The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
No Pseudonymity for Plaintiff in Action Claiming Florida Discriminates Based on Race in Funding Universities
Plaintiff "has alleged nothing suggesting he has any greater basis to fear retaliation than the plaintiffs in most discrimination cases."
From Judge Robert Hinkle (N.D. Fla.) a couple of weeks ago in Denton v. Board of Governors for the State Univ. Sys. of Florida:
In this action six plaintiffs assert the State of Florida has engaged in a pattern of racial discrimination—a pattern of providing lower funding for historically black universities than for traditionally white comparators. One of the six plaintiffs has moved for leave to proceed under a pseudonym. He would disclose his identity to the defendants and the court but only on condition that the identity not be publicly disclosed.
Lawsuits are public events. Under the law of the circuit, anonymity—the ability to proceed under a pseudonym—should be granted "only in those exceptional cases involving [1] matters of a highly sensitive and personal nature, [2] real danger of physical harm, or [3] where the injury litigated against would be incurred as a result of the disclosure of the plaintiff's identity."
This case does not come close. The plaintiff asserts this case has generated substantial publicity and he fears retaliation if his identity is disclosed. But he has alleged nothing suggesting he has any greater basis to fear retaliation than the plaintiffs in most discrimination cases. That a case has attracted public interest is not a reason to withhold information about the case from the public.
The Frank factors uniformly cut against allowing the plaintiff to proceed anonymously.
First, there is nothing "highly sensitive and personal" about this claim as that term is used in Frank. Quite the contrary. This is a claim about alleged discrimination by a state against a large public university—discrimination that, if it occurred as alleged, affected every student at the university. This is far less
"sensitive and personal" than the discrimination alleged in any garden-variety employment-discrimination case. It is possible—though it seems unlikely—that personal information about the plaintiff that should not become public will become relevant. If that happens, the information can be sealed. That is not good cause to allow the plaintiff to proceed anonymously.
Second, while bigotry is out there, the plaintiff has alleged no facts suggesting he faces a danger of physical harm greater than faced by the plaintiffs in many garden-variety employment-discrimination cases, let alone in cases asserting constitutional rights. The risk from filing this lawsuit is no more substantial—indeed, probably significantly less substantial—than the risk faced by many other plaintiffs in many other kinds of cases. If a risk this small were sufficient to allow a plaintiff to proceed anonymously, many of the most significant cases in the history of the federal courts would be known not by names like Brown, Korematsu, or Obergefell, but instead by pseudonyms. This would cut too deeply into the fundamental principle that ours is a public court system.
Third, the harm litigated against—discriminatory underfunding of a major university—will not be incurred as a result of disclosing the plaintiff's identity. That harm allegedly already has occurred. Disclosure of the plaintiff's identity will have nothing to do with it.
Under all the circumstances, the appropriate exercise of discretion is to deny this plaintiff the ability to proceed under a pseudonym. The plaintiff can pursue the claim or not—but he cannot do it while withholding his identity from the public record….
This seems quite consistent with the general patterns I describe in The Law of Pseudonymity in Litigation. Here's an excerpt from the plaintiff's argument in support of pseudonymity:
John believes, given the history of racial discrimination in this country, as well as the personal nature of the discrimination at issue in this Action, that proceeding with this lawsuit under his real name will have an immediate and irreparable effect on his reputation, educational and employment opportunities, and personal relationships. John's public identification with this Action will also interfere with his efforts to process, cope with, and recover from the conduct described in the Complaint.
This Action has already and will continue to draw public scrutiny of FAMU [Florida Agricultural & Mechanical University] faculty and administration. In that vein, this Action has already generated media interest from several national publications, including CNN, the Washington Post, CBS News, Forbes, Bloomberg News and Politico. The public disclosure of John's involvement in this Action will likely subject him to retaliation or other harmful treatment by FAMU employees and staff, other students and/or alumni of FAMU, and from the community at large. …
As a FAMU student, John is involved in various student-run organizations, including performance troupes and a fraternity. During the academic year, John volunteers in community service events, leads on-campus fundraising events for his organizations, and performs with his troupe for the FAMU student body. John fears an impact to the student organizations that he is a member of simply by his involvement in this Action.
As a student, John receives federal and state financial aid, as well as FAMU grants, to assist in paying his FAMU tuition, all of which are determined by the financial aid office at FAMU. John fears that public disclosure of his involvement in this Action may adversely impact his receipt of financial aid. As a current fourth year student at FAMU, John is in the process of applying for jobs in Florida. After graduation from FAMU, John hopes to obtain his teaching certificate to teach music in the State of Florida. John fears that public disclosure of his involvement in this lawsuit will affect these applications and prospective employment.
In addition to being a full-time student, John works part-time as a barber in the greater Tallahassee area to financially support himself. John further fears that he may suffer reputational harm and retaliation from community members if his true identity is revealed, especially because this Action concerns and alleges disproportionate funding received by FAMU as compared to that of other Tallahassee public universities, including Florida State University which has a student population in excess of 33,000 students and many faculty and alumni in Tallahassee.
