The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Journal of Free Speech Law: "Editorial Decision-Making and the First Amendment," by Prof. Adam Candeub (Michigan State)
Just published at 2 J. Free Speech L. 157 (2022), as part of the "Non-Governmental Restrictions on Free Speech" symposium; here's the Abstract:
First Amendment protection of "editorial discretion," "editorial control," and "editorial judgment" has a relatively short Supreme Court history. First used in the 1970s, these terms refer to the power that broadcasters, cable systems, and newspapers retain to make decisions about their content within regulatory regimes. Editorial decision-making is an action that editors perform on others' speech—which sometimes expresses and conveys an editor's own message, other times not. When, as in Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornillo, editorial decisions express and convey editors' ideas, they receive First Amendment protection. But, as in FCC v. Midwest Video Corp, when they do not—or the regulatory regime at issue allows editors to express their own views, First Amendment protection is limited or non-existent. If all editorial decision-making were to receive full constitutional protection, long-established common carrier law as well as mandatory carriage of political advertisement and PEG programming would be rendered unconstitutional.
Internet platform content moderation decisions are mostly non-expressive editorial decisions. Platforms' content moderation decisions in toto do not convey a message because, lacking a fixed expression, they are never communicated in toto to anyone—as the platforms do not publicize their decisions. Unlike First Amendment-protected editorial decisions, such as inclusion in an op-ed page, a cable system channel line-up, or a parade, an audience cannot read a list of content-moderation decisions and thereby comprehend an expressed message.
Second, platforms' editorial decisions express little individually. For instance, shadow banning, by which a platform renders a user's posts invisible to all but that user, cannot convey a message because no one knows, except the platform, that it is happening. Invisible editorial decisions are not intrinsically expressive of a corporate policy because, as the Court recognized in Rumsfeld v. FAIR, such conduct only communicates by reference to other speech.
Last, just as telephone companies do not express their customers' conversations, transmitting a message, in the context of a communications network, does not express a social media platform's own editorial decisions or speech, a position that platforms themselves have maintained vociferously in countless section 230 cases. Because content moderation decisions are largely unexpressive, social media laws such as Texas's H.B. 20 are consistent with the First Amendment.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Seems to go out of his way to claim that shadow banning etc are perfectly cromulent editorial decisions because they are not publicized. I don't see how that squares with §230 being intended to censor spam, obscentiy, and malware.
The question is not whether Internet platforms are common carriers. It is whether they should be. Courts are not the right way to change that, legislation is they way.
It is true that courts did it once before, saying that shopping malls were public squares. But look how feeble and outdated that decision is. Leave the courts out of it.
I would love to see a proposal for a modern town square law aimed at the Internet.
In what way is Prune Yard outdated?
Even the liberal California courts have resisted many post-Pruneyard attempts to expand Pruneyard beyond its facts. You think the current U.S. Supreme Court, which actually does believe in private property rights and the speech rights of corporations, would adopt that ruling today? It was the product of a court that had liberals who didn't believe in property rights or the rights of corporations, and conservatives who didn't believe in free speech rights.
I don’t think this proposal works. Many obviously genuine editorial decisions are negative. Nobody sees the letters to the editor that don’t get published or the floats that don’t get included in the parade, to give a few examples pf many. It seems to me that negative editorial decisions clearly are genuinely editorial and protected by the first amendment. Criteria distinguishing genuine editorial decisions about ones own content from censorship of other people’s content can’t be as proposed.
It seems to me that the fundamental question is whose content is it. If it’s other people’s content one is engaging in censorship, not editong.
And it seems to me that when people set up a profile and join a group of friends on Facebook or post their resume on linkedin, any “editorializing” is simply interfering with what the content people are trying to do.
Correct. It's embarrassingly bad (motivated, one might suggest) legal reasoning on his part. Moreover, the Hurley case expressly rejected the idea that a single coherent message must be exist before parade curation becomes speech:
A parade, of course, does not advertise itself as a place where the general public can participate.
