The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
N.C. Election Criminal Libel Statute Enjoined Pending Appeal
From yesterday's decision in Grimmett v. Freeman, entered by Judge Toby Heytens, joined by Judge Albert Diaz:
In 2020, Josh Stein and Jim O'Neill were engaged in a heated campaign to serve as attorney general of North Carolina. The Stein campaign ran an advertisement the O'Neill campaign believes was false. Stein ultimately won the election.
Now, nearly two years later, the district attorney's office in Wake County has indicated that it plans imminently to seek an indictment against Josh Stein's campaign (and others involved in producing the advertisement) under a state criminal libel statute. The potential targets of the investigation sought a preliminary injunction against the district attorney, which the district court denied. The Stein campaign and its affiliates appealed and seek an injunction pending appeal.
We conclude plaintiffs have satisfied the demanding standard for obtaining an injunction pending appeal. Most critically, plaintiffs have made a "strong showing that [they are] likely to succeed on the merits" of their First Amendment challenge. Nken v. Holder (2009) (quotation marks omitted)…. The North Carolina statute at issue criminalizes publishing "derogatory reports with reference to any candidate in any primary or election, knowing such report to be false or in reckless disregard of its truth or falsity." Because this statute regulates "core political speech," First Amendment concerns are at their "zenith" and we must subject the statute to particularly careful constitutional examination.
Like the district court, we acknowledge that a nearly 60-year-old decision of the Supreme Court states that a "lie, knowingly and deliberately published about a public official" may potentially be the subject of a criminal prosecution. Garrison v. Louisiana (1964) (emphasis added). Plaintiffs have questioned whether that holding remains viable under modem First Amendment doctrine. But, even accepting Garrison as good law, that same decision made clear that the First Amendment does not permit a State to criminalize "true statements," even those "made with 'actual malice.'" And it appears the law challenged here does just that by criminalizing a "derogatory report" made either "knowing such report to be false or in reckless disregard of its truth or falsity." {At this point, we are not persuaded by the district court's apparent conclusion that "derogatory" necessarily means false. The ordinary meaning of "derogatory" is "[l]essening in good repute; detracting from estimation; disparaging." Derogatory, The Practical Standard Dictionary of the English Language (1936); see also State v. Petersilie, 432 S.E.2d 832, 834, 842 (N.C. 1993) (holding that a statute criminalizing "derogatory charges against candidates" "clearly does" cover "even truthful statements"). Plenty of perfectly true statements might reflect badly on a person and lessen their good repute.}
My quick reaction at this point:
I think the better way of reading the statute, especially in light of the canon that statutes should be interpreted to avoid constitutional problems, is to read "knowing such report to be false or in reckless disregard of its truth or falsity" as implicitly requiring that the statement be false. The "knowing such report to be false" expressly requires falsehood (if something is true, you might believe it's false, but you can't know it's false), and in context "reckless disregard" should be read as importing a falsity requirement—especially since "knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not" (I quote New York Times v. Sullivan here) is a standard legal phrase that's used only as to falsehoods. Indeed, courts themselves at times use this phrase to implicitly require falsehood, e.g., Masson v. New Yorker Magazine, Inc. (1992) (or, similarly, Cannon v. Peck (4th Cir. 2022)):
The First Amendment limits California's libel law in various respects. When, as here, the plaintiff is a public figure, he cannot recover unless he proves by clear and convincing evidence that the defendant published the defamatory statement with actual malice, i.e., with "knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not." New York Times Co. v. Sullivan (1964). Mere negligence does not suffice. Rather, the plaintiff must demonstrate that the author "in fact entertained serious doubts as to the truth of his publication," St. Amant v. Thompson (1968), or acted with a "high degree of awareness of … probable falsity," Garrison v. Louisiana (1964).
Literally, this too could be read as applying to true statements said with reckless disregard (especially since "defamatory," like "derogatory," doesn't necessarily require falsehood); but in context, it's clear that the Court viewed "knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not" as implicitly requiring falsehood both for the knowledge and the reckless disregard prongs. (The statute in Petersilie only required anonymous derogatory statements, not ones said with knowledge of falsehood or reckless disregard.)
In any event, though, the court disagreed, and went on to conclude that the statute should indeed be enjoined given this potential that it found to cover true statements:
[As to alleged irreparable harm to the government,] the district attorney primarily contends that the two-year limitations period is about to run, jeopardizing her power to prosecute should she ultimately prevail in this appeal. It appears that any such injury is, at least to some extent, self-inflicted, because the district attorney has not adequately explained why it was necessary to wait so long to bring charges in a case where the alleged crime was broadcast on television nearly two years ago. In any event, plaintiffs have represented to this Court that they are willing to agree to a reasonable stipulation tolling the limitations period, mitigating the impact of any such injury. And to the extent the State has an interest in regulating false campaign speech (in this case or generally), the district attorney has not explained why an ordinary civil defamation action is inadequate to the task.
