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Crime to Publicize Man's DUI (with Insults) as Part of "Feud," "Intended to Shame and Provoke"
So holds the Pennsylvania intermediate appellate court, rejecting a First Amendment defense.
From Friday's decision in Commonwealth v. Collins (Pa. Super. Ct.), written by Judge James Gardner Colins, joined by Presiding Judge Jack Panella:
John William Collins appeals from the judgment of sentence of 15 days' incarceration and a fine of $600 after his non-jury conviction on two counts of harassment….
This case involves a "wanted poster" and five letters that Collins authored and distributed through the United States Postal Service. The poster identifies the "wanted" man as Alan Hoffman, "an individual with whom [Collins] has apparently had a long-running dispute."
The trial court described the poster, letters, and facts of this case as follows:
The posters were copies of the same document … on letter-size paper, featuring a copy of Mr. Hoffman's mug shot and basic booking information for a January 26, 2018, arrest for controlled substance DUI, next to which had been written: "I crossed a Billy goat with a pig. What did you get? See for yourself; it's got a goat face and smells like a pig. $500.00 reward to capture and put in a cage. Call nearest police agency for reward. Trying to impersonate a human being."
The letters were copies of the same package of documents, consisting of: (1) a handwritten note stating the following: "Alan Goat-Face Hoffman, [street address] Three Springs, PA 17264 drives a yellow [car, which] is same color as he is."; and (2) five copies of a page from Mr. Hoffman's Bedford County Court of Common Pleas Court Summary….
Collins asserts that criminal punishment based upon a defendant's speech is permissible only when it falls within certain narrow exceptions to the First Amendment and here none of those exceptions are applicable….
Collins is correct that his speech does not fall within the identified exceptions to the First Amendment set forth in Chaplinsky: his posters and letters did not contain obscenities; no proof was offered that Collins' description of Hoffman was untrue, and in any event, Section 2709(a)(3) does not target defamation; and his speech did not technically constitute "fighting words" as Hoffman was not present when Collins distributed the posters or letters were distributed and therefore it was unlikely that they would have led to "an immediate breach of the peace." However, the Chaplinsky exceptions do not purport to be an exhaustive list of the categories of speech that may be prosecuted under the First Amendment. Indeed, additional categories of offenses that criminalize speech—including solicitation, extortion, and other speech "integral to criminal conduct"—have been deemed to pass constitutional muster. In addition, our Supreme Court has upheld a criminal statute prohibiting harassment by unwanted, repeated communications in the face of a First Amendment challenge, noting that the state has a legitimate interest in preventing harassment and that the offense was directed at the harassing conduct rather than the speech itself.
Viewed in its totality, we conclude that Collins' public dissemination of the poster and letters falls outside the bounds of constitutionally protected speech. The communications were clearly intended to be insulting, attacking Hoffman's appearance ("it's got a goat face and smells like a pig"), parentage (stating that Hoffman was "a Billy goat [crossed] with a pig"), and character (stating that Hoffman was "yellow," i.e., cowardly). Hoffman is not, by any account, a public figure in the town in which he and Collins live, and the communications related to matters that are not of public concern. Although Collins testified that he was publicizing Hoffman's criminal record in order to advise the public that Hoffman was driving with a suspended license, his purpose was not evident on the face of the poster or letter and Collins admitted that his real motivation was to "get back at [Hoffman] for spreading lies about [him] and flaunting the law." There is no question that Collins' publication of Hoffman's criminal record and the insults directed towards him were part and parcel of the two men's long-running feud.
Also crucial in our determination that Collins was engaged in unprotected speech is the fact that he identified Hoffman's home address and the make, year, color, and license plate number of Hoffman's vehicle. The inclusion of this information in the posters and letters served no other apparent purpose than as an invitation for the public to confront Hoffman at his residence or during his travels in the community. See Frisby v. Schultz (1988) (upholding ban on residential picketing where picketing did not "seek to disseminate a message to the general public, but to intrude upon the targeted resident, and to do so in an especially offensive way"). The belligerent nature of the communication was only accentuated by the juxtaposition of Hoffman's mug shot photograph with Old West-style "wanted poster" language, with an offer of a "$500.00 reward to capture" Hoffman and "put [him] in a cage."
