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Kavanaugh on Halfway Originalism
An insightful point from oral argument in National Pork Producers v. Ross -- and its implications.
The so-called "dormant" Commerce Clause restricts state authority over interstate commerce, even though the text of the Commerce Clause is a grant of authority to Congress.
While there are some originalist defenses of this doctrine, and much evidence that something in the Constitution is supposed to restrict state authority over interstate commerce, a common opinion among many originalist judges and scholars is something like what Justice Thomas argued in his dissent in Camps Newfound: the Commerce Clause should not be read as a restriction on state authority, and instead those restrictions should come from the Import/Export Clause, Article IV's Privileges and Immunities Clause, and the like. (Thomas relies among other things on the great William Crosskey, one of my predecessors as a constitutional law professor at the University of Chicago, and long overdue for a revival.)
This point loomed in the background of the recent oral argument in National Pork Producers v. Ross, the dormant Commerce Clause challenge to California's ban on poorly-housed pork. (For discussion, here is a recent podcast episode.) If the dormant Commerce Clause is on shaky ground, then perhaps it should not be extended to the kinds of extraterritoriality problems in that case.
Justice Kavanaugh had an interesting and insightful rejoinder to that kind of skepticism:
JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: To the extent we have historically overinterpreted the Commerce Clause, I think you were getting at something that the amicus briefs also point out, is that you couldn't correct that without correcting also a historical underinterpretation perhaps of the export/import clause and the privileges and immunities clause. And Justice Thomas and Justice Scalia wrote about the export/import clause, and others have written about the privileges and immunities clause. Correct?
. . . the point there . . . is the principle behind it is embedded in our Constitution, even if mislabeled. . . You couldn't just say, oh, let's get rid of all those cases because they're mislabeled without thinking about the other clauses . . . [that] might pick up that same principle.
This is a good point -- reconsidering some of the Supreme Court's potentially mistaken precedents while holding constant some other potentially mistaken precedents could actually take the Court further away from the correct principles and results. This is something I wrote about a few years ago under the general label of "the problem of constitutional law and the second best" and better-known under Justice Alito's label of "halfway originalism." So it's nice to see Justice Kavanaugh attuned to the problem.
But here's the thing. The Court does sometime do exactly what Justice Kavanaugh criticizes here -- decide a case that it thinks is mistaken under one Clause without thinking about other clauses that might pick up the same principle.
To take an example that I have been obsessed with, the Supreme Court is repeatedly narrowing and on the verge of finally obliterating the direct cause of action for damages under the 4th Amendment known as Bivens. But as many people have pointed out, that same principle -- the availability of a tort remedy against federal officers who violate constitutional rights -- may be embedded in other parts of the Constitution, which would protect common law rights against abrogation by federal law. (See my earlier blog post, Mike Ramsey's blog post, a related claim from Vasquez and Vladeck, the last few pages of this amicus brief, etc.) Yet the Supreme Court curtails the Bivens remedy without ever mentioning, worrying about, or granting cert. on the other problem.
If Justice Kavanaugh is right, then the way the Court is handling Bivens is wrong -- and there are plenty of other examples of this problem, ranging from the exclusionary rule to the incorporation of the bill of rights and the privileges or immunities clause, to the commerce clause, to Erie RR v. Tompkins. So it's great to see attention to this problem, but I'll be even more excited to see a consistent approach in dealing with it.
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Never fear.
They figure out the right answer first, then figure out how to apply the constitution.
Under no circumstances will this algorithm require getting the wrong answer.
Will,
At what point do you acknowledge that a lot of the apparent "contradictions" with, for example, this case and Bivens, are not really contradictions if you acknowledge a lot of people are playing politics?
Yeah, economic regulation bad, pro police good. Its a much for straightforward framework.
"The so-called "dormant" Commerce Clause restricts state authority over interstate commerce, even though the text of the Commerce Clause is a grant of authority to Congress."
How is this complicated?
"The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."
If authority to regulate interstate commerce is delegated to the United States by the Constitution, it isn't reserved to the States.
Are you suggesting states don't have the power to Tax? Congress having the power to do something doesn't necessarilly mean the exclusive power to do it.
And the Framers knew how to prohibit a state from doing something. Article 1 sec. 10
Don’t try to inject stupid where there isn’t any to begin with. We’re not talking about a general power. “To regulate” would be analogous to “to tax”.
We’re talking about a specific power: “to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.” THAT is the power delegated to Congress, and thus not reserved to the states.