John also worries that his family will suffer emotional distress if his name is publicly disclosed in relation to this Action, which will in turn cause John to suffer further emotional distress. John has four cousins who are currently high school students and who have plans to attend FAMU after graduation. John reasonably fears that his public involvement with this Action is likely to impact his family's reputation in the community and his cousins' ability to seek higher education at FAMU or in the State of Florida….
The court gave the pseudonymous plaintiff until Dec. 7 to identify himself or withdraw from the case, and he chose to indeed identify himself.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
The obvious answer is to eliminate 'historically black colleges'.
Designate all colleges as color blind and you're done.
What? You can’t “eliminate” HBCUs because, well, they’re historically black colleges and universities. It’s in the name. You can’t change the history of their founding or role in black culture and political life. Those are just facts of the past that can’t be disputed. You also can’t make PoC today not feel a cultural affinity for these institutions and apply to them in larger numbers than white students. I’m sure you’ll find that white people are not categorically excluded from HBCUs.
Unless you mean literally shut them down, in which case, why would you want to do that?
Actually, there would be serious problems under the third Morrill Act if you did eliminate them as they were tied to the state's getting the money to found its White land grant college. (Note the "A&M" in a lot of their names -- that's from the "Agriculture and Mechanical arts" of the Morrill Acts.)
That said, a lot of them should be eliminated under objective standards. The finances of many are an utter *mess* and administrative mismanagement (and possibly worse) is pandemic. Their academic standards, graduation rates, and even freshman retention are incredibly bad -- in part because any good student they have is literally stolen by mainstream institutions who can offer *far* better deals at an institution with a far better reputation.
And then a lot of their social & "cultural" events wind up being punctuated with gunfire, which is not how you convince Black mothers to send you their sons....
Many (not all) of the HBCUs have essentially become community colleges, stressing the same sort of "community" nature that Community Colleges always have, i.e. it's closer to the neighborhood you live in than an Ivory Tower -- except the HBCUs are doing it from a "Black" perspective. (Or at least think they are...)
Trump -- yes Trump -- bailed them all out because a couple were really on the edge financially and a couple more not that far behind. Financial mismanagement and stupid decisions -- and it's not just HBCUs doing it -- Bernie Sander's wife did it as well.
Why would a maintenance man think he would have any insight into the finances or management of hundreds of schools nationwide?
Because he has a Masters Degree in Higher Education and actually studied this sort of thing. Not to mention the fact that he has attended *at least* a half dozen national conventions of relevant professional associations, reads professional journals (along with trade newspapers) and knows people in the profession, including the late President of Clark Atlanta University.
But I still don’t see what your issue is with me having paid for this degree (and two beyond it) by doing things like maintenance. Yes, I was one of those people driving a university pickup truck down the sidewalk and walking around with a portable radio turned to full volume (you don’t really hear it as you are listening for your ID #) — and I like to think that I earned my pay — but what is your issue with it?
I wasn’t independently wealthy — so sorry — and the nice thing about being a graduate student (and knowing how to fill out the property paperwork) was that I could actually throw things away because I did my own paperwork. (It was done *right* -- it's just that I (a) knew how to do it and (b) knew whose signatures were required -- and drove around campus getting them with the stuff in the back of my truck. 0ther people had to store this stuff for the annual inventory.)
As an aside, there are only 105 HBCUs — and here is a list of them.https://hbcuconnect.com/colleges/
HBCU's is just a descriptive term and is not a dispositive factor in the main case.
Here's (some of) what they're complaining about:
59. FAMU’s $110 million in State appropriations in 2019 amounted to $11,450 per student, compared to the $785 million received by UF, which amounted to $14,984 per student.
60. In 2018, FAMU was one of three institutions in the State University System of Florida that was allocated a total of $0 in State investment funds from Defendants based on Florida’s
performance-based funding metrics.
61. Based on its 2018 Performance-Based Funding Score of 72, FAMU received a Total Performance Based Funding Allocation of $14,765,439 for the 2018-2019 school year. By comparison, UF, with its score of 93, received $110,634,475.
62. Based on its 2019 Performance-Based Funding Score of 70, FAMU received a Total Performance Based Funding Allocation of $29,056,843 for the 2019-2020 school year. By comparison, UF, with its score of 95, received $ $99,916,894.
63. Based on its 2020 Performance-Based Funding Score of 73, FAMU received a Total Performance Based Funding Allocation of $28,153,897 for the 2020-2021 school year. By comparison, UF, with its score of 90, received $100,799,366.
64. Based on its 2021 Performance-Based Funding Score of 79, FAMU received a Total Performance Based Funding Allocation of $26,735,556 for the 2021-2022 school year. By comparison, UF, with its score of 87, received $106,064,786.
While I wouldn't compare FAMU to UF -- I'd instead compare it to FSC, there are three things you are missing (one of which you actually mention in passing).
First and foremost, Performance-Based Funding is based on -- well -- performance. Unless you can somehow show a racial bias in that, there is nothing you can say.