Moreover, Collins did not simply resort to announcing his criticisms of Hoffman to passersby in a public forum, but he also directed his injurious message to various unwilling and unsuspecting recipients through the United States Postal Service, at least one of whom submitted a complaint to law enforcement. See Rowan v. United States Post Office Department (1970) (upholding federal statute that permits household to remove address from mailing lists and stating that "no one has a right to press even 'good' ideas on an unwilling recipient" through the mail).
In sum, we conclude that Collins' actions here fall outside the ambit of the protection of the First Amendment. The evidence at trial was clear that Collins' poster and letters were not intended to advise the public of Hoffman's potentially dangerous driving as a result of his DUI convictions nor did they contain an educational or symbolic message regarding the harm caused to society by drunk drivers. Instead, Collins' speech was simply intended to shame and provoke Hoffman and direct the ire of the public on him based upon his status as an offender. That Collins' speech was not communicated directly to Hoffman and did not result in a breach of the peace is not dispositive of our analysis, as it was only the intervention of post office personnel that prevented the flyer from being distributed widely throughout the small town in which the two men lived, and such early action likely avoided further conflict between the two men.
Judge Deborah Kunselman dissented, I think correctly (for my views on this, see this article and the discussion in Part III of this follow-up):
My learned colleagues in the Majority do not identify any recognized exception to the First Amendment that would apply to Mr. Collins' speech. This deficiency should end our analysis, and Mr. Collins' conviction should be overturned. Nevertheless, the Majority denies his speech constitutional protection by crafting a new exception to the First Amendment, the "shame and provoke" exception….
Here, the speech at issue was far less shameful and provocative than in Snyder, and the penalty was more stringent, as it involved criminal rather than civil consequences. While speech here is not of public concern or regarding public figures and thus may arguably be of lesser importance under the First Amendment, that does not mean that the speech forfeits all protections. For the state to criminalize private speech, the speech must fall neatly in one of the exceptions recognized by the Supreme Court of the United States….
In this case, both parties agree that Mr. Collins did not distribute the poster or letters to the person they ridiculed (Mr. Hoffman) or anyone else who would have likely reacted in a violent manner to the content (such as Mr. Hoffman's family or close friends). As such, the posters and letters do not constitute "abusive remarks directed to the person of the hearer" [and thus fit within the fighting words exception -EV]. Instead, they were directed to disinterested third parties, and the record does not indicate that any of those people were likely to breach the Commonwealth's peace upon reading Mr. Collins' poster or letters….
Additionally, the words did not amount to a "true threat" against Mr. Hoffman that would justify criminal prosecution. As the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania observed, the Constitution of the United States allows states to criminalize threatening speech that is specifically intended to terrorize or intimidate. In evaluating whether the speaker acted with an intent to terrorize or intimidate, evidentiary weight should be given to contextual circumstances such as those referenced in Watts v. United States (1969) (explaining that the government may criminalize "true threat[s]" but not mere political hyperbole)…. [T]he language of Mr. Collins' poster and letters did not truly threaten Mr. Hoffman. Instead, they were mere hyperbole. Mr. Collins did not express a desire to harm Mr. Hoffman, nor did he communicate the message on the documents directly to Mr. Hoffman. Therefore, Mr. Collins' speech was not a "true threat" that the government could prosecute….
We must remember that the First Amendment does not exist to protect kind and desirable speech. The Framers adopted it to shield words (such as Mr. Collins') that most citizens do not want to hear, with limited exceptions for speech that is obscene, that falsely damages one's reputation, or that will likely cause an imminent breach of the peace. Here, none of these exceptions applies…
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I-ANAL but I thought "Truth is an absolute defense to defamation" and speaking of Drunks, which is why nobody was ever charged for accusing Ted Kennedy of abandoning a beautiful young woman to asphyxiate (not drowned, there's a difference)
Frank "In Vino Veritas"
If you think truth is an absolute defense to defamation — it should be! — you should check out Noonan v. Staples, which held that true statements made with malice could lead to liability if it didn't relate to a matter of public concern. I've always thought (well, it's only 13 years old, so not actually always) this was the most outrageous speech decision. (Although technically it wasn't a 1A decision; the 1st circuit chose not to decide that issue because it wasn't really briefed that way.)