To be clear, I'm not saying this argument is conclusive. But it's certainly not hard to find, either.
Your initial post seems to make the argument that it is obviously correct. I don't think Baude was confused how they got there but thought it was wrong, to say it isn't complicated implied, to me at least, that it is clearly correct. If I misunderstood that, I apologize.
But what I definitely don't understand is your notion of general vs specific powers to the federal government. The federal government doesn't have an general powers. Only those specifically granted to them. That they limited what can be regulated and not what can be taxed, though it did limit how it could be taxed, I don't see as relevant to the broad argument that it was granted and therefore not reserved to the State.
No, while I don't think the argument is slam dunk correct, I don't see it as particularly obscure, either.
Halfway Originalism!
Nice, I have another entry for my list.
Framework Originalism
Intrinsicist Originalism
Instrumental Originalism
Liquidated Originalism
Original Intent
Original Meaning
Original Methods Originalism
Original Public Meaning
Semantic Originalism
Structuralism
Textualism
"Halfway Originalism"
Originalism is the view that the meaning of the Constitution doesn't change until it is properly changed by amendment.
I guess Baude isn’t an originalism then, based on the OP and your definition!
The Constitution, and what the Supreme Court says about the Constitution, are not the same thing.
The Constitution, and what the Supreme Court says about the Constitution, are not the same thing.
You make it sound like there is a way to determine what the Constitution means without relying on anyone's opinions. That there is an objective true meaning independent of what even the Supreme Court thinks.
I guess Baude isn’t an originalism then...
Now, if Margot Robbie was an originalism, then I might support it.
Oriiginalism is the view that if you use a Ouija board and contact the Founding Fathers, their answers to your constitutional questions are binding on the court.
Ouija Board Originalism!
Nice, I have another entry for my list.
Interesting point. But can the Court even reach those alternative clauses and justifications if they aren't presented and argued by the attorneys in the specific cases?
That's what I was going to say. Looking for alternative justifications makes it appear the the court is straining to reach a particular outcome.
If it is because they are admitting that there is a category error in the Court's precendent that caused it, it may fall under a subsidiary question.
I think the more likely procedure though would be to clarify the meaning of the clause at issue but say that these other clauses may or may not apply and remand for the lower courts to deal with that in the first instance
The whole thing is a laughable cosmic joke. The purpose was to keep the trade routes between states open, by letting Congress step on state officials getting in the way for corruption reasons.
In practice, 95% of this power is used to get in the way of trade and business by the federal level.
People seek power to be corrupt by getting in the way. This is not an unfortunate and regrettable side effect of the wielding of power. It is the purpose of government, and why people go into power.
Again, if "the" purpose were to prevent states from interfering in interstate trade, then why is it framed as a power of Congress rather than a restriction on the states?
Let's stipulate for discussion that the real Constitutional problem in this country is decades of correct-result-but-wrong-reasoning decisions spanning multiple major doctrines, and that The Originalists have the proper analytical tools to achieve the same results with better arguments.
That entire project would require SCOTUS to systematically grant certiorari in case after case where the lower court actually achieved the proper outcome... but for the express purpose of upending stare decisis and issuing what is effectively an advisory opinion announcing the Originalist du jour's preferred textual approach. What a vapid waste of time and monstrous amounts of money.
By the way, that would also mean Dobbs/Roe is on the table for improvement, correct? The Roe reasoning about due process should have been improved using Kavenaugh's originalist principles. The original text (!) of the 9th Amendment and Equal Protection clause both guarantee the individual liberty of citizens' bodily autonomy.
An excellent point.
No, the 9th Amendment is not a vehicle for a judge to recognize any so-called "right" that s/he choses to recognize. Such attempts are the antithesis of actual inalienable rights.
The reason Dobbs is the correct result is that there is no individual right to abortion to be found in the federal constitution. Just like there is no personhood right for the unborn. Easiest example of why the bodily autonomy argument is bogus is that laws persisted against suicide. You have no "right" to suicide, or assisted suicide, as a matter of federal constitutional law.
I happen to think one does have the right to commit suicide. And to seek assistance with it.
You're substituting "right to an abortion" for "right to be free from government involvement in my body." The pro-choice activists are correct to frame the issue as mandatory birthing. Can you think of any other time the government imposes such significant mandatory control over a citizen's bodily autonomy?
Let's flip it. What Constitutional provision protects you from a hypothetical state law mandating sterilization after age 35? (You know, to cut down on defective births or somesuch.)