An injunction pending appeal also serves the broader public interest. Candidates currently running for office in North Carolina might well be chilled in their campaign speech by the sudden reanimation of a criminal libel law that has been dormant for nearly a century-harming the public's interest in a robust campaign. After all, "it is our law and our tradition that more speech, not less, is the governing rule," Citizens United v. FEC (2010), and that the general remedy for even "falsehood and fallacies" "is more speech, not enforced silence," Linmark Assocs. v. Willingboro Township (1977) (quoting Whitney v. California (1927) (Brandeis, J., concurring)).
Judge Allison Rushing dissented:
Plaintiffs have not demonstrated they would suffer irreparable harm during the pendency of this expedited appeal absent injunctive relief. No Plaintiff claims that their speech is currently being chilled, or will imminently be chilled, because of the possible future enforcement of the North Carolina statute. The plaintiff public relations firm avers that it "intends to continue to work with North Carolina campaigns and candidates" but "will need to reconsider [its] position in the event that political advertising in North Carolina becomes a subject of criminal law enforcement." That doubly qualified statement cannot support a finding of irreparable harm, especially when the political advertisement the State is investigating was last aired almost two years ago and no Plaintiff claims an interest in airing that advertisement, or a similar one, during this expedited appeal.
On the other side of the balance, the Wake County district attorney's interest is significant. As the majority acknowledges, the two-year limitations period apparently will soon expire, and if we enjoin the grand jury proceedings, the State will forever lose its opportunity to enforce the law. The majority purports to know, on an undeveloped record, that the district attorney's injury is "self-inflicted." I do not agree with that reading of the limited record, and the State certainly does not owe us a more detailed explanation of its internal investigation and deliberative process to justify enforcing its laws within the relatively brief time period allotted by the state legislature. Moreover, I do not see how the majority's proposed tolling stipulation between Plaintiffs and the district attorney would preserve the district attorney's ability to prosecute the potential targets of the grand jury investigation, which by all accounts include individuals who are not parties to this lawsuit.
As for the public interest, the majority's speculation about the current campaign cycle is out of place when its injunction does not reach any current campaign but is restricted to these Plaintiffs and their political advertisement that last aired almost two years ago. The people of North Carolina have an interest in letting North Carolina's courts construe this untested state statute in the normal course if it is actually enforced. Even absent our intervention, an indictment may never issue-yet another reason to stay our hand and follow the customary course of deciding constitutional questions on appeal only after due deliberation.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
How can a "true statement" be "made with actual malice"?
You can make a statement that fortuitously happens to be true while recklessly disregarding whether it is true or not.
Prosecute Pelosi, Clinton, Mueller in North Carolina. Russia collusion meets the requirements for criminal libel there.
Police are agents of the prosecutor. End all immunities of these worthless scumbags.
https://ij.org/ll/pay-up-ij-wins-first-of-its-kind-victory-for-texas-property-owner/
Got an example? Do you have a different definition of "true"?
If it is true, how can I "recklessly disregard whether it is true or not"?
Suppose the New York Times picks a person at random (say, you) and publishes a story saying that you murdered and dismember 18 hitchhikers in the last year. They have shown reckless disregard for whether the claim is true or not, even if it turns out that through pure happenstance that you do in fact have a pile of hitchhiker parts in your freezer.
If I say, "You suck Mr B," that is indeed true and also said with some level of malice.
Malice is not hate or wishing ill. It is knowing, according to this goofy, worthless, garbage profession.
Why not make it a crime to publish a knowingly/reckelessly false statement about *anyone*?
Why give special protection to the political class? That sounds a bit discriminatory.
I wonder why the Democrat Gestapo isn’t going after all the people who are saying Hunter is a crackhead child molester?
Maybe because it would be too easy to prove true?
Sure, with fabricated videos. Also, despite what you seem to think, Hunter Biden is not actually on the ballot.
Didn’t stop the Gestapo from militarily raiding Project Veritas over Ashley Biden’d diary where she confessed Joe was molesting her in the shower.
Um, you guys like the Gestapo.
"In any event, plaintiffs have represented to this Court that they are willing to agree to a reasonable stipulation tolling the limitations period, mitigating the impact of any such injury."
And purely coincidentally, mitigating the impact of the prosecution in the impending election?
Well, well, two Democrat judges acting to protect a Democrat politician, the likely Dem governor candidate in 2024.
Who could have seen that coming?
After all, "it is our law and our tradition that more speech, not less, is the governing rule," Citizens United v. FEC (2010), and that the general remedy for even "falsehood and fallacies" "is more speech, not enforced silence,"
A fine and useful rule, for speech about opinions, for speech which speculates on issues which the future may resolve, more generally, about any question which may not be resolved factually, or for instances where no one yet knows what the facts may be.