The dissent is quite persuasive; The majority disliked the speech here, and invented a new doctrine to permit it to be punished.
"Harassment" has long been the source for most anti-1A cases. Harassment statutes are written broadly, and are mostly interpreted by the lowest level of judges, who don't ever deal with constitutional issues and are not equipped to decide them.
It used to be a free country. These judges are instruments of tyranny.
This ruling comes across as "Two judges felt bad for Hoffman and ruled accordingly". I'm baffled. Have these judges even *seen* Twitter? I'm not talking post Musk Twitter as I've not been on that site for a long time as I found the comments to be too toxic. This ruling would seem to outlaw many a mean spirited tweet, and there are so so very many of those.
Yeah I'm with the dissent here. This is literally just criminalizing being mean.
How do you feel about the doxxing? That featured in the majority's opinion.
You mean like what the Times did to Darren Wilson?
@BadLegalTakes
This opinion could easily have been a tweet storm by some stupid twitter user.
Before lawyers run around dunking on non-lawyers for this sort of thing, they should remember that much of this type of Ignorance pervades their own ranks, and even the ranks of judges.
Lots of ignorance in the judiciary. And if lawyers criticize them harshly, the lawyers put their livelihoods in jeopardy.
Which reminds me. I looked with cynicism at the ballot on election day for our local judges, all Democrats. And it shows because they are such a pack of motley ignoramuses. And you know what? Not one of these weasels calling themselves Democrats had opposition. And you know why that is? The Founders said that if one side had all the power, that was the very definition of tyranny.
It's because the lawyers know that if you campaign with the Republicans against a judge and lose, you'd damn better not ever be caught in her courtroom without watching your back. And even then you were going to get goose-egged and treated like dirt, irrespective of the merits of your case.
It's been like that here in Asheville for at least 50 years, i. e., no opposition for the Dem judges because of their tyrannical power. I saw one of them alone on the ballot who ought to be taken out and horse-whipped before being defrocked. I saw her commit the judicial equivalent of perjury and forgery, perpetrate spoliation, eject court-watchers from the courtroom (She had the bailiff reaching for his gun when they refused to leave but quickly changed their minds when Bailiff Luevamos grabbed his Glock), threaten the defendant with contempt for simply clearing his throat (because he had asthma), fabricate evidence, refuse to permit the defendant to cross-examine with leading questions, refuse to hear defendant's motions, ordered the defendant not to stare at the plaintiff (although he never had and never did and never would have), sit there like a knot on a log and refuse to respond when defendant objected to hearsay evidence by the plaintiff. This was a nondomestic restraining order case. Yes, and defendant got it stuck to him, all the way, and without a trial transcript although he was guaranteed a transcript, to the NC Supreme Court.
I would probably call it protected speech if not for the $500 reward.
What about the $500 reward makes it unprotected? How is that not obvious parody of the 'wanted poster' concept?
Not just that but also the quasi-official nature of a wanted poster.
This is getting very close to fabricating official documents.
"very close" to, i.e., not fabricating dox
"Very close" as in "not even remotely like a real document of that type"?
I now realize why you were gone for so long:
You had a period in your life come about where you realized that you shouldn't speak about things that you have no understanding of!
What travesty brought you out of that enlightenment?
I agree the dissent has the better argument in this case, but that then raises the question of when does protected speech become unprotected harassment? Under the First Amendment, should harassment even be a crime?
Suppose instead of mailing these posters out, the defendant had followed the victim with a bullhorn everywhere he went and announced to everyone within earshot that he had been convicted of DUI and was driving on a suspended license? Free speech, or unprotected harassment? Suppose he held a sign outside the victim's place of employment; free speech or unprotected harassment?
It strikes me that most harassment is speech, so there either needs to be some dividing line at which one becomes the other, or harassment laws need to require more than speech.
This is pretty easy:
(1) Place of employment: free speech
(2) Following around with bullhorn: unprotected harassment--at least court cases say that the state can criminalize following a person around.
Under the majority's opinion, how can a person tell in advance whether his public criticism of another is permissible or goes too far and could result in jail time?
To be safe, stifle it. That's the whole aim of practical politics anyway...to scare you into holding your mouth shut and keeping your dissent to yourself.