "shooting war" (even one you're sure to lose) is illegal.
Driving carefully and obeying traffic laws is not illegal.
No. Imminent means imminent. Not maybe some indeterminate time in the future.
The argument against you in that scenario would be FAR stronger than the argument against Friend. Even MIS-INTERPRETED, he said DON'T commit the crime.
People have a generalized right to tell people where the cops are. The arrest was BS, and the cops should be fired.
Didn't some states try to criminalize this during the double nickel speed limit era, when motorists would flash their headlights at oncoming traffic to warn of speed traps?
Not only that, but I recall an app that tracked police traps being outlawed. People would add known, observed police hiding-and-waiting to a map.
Looks like that could use a revisit.
That already exists, Waze is a crowd sourced real time app that gives not only directions but warns about traffic and police activity. I have found it invaluable over the years.
In 2019 NYPD's acting deputy commissioner for legal matters Ann P. Prunty threatened app users with criminal prosecution for revealing police checkpoints.
In my state, at least, police checkpoints have to be published. Technically. Somewhere in a particular county, at some time over a particular long weekend there will be a checkpoint.
That was my first thought too.
It was gobsmackingly unconsitutional then, and it is the same today.
It is positively Orwellian to say that someone advising people to stop breaking the law is somehow inciting lawless behavior.
It would be one thing if the "warner" were actively in cahoots with the speeders (like Jerry Reed in Smoky & the Bandit), but that is not even close to the case here.
Reminds me, the AA (Automobile Association) in Britain used to (and may still) have a fleet of motorcyclists driving around to help stranded members, and in the old days AA member drivers would attach a prominent "AA" sign to their front bumper. If an AA motorcyclist saw an oncoming car with an AA sign, they would salute...except if there was a speed trap down the road, when they would not salute. This pissed off the fuzz, who tried to take action, but it was ruled, quite rightly, that you couldn't compel AA motorcyclists to salute.
Way back when Radar Detectors were a thang, and not that sophisticated, I'd get my jollies setting off peoples detectors with an old Garage Door Opener. Then they went to Laser (HT D. Evil) and ruined my fun.
BTW, drive on lots of Interstates (HT D. Eisenhower) from NH to SoCal, doesn't seem like the Speed Limits a Thang anymore.
Frank
Traffic's gonna do what it's going to do. Back in 2015 I was driving I-90 around Rapid City, SD. The speed limit was 80. I was going 100 and everyone was passing me like I was standing still. Nevertheless I never felt unsafe or uncomfortable. Once you drive in Italy there is nothing in the US that can phase you.
What's the stopping distance from 100 MPH?
Accidents on highways are due far more to differences in speed than speed itself.
Agreed. Tailgating, weaving in and out, failure to pay attention (phones or entertainment) and failure to keep right cause most accidents.
I would think that’s highly dependent on the vehicle, it’s weight, the design of the brakes, and the style, quality, wear, and tread of the tire. At that time I was driving a Mini Cooper S, with after market ceramic performance brakes with ventilated discs and Z speed rated tires, so nothing that overtaxed the vehicle.
Overall I think the most dangerous thing you can do is not maintain the flow of traffic, speed limits be damned up or down.
0 feet, if you use a strong enough wall.
That reminds me of the Top Gear joke:
Understeer - the front of the car hits the wall
Oversteer - the back of the car hits the wall
Power - how fast the cat was travelling when it hit the wall
Torque - how much the wall moved back when the car hit it
its not the speed that kills but the rapid deceleration
Same kind of joke as, you don't need a parachute to go sky-diving. You need a parachute to go sky-diving twice.
If one is designing a highway for 100 mph traffic there should be one quarter of a mile visibility. The formula in the highway design book gives 1330 feet stopping sight distance. The formula assumes an inattentive driver and moderate braking. A more realistic emergency reaction needs about half as much road. An alert driver in a sports car with good tires, less than 500 feet.
Much of the Great Plains has much longer sight distance.
I read an article about the speed limit on that section of highway, I-90 near Rapid City. The cops' favorite spot for pretext stops was shortly after the first 65 mph sign coming into town. The sign wasn't where it was supposed to be. The speed trap location was supposed to be an 80 mph zone. The DOT changed the official speed regulation to say 65 rather than deprive police of their hunting ground.
Just a heads up: "Faze" and "phase" sound the same but are very different words.
Send a message to every member of Congress - "all is discovered, flee at once!" They won't be able to find a quorum after that.
(adapted from an old joke)
In some states - I don't know how many - there can be no conspiracy to commit a non-inditable offense.
If strict scrutiny applies the government needs to actually be doing something useful. Do they have some evidence that such ticketing helps, evidence that wouldn't be laughed out of a reputable journal?
The purpose of a major enforcement operation is usually to spend federal funds. The government likes to make a show of force against drivers a few times a year, coordinating all the states to focus on a single message. I drove from Utah to Massachusetts during a seat belt blitz weekend. There sure were a lot of radar and laser guns aimed in my direction compared to a normal trip. The federal government allows states to make quota with any kind of ticket. Speeding tickets are easier to write.
1. Back in the '50's my family used to drive from New England to Florida for winter vacation, when the interstates ended at Petersburg, VA. The rest of the way south was happy hunting grounds for speed traps and all the local cops and JPs. AAA kept track of the locations of the speed traps and routed their members around them. Scofflaw AAA?
2. I remember the 55-saves-lives rule. I don't think drivers actually lived longer, it just SEEMED longer. It was started by Nixon, who also gave us wage and price controls. God save us from leftist Presidents!
On the subject of warning about police activity...
Connecticut used to ban radar detectors. The law wasn't aggressively enforced, not like in Virginia or Canada, and it was repealed I think in the 1990s. There were devices that could detect radar detectors. I know somebody who had his radar detector taken away thanks to such a device. Some clever engineer built a radar detector that would shut down when it detected a radar detector detector. And some clever police officer in Connecticut decided to run a speed trap with a radar detector detector in advance to disable some of the radar detectors. This was more a game than a strategy. Most police know they can make quota with minimal effort by picking the easy prey. A few like to play around.
Interesting to observe that the FCC has no problem approving devices that listen for police radar. Congress has no appetite to ban radar detectors either. The FCC did step in when a device was marketed as a radar jammer. And Congress acted swiftly when devices became available that could, or were thought to be able to, trick a traffic light into thinking the user was an emergency vehicle that deserved a green light. But there is no appetite to make speed limits strictly enforced.
For those as astonished as I was, the district judge who apparently lacks even the most basic understanding of 1A law — suggesting that it only protects speech about matters of public concern¹ — is Alfred V. Covello, a 90-year old senior judge who has been a federal judge for 30 years.
¹Of course, the judge was also wrong in his conclusion that this speech wasn't!
The guy with the sign did more to slow traffic down than the cop did. They're just mad they're losing out on ticket money.