Contrast with Pruneyard Shopping Center v. Robins, , 447 U.S. 74 (1980)
That's not an "of course"; a parade could indeed do so. And as SCOTUS noted with respect to that particular parade, "To be sure, we agree with the state courts that in spite of excluding some applicants, the Council is rather lenient in admitting participants."
As for Pruneyard — setting aside that it's a product of its time, and that the modern court would never have rule in favor of California's law — the decision relied upon the fact that the mall didn't have a message that the pamphleteers were interfering with. The mall owner just didn't want to allow demonstrators in general; it wasn't objecting to the message.
Which is social media more like? Well, social media companies do not advertise themselves as places where anyone can participate. And they do object to specific messages.
Wait. What?
The editorial pages of a newspaper is "other people's content."
Newspapers do not advertise themselves as platforms that publish whatever the general public submits to them.
I don't see what that has to do with the point ReaderY raised that I objected to.
And, of course, social media companies don't advertise themselves as platforms that publish whatever the general public submits to them, either.
Many obviously genuine editorial decisions are negative. Nobody sees the letters to the editor that don’t get published . . .
An important point. To which I would add that one of the surest ways to get your LTTE rejected by the NYT has been to assert almost any fact at all. Opinions are all candidates for publication. Facts must be checked, and the NYT mostly chooses not to do the work necessary to endorse factual assertions from letter writers. So letters with even anodyne factual assertions get bypassed by policy, to save editorial effort. Does Professor Candeub assert that a policy of that sort gets no 1A protection?
Internet platform content moderation decisions are mostly non-expressive editorial decisions. Platforms' content moderation decisions in toto do not convey a message because, lacking a fixed expression, they are never communicated in toto to anyone—as the platforms do not publicize their decisions. Unlike First Amendment-protected editorial decisions, such as inclusion in an op-ed page, a cable system channel line-up, or a parade, an audience cannot read a list of content-moderation decisions and thereby comprehend an expressed message.
That critique reads the press freedom clause right out of the 1A, by conflating it with speech freedom, and then arguing only on the basis of the latter. Press freedom is not just about content. It also protects publishing activities, including non-expressive activities undertaken to facilitate the publisher's objectives, whether they are expressive objectives or business objectives.
The ability to succeed as a publishing business is a critically important bulwark of press freedom, including expressive freedom. Without it, the publisher becomes dependent on someone else's money to keep the enterprise going. Expressive dependency follows inevitably.
Sigh. That’s because they’re essentially the same thing. It’s true that Justice Douglas wanted to give lots of special protections for the press (including a constitutional press shield doctrine), but the whole court rejected that.
If you sue Twitter over the content of a third-party tweet, it will respond, "Thay's not our speech. That's someone else's speech. We can't be held responsible for other people's speech." But try to restrict their ability to censor third-party speeches, and the response is, "That is our speech, and the government can't censor us." Their legal position changes depending on which courtroom they're in.
I believe the author has it right. It's not their speech. It would seem that the infamous Section 230's directive that, "No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider," only seems to apply to web platforms when it is advantageous to the web platforms.
Their business, unlike a newspaper, for example, is not producing content, but merely transmitting it. Their relationship to the content is that of a mail delivery service or a telephone company, and have no more right to discriminate against that content or its actual creator than FedEx or AT&T would.
They don't assert the speech is theirs, they assert the property right to choose what they wish to host on their property.
No, their legal position does not change. You misunderstand legal shorthand. It's not that other people's speech itself is literally their speech. It's that their choices about other people's speech is their speech.
If you sue Twitter for an individual user's tweet, they will say, "Section 230 gives us immunity from liability for that tweet." If a legislature tries to force them to carry that individual user's tweet, they will say, "Section 230 preempts that law, as does the first amendment."
No; it always applies to web platforms. But, obviously, it can only increase their legal protections; it cannot reduce them below the constitutional minimum.