Bullshit. If the abortion activists were concerned about "to be free from government involvement in my body" then they wouldn't have flipped the second it came to a vax mandate and would have a long history of championing physician assisted suicide and repealing all drug laws. They don't, they are nanny state leftists that don't like the thought of being responsible for the consequences of their chosen actions.
...and the anti-embryo-destruction people should have been protesting IVF clinics. But they haven't been. You can come down from the high horse.
Under Roe, SCOTUS laid out a balanced path that allowed limitations (but not bans) on abortion and limitations (but not bans) on mandatory vaccination. It wasn't dogmatic in either direction. But it did recognize a right to control one's reproductive system, up to a point. Dobbs did away with that right. So....
Did you want to offer an answer to my question about what protects you from government sterilization?
Can you think of any other time the government imposes such significant mandatory control over a citizen’s bodily autonomy?
I have tried and failed to think of any circumstance where a specific individual is legally responsible to put themselves at any non-negligible risk to aid another specific person. (And the only legally required risk to oneself at all that I can think of is a military draft. But that is a requirement to take on risk in service of defending the whole country, including oneself and everyone in the country you care about.)
No one can force you, through law, to run into a burning building to save someone else, jump into pool to save someone from drowning, or to try and stop them from bleeding out from an injury when you might worry about becoming infected with some pathogen they might be carrying. And you certainly cannot be legally required to donate tissue, like blood or bone marrow or a kidney, to save someone when you are the only match that can be found in time.
If you cannot be forced to take any significant risk at all for someone that is definitely a person, then why require women to take on a 23.8 in 100,000 risk of death for an embryo or fetus? (That works out to 1 maternal death for every 4200 live births in the U.S. in 2020.)
As a second factor, I think that almost everyone would admit that an embryo is not equal to a person if they really are put to the test. Try this thought experiment: you have to choose whether to save a child or embryos on the way to be implanted through IVF. Whichever you leave behind will definitely die. Is there any rational person that would even consider choosing the embryos?
The reason Dobbs is the correct result is that there is no individual right to abortion to be found in the federal constitution. Just like there is no personhood right for the unborn.
So, you say that the 9th Amendment isn't a source of rights, with which I agree. But then you go right on saying something that would make it completely void. If the 9th Amendment means anything, it means that an argument that a claimed right doesn't exist because the Constitution doesn't say it does is automatically invalid. People claiming a fundamental right not enumerated in the Constitution need more than "because I want it to be a right" as their argument, and people trying to counter the claim need more than, "nuh-uh, the Constitution doesn't say that is a right."
There is another unenumerated right that people should think about before they disregard the 9th Amendment completely like this. Parental rights. There is nothing in the Constitution that would grant a biological parent a right to raise their child as they see fit. So, how do you construct such a right? Or is it that there are no federally guaranteed parental rights, and each state is free to define parental rights within their jurisdictions as they choose?
"Let’s stipulate for discussion that the real Constitutional problem in this country is decades of correct-result-but-wrong-reasoning decisions spanning multiple major doctrines, and that The Originalists have the proper analytical tools to achieve the same results with better arguments."
If that were all Originalism were good for, it would be an utter waste of time. But it's a pretty silly stipulation, because wrong reasoning doesn't tend to reliably lead to correct results, it normally leads to incorrect results. It's like stipulating that somebody doesn't actually know how to do addition, but always gets their sums right.
So I'm not going to stipulate that.
Rather, what we're looking at is decades of wrong reasoning leading to wrong results, spanning multiple major doctrines.
But it would be very strange if the courts were persisting in doing something nobody liked, so it's hardly shocking that they reasoned wrongly to arrive at wrong conclusions at least some people liked, and want to pretend are correct...
Shouldn’t Originalism be applied to the Section 230 controversy?
To a technology expert like me, a social medium platform is an obvious message common carrier of digital personal literary property. At the time of the ratification of the US Constitution, the public had a long established right to non-discriminatory common carriage while a common carrier like Twitter or Facebook had no First Amendment right to refuse to transport a customer’s property.
I refer to the Ninth Amendment challenge to the abuse and discrimination of a social medium platform. Within a month or two I will petition SCOTUS for cert, on this basis (and others).
I don't think it's an obvious common carrier. There is no public taking or investment in a social platform akin to telephone poles or roadways or pipelines. There is no scarcity either, although certain platforms are vastly more popular. And one does not turn into a common carrier because one's service is popular. Even UPS is not a common carrier.
https://www.ups.com/media/en/gb/terms_carriage_eur.pdf
Plus you have to overcome the platform's own First Amendment right of (dis)association.
