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Public Housing Complexes May Not Ban Gun Possession by Tenants
So holds the Tennessee Court of Appeals.
From today's decision in Columbia Housing & Redevelopment Corp. v. Braden, decided today by the Tennessee Court of Appeals, in an opinion by Judge Frank G. Clement, Jr., joined by Judges Andy D. Bennett & W. Neal McBrayer:
On April 19, 2018, Kinsley Braden signed a lease agreement with Columbia Housing for the privilege of residing at 103 West Willow Street in Creekside Acres. The lease agreement incorporated by reference the Community Housing Rules, which prohibited, inter alia, any resident from possessing a firearm on the premises. In relevant part, the Community Housing Rules read: "No Weapons & Firearms. The possession or use of any type of weapon, firearm, or dangerous object is strictly prohibited within the boundaries of the property."
On November 4, 2020, Columbia Housing learned that Mr. Braden had been keeping a handgun in his residence. As a result, Columbia Housing filed a Detainer Summons against Mr. Braden, seeking to evict him ….
The lower court ruled for Columbia Housing, but the appellate court ruled for Braden, reasoning:
Columbia Housing is a government entity acting as the landlord of the Creekside Acres residences…. For this reason, the actions of Columbia Housing and the policies of Creekside Acres must conform to the Constitution….
[T]he circuit court reasoned that by agreeing to the Community House Rules in the lease agreement, which prohibit possession of a firearm within the leased premises, "Mr. Braden voluntarily waived any rights he may have to possess a firearm on the premises." However, in reaching this conclusion the circuit court did not consider the unconstitutional conditions doctrine, which "prevent[s] the government from coercing people into giving" up constitutional rights..
The unconstitutional conditions doctrine provides that a governmental entity "may not deny a benefit to a person on a basis that infringes his constitutionally protected interests." Perry v. Sindermann (1972); see Dolan v. City of Tigard (1994) (explaining that "the government may not require a person to give up a constitutional right … in exchange for a discretionary benefit")….
Thus, unless an exception applies, requiring Mr. Braden to surrender the "central component" of his Second Amendment rights for the benefit of public housing is an unconstitutional condition. See also Holt v. Richmond Redev. & Hous. Auth. (E.D. Va. 1966) ("[A] tenant's continued occupancy in a public housing project cannot be conditioned upon the tenant's foregoing his Constitutional rights.").
One such exception is the concept of "sensitive places," a concept Columbia Housing relies upon to justify its prohibition. In Heller, the Supreme Court held that the government could constitutionally prohibit possession of firearms in "sensitive places." Under this exception, numerous courts have held that laws "forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings" do not violate the Second Amendment. Moreover, and significantly, some scholars believe that the "sensitive places" concept may apply to public housing. See Jamie L. Wershbale, The Second Amendment Under a Government Landlord: Is There a Right to Keep and Bear Legal Firearms in Public Housing?, 84 St. John's L. Rev. 995, 1018–20 (2010).
More recently, however, the Court in Bruen clarified that, when determining whether a place is a "sensitive place," courts should look to those places where weapons were historically "altogether prohibited" and determine whether it is "settled that [certain] locations were 'sensitive places,'" then "use analogies to those historical regulations of 'sensitive places' to determine [whether] modern regulations prohibiting the carry of firearms in new and analogous sensitive places are constitutionally permissible." Thus, we must determine whether handguns have been historically prohibited in public housing.
Public housing constitutes both an individual's home and a building owned by a state's government; however, it remains largely unsettled whether public housing developments could constitutionally prohibit firearm possession under both the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution and nearly identical provisions of certain state constitutions. See, e.g., People v. Cunningham (Ill. App. Ct. 1st Dist. 2019) (holding that a statute prohibiting visitors to public housing units from possessing firearms on the property did not violate the Second Amendment); Doe v. Wilmington Hous. Auth. (Del. 2014) (concluding that the Delaware Constitution prohibited public housing authorities from banning firearms in public housing developments); Lincoln Park Hous. Comm'n v. Andrew (Mich. Ct. App. 2004) (per curiam) (holding that a prohibition on firearm possession in public housing passed constitutional muster under the Michigan Constitution). Noticeably, various states have come to different conclusions regarding whether a ban on firearm prohibition within a public housing development is permissible. Thus, it cannot be said that public housing developments have historically "altogether prohibited" possession of firearms on the property.
Moreover, while the United States Supreme Court has identified "legislative assemblies, polling places, and courthouses" as "sensitive places," the Court has continued to emphasize that the Second Amendment must protect the right of "law-abiding citizens to use arms in defense of hearth and home." For this reason, we cannot say that an individual's public housing unit is analogous to that of other established sensitive government buildings. Thus, in light of the Supreme Court's most recent decision in Bruen and keeping in mind the presumptively unconstitutional status of Columbia Housing's policy based on the Supreme Court's decision in Heller, we conclude that a total ban on the ability of law-abiding residents—like Mr. Braden—to possess a handgun within their public housing unit for the purpose of self-defense is unconstitutional under the Second Amendment….