No, their business is not "transmitting" anything. (Okay, except in the narrow context of things like DMs.) Like a newspaper, their business is publishing speech. It doesn't matter who produces it.
By your logic, the NYT has no right to decide what LTTE to publish, or what Op/Eds to publish. That's wrong. The editorial pages of the NYT are filled with content produced by other people. But the NYT makes decisions about which content to include or omit. And those decisions constitute the NYT's speech. And cannot be infringed.
Their business, unlike a newspaper, for example, is not producing content, but merely transmitting it.
No doubt it seems that way to you, who do not confront the challenge to furnish world-wide, cost-free publishing to every Joe Keyboard in creation, to keep that access continuous, to pay the bills which that activity generates, and to fight off pressures for government censorship, like those implied by your own demands for personal publishing empowerment by cost-free use of someone else’s property.
Elon Musk does confront those challenges. He did not build from scratch the Twitter enterprise which you so heedlessly discount to zero—as a matter of mere transmission. Yet Musk seems to find the notably smaller task merely to keep the existing enterprise going more difficult than your characterization implies.
No doubt, if someone taunted you, saying that if you are dissatisfied with Twitter, you remain free to build your own competing enterprise, you would judge that impertinent. That would reflect a correct understanding that under demands for simple internet publishing solutions lurk intimations of far more imposing practical complications—complications self-evidently beyond the resources of most people to master.
How do you suppose Musk got himself into such an embarrassing public struggle? Is it possible there is more going on with Twitter than you can see across your keyboard? Spend a bit of time trying to figure that out in detail; strive for a more realistic estimate of what makes this issue a fraught national debate, with no agreed solution in sight.
Note that my comment is not intended as a defense of Musk, nor of Twitter, nor of any other social media giant. My own heartfelt wish is that they all get drowned together.
My comment comes instead from impatience with internet utopians who ought to know better. Internet utopians cherish an undying dream to turn each of them into a world-wide publisher at no cost, unfettered by anything. That ought by now to have been recognized as self-evidently foolish, but it has not been.
Until that dream fades, no political policy will be possible to get real good out of internet publishing—which could have proved a boon to would-be opinion consumers, to would-be opinion contributors, and to the public life of the nation. That still-to-be-realized potential remains, but also remains blocked by foolish mass delusion among internet utopians who suppose they are entitled to much more than reality can deliver. While all around them professional publishers struggle daily against innumerable practical fetters, internet utopians demand personal power to publish unfettered. What would make any sensible person suppose that could happen?
For various reasons internet utopians ought to study and learn, you cannot have:
– cost-free;
– anonymous;
– world-wide;
– without prior editing;
– and without post-publication moderation;
– electronic publishing for everyone.
Free enterprise cannot deliver that formula to you. Government cannot give it to you. It is impossible as a business model. It is impossible politically. Professional publishers do not get that kind of freedom. Joe Keyboard is a fool to suppose he can have it.
My hope is that the nation will never have to learn that lesson by a doomed attempt at policy to favor internet utopians. That policy’s inevitable failure could only come at astounding cost to the public life of the nation. It would likely result in yet another dangerous disruption of the nation’s politics.
Here's a free hint: try to make an argument that shows you actually know something about the topic, rather than merely repeating the word "utopian" ad nauseam, which shows that you neither understand the technology, nor the industry, nor the meaning of the word "utopian."
Nieporent, I have explained at length in previous comments exactly what I mean when I use the words, “internet utopians.” In general, those words refer to advocacy which must actually prove self-defeating, because without realizing it internet utopians demand means which will undermine the ends they seek (and which are impossible by any means, by the way).
I will not repeat that explanation in full detail in every one of the myriad instances when internet utopian-style commentary crops up on these threads. The term is shorthand to describe people who demand something the world is powerless to deliver, while insisting on means which will make a godawful mess if they are attempted.
A strawman?
To the list above I neglected to add:
– liability free.
Thanks for weighing in to remind me that internet utopians also demand an end to practically enforceable legal liability for libel.