But a fatuous rule for speech which was known to be false when uttered, and which has already delivered damage to an identifiable victim or victims. The best remedy in the latter instance is indeed to chill the speech to the utmost, and order the appropriate remedy for the damages.
There is zero public benefit in repetition of damaging lies published deliberately to deliver harm to specific victims.
I disapprove of the practice of enjoining state statutes because a really strained interpretation of the wording could conceivably be applied to constitutional conduct, especially when the states law enforcement and courts apply the ordinary, non-strained interpretation. Just because it involves speech doesn’t give federal courts the right to first give a state statute a rediculous meanng against the state’s protests, then strike it down, in absence of any evidence that anyone in the state ever actually thought it had that meaning, on grounds that the rediculous meaning is unconstituional.
The whole point of overbreadth is that it chills protected expression, i.e. that the statute causes people to be scared and deterred from engaging in it.
Chilling means scaring actual people, not hypothetical bogeymen created by lawyers. This statute doesn’t scare anybody. The fact that an argument could be made that a person with a really powerful microscope mighr see something doesn’t mean an ordinary person is going to see it. The idea that this statute covers true political speech depends on a reading so unnatural, it strains credulity to think that anyone but a clever plaintiff’s lawyer or a federal judge would ever think of it, let alone be motivated by it.
"doesn’t mean an ordinary person is going to see it"
But what if the law isn't enforced by ordinary people but by politicians and public employees with agendas and hostility to political opponents?
Hypothetically, that is.
Did you miss this part: "see also State v. Petersilie, 432 S.E.2d 832, 834, 842 (N.C. 1993) (holding that a statute criminalizing "derogatory charges against candidates" "clearly does" cover "even truthful statements")."
That's a state court, not a federal court, interpreting it that way.
The "state's protests" are worthless, unless there's a legally binding agreement by the state that a particular statute can't be enforced in a particular way.
What is controlling the truth of the statement (whether you knew it to be true or not) or the way in which you said it?
As explained in the article, "actual malice" has come to mean belief that the statement is false or awareness of its probable falsity. Speaking out of ignorance may be irresponsible but it isn't actual malice. As explained in St. Amant
Queenie, Honey. You would do well to take a mental health day.
"How does that fit into your narrative?"
Politics my dear queenie, politics. Ambitious moderate pol who wants GOP votes to compensate for weak progressive bona fides.
"Freeman is a rumored candidate for attorney general in 2024, when Josh Stein is expected to run for governor. Though Freeman said she doesn’t intend to run, she added, “I’m never going to say never.”
“I think you have to look at her performance through the lens of what is politically expedient,” said Dawn Blagrove of Emancipate NC. “She is incredibly risk-averse. She tries really hard to give this impression of walking the middle of the road.” Lorrin Freeman's Balancing Act BY Jeffrey Billman March 03, 2022. The Assembly
Well, who are we to stand against the opinion of Jeffreybillman.com.
Wait, what does wikipedia have to say about the guy?
On June 11, 2020, Jeffrey Billman was fired from his position as Editor. The stated reason was that he had failed to follow up on a sexual misconduct tip regarding a local restaurant that had been brought to his attention in May 2019. Possibly prompting the dismissal, the edit and design staff released a letter stating their unwillingness to work for Billman going forward.
Great guy to appeal to the authority of, Bob.
Jesus, what do you read?!
As explained in the article, "actual malice" has come to mean belief that the statement is false or awareness of its probable falsity.
I think succeeding cases might have done that. I don't think NYT v Sullivan did it. The language in NYT v Sullivan seems clear that falsehood and reckless disregard are not the same thing. The notion that reckless disregard must entail belief in falsity conflates the two.
The argument, "It may be said that such a test puts a premium on ignorance, encourages the irresponsible publisher not to inquire, and permits the issue to be determined by the defendant's testimony that he published the statement in good faith and unaware of its probable falsity," should be brought once again to the fore. It is a powerful argument.
This argument is gobblydegook: "But New York Times and succeeding cases have emphasized that the stake of the people in public business and the conduct of public officials is so great that neither the defense of truth nor the standard of ordinary care would protect against self censorship and thus adequately implement First Amendment policies." That argument presumes First Amendment policies suppose a public advantage for publishing known defamatory falsehoods. The actual public advantage is entirely on the side of chilling such publications.
Put another way, in what universe can the notion that would-be publishers should never practice self-censorship, co-exist with the contrary notion that defamatory lies should be penalized, and their victims compensated? To give assent to that would overturn every legal basis for libel suits. To suppose an end to libel law would deliver a long-term advantage for press freedom is delusional. The political support necessary to keep a free press alive would get washed away in the ensuing flood tide of swill.