Note that the court doesn't resolve whether much more modest restrictions, such as requirements that any guns be loaded with rounds that are designed to minimize the risk of going through walls, might be constitutional. (The government as landlord does have some extra power, stemming from its ownership interests, to control behavior on its property, including constitutionally protected behavior, though the court pointed out that this power is not unlimited.) For more, see pp. 1473-75 and 1529-33 of this article.
Congratulations to David G. Sigale and Eugene R. Hallworth, who represented the tenant.
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Rounds that minimize penetration in walls is mostly an internet trope. 223/556 cal may penetrate less than 9mm because 223 tends to tumble… or more depending on the wall material. Bullets can veer off flight, causing unintended consequences. Drywall (aka sheetrock or wallboard) generally does not slow anything down. Interior features like insulation, pipes, electrical boxes, wall spacing, etc. have a big impact on penetration. 9mm generally will go through 4+ walls. And, 9mm hollow points through drywall are no less penetrative than full metal jacket (the hollow point gets caked with gypsym, causing the bullet to act like a full metal jacket).
https://www.theboxotruth.com/threads/the-box-o-truth-12-insulated-walls.308/#post-982
The best material for slowing down a bullet also common in an apartment is water. Which is to say, the best way to prevent overpenetration is shot placement (dont miss).
We have some awkward defensive shooting lanes in our home. The optimum place to be in also means we would be shooting directly into the bedroom across the hall if we were to miss. We minimized the problem with bookcases against the other room's wall facing our room.
Where do you live? Roarke's Drift?
I think you mean “Rorke’s Drift” (no “a”), the famous battleground in Natal.
Then why do sky marshals use .22 if not for their less likelihood of puncturing the fuselage?
I’ve never heard of Sky Marshals using .22s.
I have heard that they use sintered metal rounds that disintegrate on impact, though I suspect that’s more myth than reality. Those types of bullets do exist, but I suspect that the Sky Marshals stick to standard ammunition choices, both for logistics reasons and for reliability.
The reality is that putting a ~9mm hole in an aircraft fuselage isn’t that big of a deal; explosive decompression is a mostly Hollywood myth. The bigger worry would be hitting innocent passengers either by missing or over-penetration through the intended target.
I actually have the Glaser "Safety slugs" for my home defense gun, specifically to prevent over-penetration in the event I have to use it. They're seriously pricey, mind you.
As you say, punching holes in an airplane fuselage isn't really a big deal, the actual concern is accidentally disabling vital systems like hydraulics or control wiring.
Glasers are what Air Marshals originally used. Now they use "frangable" rounds. Frangable bullets are designed to break up on impact minimizing the chance of over penetration.
The Glasers break up on impact, too. Just not as aggressively.
Sky marshals dont use .22. I know one and he uses standard ammo.
Sky marshals do have to pass an extremely difficult timed shooting test.
El Pres?
Welcome news!
While I support this, I don't like the inconsistency. There are many examples where courts have said that governments are "market participants" and thus exempt from Commerce Clause regulation.
As far as I'm aware those decisions are when government is the purchaser rather than provider.
Keep these kinds of decisions coming and Bruen will become self-repealing. When you propose to arm everyone, everywhere, no matter who, or how situated, you can expect results to correspond to a rule of happenstance strongly inflected by human fallibility. Safe custody of firearms in high-density, frequent-interaction settings requires humans more infallible than are generally available. Long-term, nobody will be comfortable with the results.
Which other constitutional rights do you believe people don't have a right to exercise because they live in low-income housing?
You complain about results-oriented decisions, and yet when it's about the 2A, you just can't help yourself but cheer for unconstitutional laws and whine about rights being restored.
You're just as much of a partisan fool as the right-wing nutjobs you criticize.
Cavanaugh, this will do for you and the other non-responsive commenters. You do not engage in a conversation about rights of any sort simply by reasserting an unqualified right. That has been well understood for a long time. Ben Franklin ran out of patience centuries ago with that style of kick-the-table-over advocacy.
With regard to gun rights, they should not be bestowed as freely as other rights because they are not like other rights. Gun advocates are fond of claiming free speech is more socially dangerous than freedom to bear arms. That may have some kind of quasi-poetic validity. As a practical matter it is bunk.
There is a speech-based remedy for bad results delivered by bad speech. What too often distinguishes gun rights is lack of any remedy for a victim of their misuse. Gun rights alone, among all of them, put into the hands of the rights-holder a power to inflict on another, at will, or on impulse, the ultimate in un-remediable damage. Advocacy which ignores that can scarcely be credited as responsible.