A common carrier holds out carriage to the public on standard terms for a fee.
A social medium platform is an obvious common carrier. I was internal technology expert at AT&T for ten years.
I was also one of the original full stack developers.
A social medium platform service differs from an email service only in a slightly niftier front end.
If you believe "There is no public taking or investment in a social platform akin to telephone poles or roadways or pipelines", you must believe the Internet operates by magic.
Since the enactment of § 230, the Internet has been partially privatized, but it hardly seems to change the status of a forum if functions, which a private entity can do more efficiently than the government, are put under the control of a private entity.[1] The larger part (maybe most) of the Internet consists of government-owned, supported, or subsidized (often public) networks, links, equipment (including end-user equipment), servers, other miscellaneous devices facilities, and premises. Many Internet Services Providers (ISPs) in the US are run by the government while the government runs or foots the bill for many if not most the Internet Access Providers (IAPs) and Network Service Providers (NSPs).
Partial privatization of small elements or areas of public forum does not change its public forum status. A US park can contain a private restaurant, a private hotel, or a private shop and remain a public forum.
If the government withdrew all of its technology and support for the Internet from the Internet, the US Internet would consist of a bunch of mostly useless disconnected networks.
A social medium platform does not own the entire network infrastructure down to the Customer Premises Equipment (CPE). It is hard to understand how a social medium platform has the right to discriminate against groups of the public in a network infrastructure that does not belong to the social medium platform and that seems to be owned or to be funded mostly by the government.
In the pre-Breakup days, AT&T was always careful to own its whole network down to every piece of CPE precisely so that it did not run afoul of such an issue.
Note
[1] In United States v. American Library Assn., Inc., 539 U.S. 194, 123 S. Ct. 2297 (2003) seems to have been careful not to implicate the public forum status of the Internet and only refers to Internet access.
A common carrier has no First Amendment right to deny carriage of property.
Hosting -- a term that is legally meaningless -- is not speech. From a legal standpoint the correct term is bailment.
A social medium platform has no First Amendment right to refuse message common carriage of a user’s digital personal literary property because hosting is bailment and not the speech of the social medium platform, which performs message common carriage.
Hosting is Bailment Not Speech
The following question and answer clarify why hosting is bailment and not speech.
Question: Does a notice board accessible to passing members of the public – by being in the entrance of a supermarket for example – offer a common carriage service? If not, how does Twitter differ from that in function, other than by being a service attached to a network that offers public access?
Answer: The described public notice board is a material board to which a member affixes a material message. The material board provides neither message switching nor message common carriage. Twitter provides store-and-forward message switching as well as message common carriage among users. Twitter temporarily stores a message in a backend database system (hosting or bailment) while the message is on the way to an end-user by means of message common carriage.
Discussion: The question confuses the frontend model (a pure concept or abstract idea) with a material notice board. The frontend model makes it easier for an end user to interact with Twitter’s system.
In other words, Twitter’s system has no similarity whatsoever to the material notice board and the question shows a lack of comprehension of Internet technology.
Hosting is not speech of a social medium platform. Hosting is bailment, and from the standpoint of common carriage law, storing digital personal literary property in a backend server of the social medium platform hardly differs from temporary storage of a paper letter in a satchel at a USPS sorting location or at a FedEx office until the paper letter can be sent on its way to its destination by common carriage.
Is FedEx a common or contract carrier?
FedEx is both a common carrier and a contract carrier. As a common carrier, they transfer both goods and services for anyone who is willing to pay the fee. As a contract carrier, they are working with specific companies to transfer specific goods or services at an agreed upon price or discount for a specific period of time.
Is UPS a common or contract carrier?
Unsurprisingly, they are also both. Both UPS and FedEx identify as contract carriers and common carriers as they provide similar services. They are not, however, private carriers.
BTW, the contract, which Reallynotbob linked, is European and has little relevance in the US legal context. Common carriage doctrine belongs to English and American common law. Continental law refers to a public carrier, which is similar but not exactly the same.
It's likely that UPS in Europe separated its carriage business into two wholly owned subsidiaries:
1) one for common law common carriage or civil law public carriage and
2) one for contract carriage.
For a self-proclaimed technology expert, you make a very bad lawyer and historian.
I was considered one of the best technology and common carriage internal experts at AT&T.
