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Crafting Exceptions to Laws That Limit Private-Employer-Imposed Speech Restrictions
As I mentioned last week, ten years ago I wrote a descriptive and analytical law review article called Private Employees' Speech and Political Activity: Statutory Protection Against Employer Retaliation, which aimed to catalog these often-little-known statutes. This year, I'm returning to the subject, trying to analyze the strongest arguments for and against such statutes. The article (Should the Law Limit Private-Employer-Imposed Speech Restrictions?) will be published later this year in a Journal of Free Speech Law symposium issue, together with other articles that stemmed from an Arizona State symposium on Non-Governmental Restrictions on Free Speech; and last week and this I'd like to serialize it here.
Last Tuesday and Wednesday, I blogged the Introduction and the beginning of the argument in favor of such statutes, followed by an explanation of why such statutes usually don't violate employers' constitutional rights. This week, I've discussed some other arguments against such statutes (and you can see the whole article right now, if you'd like, by looking at the PDF). Say, though, that we do conclude that there should be some protection for private employee speech. Just what sort of protection should this be, and in particular what exceptions, if any, should there be for speech that unduly interferes with the employer's interests?
[* * *]
One possible answer is that there should be such exceptions, written in general and necessarily vague terms, and potentially applicable to a wide range of ways in which speech can interfere with the employer's business.
One such approach, for instance, might be to borrow the "undue hardship" doctrine from Title VII's religious accommodation law. Under Title VII, religious objectors can get exemptions from generally applicable work rules, but only so long as the exceptions don't create an "undue hardship" to the employer, which is to say so long as they impose only "de minimis costs."[1] An employee therefore could presumably wear religious headgear or insignia on the job, notwithstanding a policy that forbids headgear or jewelry. But if the headgear is likely to cause safety problems (for instance, because it might get caught in machinery) or the insignia are likely to cause undue controversy (presumably for reasons beyond just religious prejudice), the employer would be able to deny the accommodation.[2]
Another possibility might be to borrow the "bona fide occupational qualification" doctrine from Title VII's disparate treatment law.[3] Under Title VII, employers can discriminate based on religion, sex, and national origin when that's justified by such a "BFOQ." And some of the employee speech protection statutes likewise allow employee speech to be restricted if the restriction relates to a BFOQ,[4] if the restriction "is reasonably and rationally related to the employment activities and responsibilities of a particular employee or a particular group of employees, rather than to all employees of the employer,"[5] if the speech is "in direct conflict with the essential business-related interests of the employer,"[6] or if the speech creates "reasonable job-related grounds for an employee's dismissal."[7]
Finally, a third possibility might be to borrow the Pickering balance from government employee speech cases. Under that test, an employee's speech could be restricted if the "employee's speech interests are outweighed by the interest of the State, as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public services it performs through its employees."[8]
The real question under all these tests, though, is whether the exceptions cover speech that interferes with the employer's activities by leading customers or coworkers to dislike the employer—for instance, when the speech is critical of the employer, or when the speech offends some people. On one hand, the employer's argument for a right to fire an employee is especially strong when the employee is harming the employer's bottom line rather than helping it (see Part II.F).
But on the other hand, a right to speak only so long as the speech isn't too unpopular (which is what lower federal courts applying the Pickering balance have generally done) seems like a pretty poor sort of free speech right. And limiting the right this way would encourage a sort of analog to the heckler's veto—social media mobs pressuring the employer to fire the employee, stemming from their members' knowing that such pressure will indeed make it legal for the employee to be fired for his speech.
Unsurprisingly, the cases dealing with the existing employee speech protection statutes—usually under BFOQ-like exceptions—haven't reached a clear solution to the problem. Generally speaking, when the term "bona fide occupational qualification" is used with regard to sex discrimination or religious discrimination, customer or coworker hostility is not seen as sufficient to trigger the BFOQ exception. In the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission's words, "the preferences of coworkers, the employer, clients or customers" "do not warrant the application of the bona fide occupational qualification exception."[9] Thus, for instance, that some people are offended or alienated by an employee's religion does not justify the employer in firing the employee. When laws that ban discrimination based on off-duty conduct (including speech), speech, or political affiliation use the same phrase, this suggests that employers likewise may not fire an employee just because his off-duty actions offend customers or coworkers.