No other right comes close to making such a severe demand on the character, capacity, and judgment of the rights holder. Gun rights holders by the tens-of-thousands show every year that they are unequal to that severe demand. They show it by shooting people. They shoot people with legal justification, despite—in many such cases—a near-certain ability to avoid any shooting at all. They shoot people criminally. They shoot people recklessly. They shoot people accidentally. They shoot people because the shooter is insane, or drunk, or—much too often—just hopelessly feckless. They very often shoot people because the shooter is unreasonably frightened.
That combination—formidable demands on character for the rights holder, combined with extreme variability inherent in human capacity—creates insuperable challenges for policy makers. Those defeat every attempt at practical public policy to extend gun rights maximally to everyone. But the notion of equality demands uniformity in public policy. That means gun rights, in our political system, cannot be claimed maximally by anyone, let alone by everyone.
Basically your argument boils down to 'but guns...' and you try to school "...non-responsive commenters."
Mosley — Thought experiment:
1. List the points I made in the comment above.
2. After each listing, say what your response has been.
"With regard to gun rights, they should not be bestowed as freely as other rights because they are not like other rights."
Here's a 'responsive comment' for you:
The 2A is a constitutional right just like all the others, and your bullshit complaints have no legal merit to them.
"There is a speech-based remedy for bad results delivered by bad speech. What too often distinguishes gun rights is lack of any remedy for a victim of their misuse."
It may surprise you to learn that this argument is also bullshit, as we have both civil and criminal penalties for the misuse of a firearm. Far more penalties and remedies (and far more severe) than those from misuse of speech.
All you have is "but gunz r scary!" fear mongering and piss-poor analogies created from a vat of ignorance. Constitutional rights are not an a la carte menu for the "favored" class, and they are not assigned to citizens based on perceived risk.
If that's the system you actually want, then you don't want America.
Cavanaugh — What remedy does someone shot dead have? What remedy do the people who loved him have?
Punishments for perpetrators are not remedies for victims. In an armed society, a private decision to kill can rarely be countered, and can never be remedied afterwards. No other kind of right works like that. Gun rights get treated differently because gun rights work differently.
Constitutional rights are not an a la carte menu for the “favored” class, and they are not assigned to citizens based on perceived risk.
Please put social paranoia and baseless personal grievance aside. Of course equality demands like policy for everyone, as I said above.
Nevertheless, it is an undeniable fact that to arm some folks creates greater social risks than to arm others. In the context of equality, the problem becomes what to do about that, when the risks from the least responsible cohort have been judged unacceptably high.
The fairly obvious answer is to create gun policy which reduces opportunities for everyone to do the worst kinds of irremediable harm, while still leaving in place freedom for everyone to use guns for lawful and beneficial purposes. Gun rights absolutism can't get you there. It can and will maximize the irremediable damage done by the least responsible members of society.
Evidently I am required to repeat myself.
'It may surprise you to learn that this argument is also bullshit, as we have both civil and criminal penalties for the misuse of a firearm. Far more penalties and remedies (and far more severe) than those from misuse of speech.'
Your response: "Punishments for perpetrators are not remedies for victims. In an armed society, a private decision to kill can rarely be countered, and can never be remedied afterwards."
You are objectively and legally wrong. I'm also curious what delusions you have about the ability for a smaller, weaker victim to 'counter' a 'private decision' by someone else to kill them in an 'unarmed' society.
"In the context of equality, the problem becomes what to do about that, when the risks from the least responsible cohort have been judged unacceptably high."
Your judgment is meaningless, as your opinion is not fact.
I'm still awaiting a response as to which other constitutional rights you believe low-income housing should prohibit:
"Safe custody of firearms in high-density, frequent-interaction settings requires humans more infallible than are generally available."
Nothing about your comment qualifies the types of firearms you're bitching about. Your complaint is that low-income housing allows the same constitutional rights as those afforded to someone living on a 10-acre mansion.
Stephen:
You are making essentially the same argument that was made in the early 1990s when, in response to crime, some states went from may-issue to shall-issue permitting, or all the way to constitutional carry: widespread gun ownership will result in free-fire slaughter.
Didn't happen.
And it is exactly the same argument reused when the Bush administration decided the 2A applied to national parks.
Didn't happen.
So, given the repeated failure of inevitable mayhem that didn't happen, why do you think your argument is any stronger, this time?
Stephen, why not include a provision in public housing lease agreements that the housing authority or its authorized agents can search any unit at any time for any reason?
Here is where you really fall short in your analysis. Bruen is not even needed in this really simple decision. I just demonstrated using 4A how flawed your argument is.
Oh, after you decide to ignore 2A, how about the housing authority also add to its lease a prohibition against Jews or Muslims or atheists, or all of the above?
Or do we need a decision from SCOTUS to tell us that government cannot require people to surrender their rights in exchange for discretionary benefits?