Bailment or hosting of digital personal literary property is not the speech of the social medium platform, and the social medium platform has neither editorial discretion nor distributor discretion with respect to bailment (hosting) except to a user, who understands neither basic common carriage law nor full-stack software engineering at the level of a PHOSITA (Person Having Ordinary Skill In The Art in the terminology of patent law).
If a social medium platform wishes to escape the obligations that common carriage law imposes on the social medium platform, the social medium platform need only
• cease to monetize eyes on a page and
• cease trading in the information that it collects from a user in exchange for message common carriage service.
In other words, as long as a social medium platform makes money from common carriage, it is legally and Constitutionally obligated (by Amendment IX) to obey the law of common carriage.
Amendment IX gives the public the Constitutional right to non-discriminatory common carriage. A common carrier has no right to refuse common carriage to a customer except for special circumstances of unfitness or lack of space.
A common carrier is a person who holds himself out as willing to serve any shipper who offers him a reasonable fee to transport the kinds of goods he professes to carry to a place he professes to serve, provided they were not unfit and his conveyance was not already full. See Lovett v. Hobbs, 2 Show. K.B. 127, 89 Eng. Rep. 836 (K.B. 1680); Jackson v. Rogers, 2 Show. K.B. 327, 89 Eng. Rep. 968 (K.B. 1683).
By definition, a common carrier has to serve all comers. If he wrongfully refuses to accept a consignment, he is suable in tort. See Jackson v. Rogers, 2 Show. K.B. 327, 89 Eng. Rep. 968 (K.B. 1683).
Denial of common carriage is a self-evidencing violation and deserves draconian penalties because common carriage law is the root and beginning of anti-discrimination law, without which modern civil society does not function.
IANAL, but the definition of common carrier you offer mentions a reasonable fee. What is that fee re: Twitter or Meta? Also, I'm a little surprised that ATT used developers as their experts on common carrier laws. Eugene did a series on this issue a little while back on this site - did you read it and if so, what did you think?
I started out working with the patent practitioners and then became one myself. My group developed MAS/MANS, and I helped with the filings. The lawyers realized that the FCC loved anything I wrote and began to use me for a lot a casework.
The MANS case is interesting because the service had similarity to a service that a social medium platform provides.
Dial-A-Porn
Back in the 1980s, Dial-A-Porn used the AT&T Mass Announcement Network Service (MANS) to provide pornography over the public telephone network. AT&T and an associated local subsidiary provided statutory federal and common law state common carriage.
No one ever confused the Dial-A-Porn narratives, which AT&T or an AT&T subsidiary (e.g., an RBOC[1] like NY Telephone) hosted, with AT&T's own speech.
Hosting, which is a term used today in the context of a blog or in the context of a social medium platform, was considered then to be (and remains today) temporary storage (bailment) of customer's merchandise and property on its way to the destination.[2] Calling such temporary storage or bailment hosting does not make it possible for a common carrier to escape its common carriage obligations.
The FCC eventually fined Dial-A-Porn, but AT&T or its NY Telephone subsidiary had impunity with respect to the telephone calls, which were carried, because AT&T and NY Telephone were together providing common carriage.
MANS was an extremely lucrative service, which AT&T, an RBOC, or an ILEC[3] offered at least through the early 90s until pornographers realized that the Internet was a much better facility (place of public accommodation) for pornography.[4]
Notes
[1] Regional Bell Operating Company (pre-Breakup).
[2] A Dial-A-Porn narrative was uploaded onto a telephone network server (temporary storage or bailment). A telephone customer accessed the the narrative by dialing a special local number so that there was end-to-end billing between the customer and the Dial-A-Porn service company.
[3] Incumbent Local Exchange Carrier (post-Breakup).
[4] See FCC, 47 CFR Part 64 [Gen. Docket No. 83-989; FCC 84-253], “Enforcement of Prohibitions Against the Use of Common Carriers for the Transmission of Obscene Materials,” Federal Register, Vol. 49, No. 119, Tuesday, June 19, 1984, pp. 24996-25003.
Do you really believe that Facebook or Twitter provides message common carriage for free? I briefly summarized the business model, but I can repeat.
The fee can be paid in money, barter (barter for common carriage), or work (work for common carriage).
If a social medium platform wishes to escape[1] the obligations that common carriage law imposes on the social medium platform, the social medium platform need only
• cease to monetize eyes on a page and
• cease trading in the information that it collects from a user in exchange for message common carriage service.[2]
In other words, as long as a social medium platform makes money from common carriage, it is legally and Constitutionally obligated (by Amendment IX) to obey the law of common carriage.