Likewise, as I mentioned above, other institutions (seeking to change their own racial demographics) routinely poach students from the HBCUs -- both before and after enrollment. And I'll agree that it isn't fair for FAMU to be penalized for this -- the same thing happens to community colleges when students transfer to a 4 year degree as sophomores. (It hurts your graduation rate because even though you helped the kid get a degree somewhere else, the presumption is that the student instead left higher ed outright.)
As long as it was applied on a race neutral basis, i.e. to the CCs as well, I wouldn't object to FAMU getting credit for every one of their former students who graduated from UF.
Second, funding often follows need, and STEM programs are far more expensive to offer than "Studies" programs. You have labs and equipment and lots of other really expensive "stuff" that you gotta have in order to have a decent engineering program while the Women's Studies can teach classes outside on the lawn -- and often does on nice days.
Yes, you *could* cart all the expensive electronic equipment out onto the lawn as well, but this is Florida with the afternoon thunderstorm and you'd have to *replace* all that expensive electronic equipment once it got wet...
And third, while FASU does have a respectable STEM focus (see: https://www.famu.edu/academics/undergraduate-academics/index.php), a "flagship" university (i.e. UF) usually both has better students and gets more state money because of that.
From a quick internet search: FAMU has a HS GPA of 3.0 and a SAT of 1030-1160, UF has a HS GPA of 3.7 and a SAT of 1310-1470 -- and both offer admission to about 40% of applicants.
From that alone, ummm.....
Just FYI, those items were copied directly from the original complaint - not my opinion.
I stand corrected.
Should these kids win, it will establish a precedent that I doubt they like because (as I point out below) HBCUs actually get significant monies *because* they are HBCUs and if discrimination extends to the institution (and not just the individual student), the HBCUs could wind up loosing in the end.
Same thing with accreditation -- I doubt that the two I am thinking of would have kept their accreditation were they not HBCUs -- their finances were that much of a mess -- and losing your accreditation for financial mattes is the inexorable death spiral of a college because your students are no longer eligible for Federal financial aid monies.
Today's conservative bigots, after being relegated to the fading fringe of modern American by losing the culture war, are eager to hide their racism behind euphemisms ("traditional values," "conservative values," "colorblind") and to try to put lipstick on their gay-bashing with a cloak of religion, apparently believing that superstition somehow improves bigotry to transforms it into something other than bigotry.
This is part of the progress our liberal-libertarian mainstream has shaped in modern America. Formerly, the racism, gay-bashing, misogyny, immigrant-hating, white nationalism, Islamophobia, and the paltry like were open, common, and often casual.
This vestigial bigotry continues to be a problem in America, but nothing replacement has not already begun to solve.
Carry on, clingers. So far as the stale, ugly thinking of the Republican Party and our can't-keep-up backwaters could carry anyone these days, that is.
Longtobefree: "Designate all colleges as color blind"
Rev. Arthur L. Kirkland: "racism ... bigotry"
Someone here is a bigoted nut all right.
Most of this blog's conservative fans would designate Nick Fuentes, Gail Heriot, white nationalists, Josh Blackman, Marjorie Taylor Greene, Brett Bellmore, Wendy Rogers, Donald Trump, Eugene Volokh, Steve King, Stephen Miller, Paul Gosar, David Duke, Roger Stone, Lee Atwater, Jesse Helms, Tucker Carlson, and the strikingly white Volokh Conspiracy as colorblind.
"Designate all colleges as color blind and you’re done."
I forget which one it was -- but one was trying to do exactly that, going so far as to have Affirmative Action for *White* students.
Most of them are toying with some sort of Affirmative Action for male students in general because once you get into a 65%-70% female cohort it isn't good, and that essentially is where the Black student cohort nationally is right now.
There’s a really interesting issue here because HBCUs receive Federal funding (that other IHEs don’t get) because they are HBCUs. Under Trump it was $45 Billion — it appears to have been cut to $2 Billion — but that’s still money that ONLY the HBCUs get. See https://www.newsweek.com/hbcu-funding-falls-45-billion-2-billion-under-latest-biden-spending-plan-1635870
Remember that this is in addition to all of the other Federal monies that all IHEs are eligible for, as well as all of the racially-exclusive grants. (E.g. UMass got a NSF grant for Black graduate students in the sciences.)
Things would be very interesting if these plaintiffs were to win…
NB: "IHE" is "Institution of Higher Education."
It's not even that -- research "overhead" rates vary widely, with better known institutions (e.g. Harvard) being able to demand (and get) higher rates (UF gets 52.5%) -- for an explanation and listing of sample rates (scroll down), see: https://www.heritage.org/education/report/indirect-costs-how-taxpayers-subsidize-university-nonsense
One metric by which institutions are measured is the amount of "outside" money they bring in. (It gets interesting when it is actually state money funding the grant, but that's too far into the weeds for this conversation.) And it might be possible that Florida is using this metric as one aspect of it's "performance" evaluation.