I thought that was part of the Citizens United ruling -- that people took their rights with then, where'er they go, including participating in congressionally-defined groupings for advantage, such as "corporations".
And, presumably, public housing.
And that government may not strip those rights as the cost of admission.
SC justice: So you're saying, if it's within a month of an election, the government can ban that book?
Government lawyer: Yes!
Well, SCOTUS seems OK with it when states say "you consent to us giving you an alcohol test (without a warrant) whenever you drive a car". I honestly don't see how that squares with "a governmental entity 'may not deny a benefit to a person on a basis that infringes his constitutionally protected interests.'"
Sorry. I'm not finding the RTDC (right to drive cars) in the Bill of Rights. Can you point it out to me please?
If you weren't trying to be pedantic and obnoxious, you'd realize that it is a rather blatant violation of the 4th Amendment's protection from unreasonable searches.
If a cop thinks you deserve a test for BAC, you have no defense whatsoever, regardless of why the cop decided to impose that search upon you.
Reasonable, unreasonable, vindictive, malicious, pretextual - none of it matters. Does that strike you as within the bounds of the 4th?
Sobriety checkpoints somehow existing is not a good comparison.
A better one would be the federal and state laws against removing a VIN.
If by "self-repealing" you mean that the people will modify or repeal the offending Constitutional provision which requires such deference to gun rights, that is certainly an option the people might choose. Not sure why that should be a problem for the courts...
“ Long-term, nobody will be comfortable with the results.”
Others exercise rights in manners that make me feel uncomfortable every day. They exercise them in ways that often correlate to undesirable outcomes on a short-to-midterm basis. Whether long term outcomes are desirable or undesirable, is seldom visible and rarely agreed upon. That “Nobody” is comfortable is certainly untrue - those exercising the rights in a manner they seem fit may find consequences in the long term as acceptable or desirable.
This is no different from the predictions of "blood in the streets" if concealed carry laws were reformed.
You assume things will go very badly if gun laws are relaxed, but most of the gun laws being rolled back are very recent, and things weren't that bad prior to them being enacted. Some of us can still remember before the gun control movement made serious gains, and it was hardly hell on Earth, though things were legal that people suffering from presentism today would claim to be unthinkably dangerous.
So admit that you only support whatever rights you don’t find ‘scary’.
Dturtleman — Is it your advocacy that the Constitution bestows on you a personal right to put others in fear of their lives?
More generally, the Constitution is neither a god nor a sovereign. It is a decree which happens to include announcements of personal rights the sovereign People agree to enforce against government. If those sovereign People discover that claims of a right to deadly violence frighten them, and they choose not to be frightened, they have an undoubted power to modify or withdraw whatever alleged right alarms them.
The People may do that by any means they have the power to achieve—whether by amendment of the Constitution, or by a change announced by their Supreme Court, or by any other means they can make effective. The People are not constrained by their own Constitution, which cannot constrain its own authors; it constrains only the government it was put in place to constrain—and even then, only so long as the People approve of the government's performance.
Gun rights absolutists behave and advocate as if they had been empowered by God—as if rights they claim are impervious to critique or repeal. That did not happen. Pro-gun advocacy which fails to notice that is delusional, and risks loss of those rights.
"Dturtleman — Is it your advocacy that the Constitution bestows on you a personal right to put others in fear of their lives?"
If you're scared about other people owning firearms, that's your deficiency.
The Constitution does not bestow upon anyone a requirement to care about your scaredy-cat delusions.
The more Government can give us, the more it can take away from us. When exercise of civil rights is conditioned on government applications, permitting, approvals and rules, government can simple claim lack of resources to delay, and effectively deny, civil rights. You want shelter, food, work, health care? Sure, government can give you those - there’s just a few rules you have to follow, rights you have to relinquish, for the good of all.
Since the racial composition of public housing is presumably known, wouldn’t any disparate impact be intentional?
That's not how disparate impact works.
It need not be intentional. It feigns to mirror the scientific concept of outcomes research where, for example, a new drug must not just do what it claims to (e.g. lower blood pressure) but also have positive "hard outcomes", with lower death rates, heart attacks, strokes.
Here, it is used as a workaround for the inconvenience of having to prove a path of cause and effect before action is taken. Is it to assign money to a program? Or is it to issue massive fines?
Actual scientists care about things like direction of causation, or confounding variables. In your typical "disparate outcome" analysis for public policy, consideration of confounding variables is ruled out a priori.
Simple solution for the team that is uncomfortable with 2A.
Just privatise public housing.
(a) sell it off cheap to a friendly Dem donor, (b) enact suitable rent subsidies, and (c) include an option to buy back so that the donor doesn’t just sell the plot for profit.
Unless it’s a really big donor, or it’s a company owned by your son, in which case, delete clause (c).