Notes
[1] The common carriage framework is not inflexible. A common carrier may offer a plurality of standard service tiers.
[2]The digital personal literary property or intellectual property, of which a social medium platform is bailee and which the social medium platform distributes by message common carriage to other users, serves in barter for service. Bailment of digital personal literary property is valuable to the social medium platform because the social medium platform uses this intellectual property of a user of the social medium platform to attract more eyes to the website of the social medium platform.
"Eugene did a series on this issue a little while back on this site – did you read it and if so, what did you think?"
Professor Volokh seems circumspect in his writings on the subject. It makes sense to use ejusdem generis to interpret § 230(c)(2), but he needs an expert like me to help him understand web technology. A background in scientific or mathematical computing is insufficient.
47 U.S. Code § 230 is one of the more syntactically perverse statutes in the US Code. If one carefully analyzes a (1996) ICS as it is defined in § 230, a 2022 social medium platform does not qualify to be an ICS.
The Wow! Factor seems to be interfering with the legal system. After Internet developers put some nifty user interfaces on technological services that have existed for decades or even for almost two centuries, suddenly far too many argue that long established caselaw can or should no longer be applied.
I am filing a petition to SCOTUS for writ of certiorari to the Court of Appeals for the First Circuit. I had a copy of the rough draft up on Google Drive, but such links are filtered out. Let’s see if the following link works.
https://www.gofundme.com/f/9th-amendment-challenge-to-social-medium-abuse
I had not wanted to post the fundraiser here, but I have not set up my other posts yet, and the graphics of this comment section are too primitive for me to explain either my analysis or my argument.
It is important that I add my petition to the other 3 (maybe 4) Section 230 cases that are before SCOTUS.
I am the only person,
• who is involved in any of these § 230 cases and
• who understands the relevant current and obsolete technologies.
The Internet is the culmination of gradual technological evolution that goes back at least 180 years or more. The caselaw developed along with the technology. The attempt of some District Courts and some Courts of Appeals to ignore long standing and well reasoned precedents is not judicial but is ideological and is creating a legal and political disaster that transforms a court of law into a court of discretionary abuse.
To tell the truth, I am most interested in an attorney that would take on this case on contingency. If my analysis and argument are correct, the payout will dwarf any previous payout in any previous case. I try to address common carriage issues as we would have done so at pre-Breakup AT&T.
It may be confusing to the reader, and I explain in my Original Complaint.
My birth name is Jon Falic. My professional name is Joachim Martillo while my legal name is Jonathan Affleck. I changed my name because I am embarrassed by many activities of my relatives, whom I don't consider to be family.
Or Dobbs.
Isn't there a little known codicil to the Constitution that says that states cannot take measures that would result in jacking up the price of bacon?
I believe that restricting the ability of state governments to interfere with interstate commerce was actually the chief purpose of the Commerce Clause. AFAIK the only discussion of the Commerce Clause in the Federalist Papers (#42) was focused on the importance of restraining the states in this manner. States levying taxes on and otherwise interfering with cargo passing through their borders en route from one state to another had been a problem under the Articles of Confederation, so under the Constitution Congress the authority to regulate commerce between the states and with foreign nations and Indian tribes was vested exclusively in Congress.
This isn’t something we need to speculate or draw inferences about. It’s explicitly discussed in what is arguably the most authoritative guide to original intent we have.
I wonder how aware the framers of the US Constitution were of the implosion of the Hanseatic League. A knowledgeable framer might have wished to avoid the obvious deficiencies of that organization.
The Supreme Court is intent on getting rid of Bivens and it doesn’t matter that there are other parts of the Constitution that could be used to support it.
But it does provide support for the general observation that a case may be decided on incorrect grounds but it doesn’t mean that acknowledging this requires that the case be overturned – only the ratio decidendi has changed.
“long overdue for a revival.”
The Shubert Theatre is proud to announce the return of William Crosskey’s classic hit musical, “Politics and the Constitution in the History of the United States ” with Patti Lupone as the dormant Commerce Clause
As far as I can tell, the Import-Export Clause just restricts states from imposing taxes or duties other than those necessary to cover the costs of inspection. Implicit in that, then, is the ability of states to inspect goods coming in for compliance with state laws. So, shouldn't it be clear that states can restrict what products enter their jurisdiction?
Article I, Section 10, Clause 2
No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it’s inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.