And some cases have found some speech to be protected even when it does injure the employer. A Connecticut case, for instance, held that an employee's report to a state agency of "allegedly wrongful or illegal conduct" by the employer's customer was protected notwithstanding the statutory exception for speech that "substantially or materially interfere[s] with the employee's bona fide job performance or the working relationship between the employee and the employer."[10] The employee, a worker for a home nursing company that sold services to nursing facilities, reported substandard care at one of the facilities.[11] The court acknowledged that the employee's speech may have harmed the employer's "business relationship with their customer,"[12] but concluded that such speech is "the exact kind of 'expression[] regarding public concerns that are motivated by an employee's desire to speak out as a citizen' to which … this statute applies."[13]
Another court refused to read a business-interests exception into Louisiana's facially categorical ban on firing for political activity. Even when "the 'business' justification for firing plaintiff in this case is a real one"—such as that plaintiff's political advocacy "would antagonize persons who could withdraw business from plaintiff's employer"—"the policy of the statute is unmistakable: the employer may not control political candidacy of his employees."[14] Similarly, a court concluded that public complaints about safety were protected by the Colorado statute, despite its exception for restrictions that "relate[] to a bona fide occupational requirement," and despite the court's concluding that employee loyalty could be seen as a bona fide occupational requirement.[15]
On the other hand, the same court held that an employee's letter to a newspaper complaining about alleged mistreatment of employees and poor customer service did breach the duty of loyalty, and thus wasn't protected by the Colorado statute.[16] Yet employee relations and customer service can still be important to the public (though not quite as important as safety), and complaints of safety are likely to harm employer interests even more than complaints about worker relations or customer service.
Likewise, a New York appellate court read an exception for activity that "creates a material conflict of interest related to the employer's trade secrets, proprietary information or other proprietary or business interest" as allowing the German National Tourist Office to fire an employee for becoming known as the translator of some Holocaust revisionist articles.[17] Presumably the court's view was that the activity could lead to public hostility to the office, and that this hostility created a "conflict of interest" between the employee and the employer's "business interest."
Tomorrow: An alternative—narrow, specifically defined exceptions for particular kinds of speech.
[1] Trans World Airlines, Inc. v. Hardison, 432 US 63, 84 (1977).
[2] See, e.g., EEOC v. Oak-Rite Mfg. Corp., No. 99-cv-1962-DFH, 2001 WL 1168156, at *10 (S.D. Ind. Aug. 27, 2001).
[3] 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2.
[4] E.g., Colo. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 24-34-402.5(1) (West, Westlaw through July 15, 2022 of the 2d Reg. Sess. 73d Gen. Assemb.); Minn. Stat. Ann. § 10A.36 (West, Westlaw through July 1, 2022 Reg. Sess.).
[5] E.g., Colo. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 24-34-402.5(1) (West, Westlaw through July 15, 2022 of the 2d Reg. Sess. 73d Gen. Assemb.).
[6] N.D. Cent. Code Ann. § 14-02.4-03 (West, Westlaw through 2021 Reg. and Spec. Sess. 67th Legis. Assemb.).
[7] Mont. Code Ann. § 39-2-903(5) (West, Westlaw through 2021 Sess.).
[8] Kennedy v. Bremerton School Dist., 142 S. Ct. 2407, 2423-24 , (2022) (cleaned up).
[9] 29 C.F.R. § 1604.2(a)(1)(iii) (2022); see also Fernandez v. Wynn Oil Co., 653 F.2d 1273, 1276–77 (9th Cir. 1981) (preference of clients in South America for dealing with males cannot make sex into a BFOQ); Diaz v. Pan Am. World Airways, Inc., 442 F.2d 385, 389 (5th Cir. 1971) (preference of airplane passengers for female flight attendants cannot make sex into a BFOQ); Bohemian Club v. Fair Emp't & Hous. Comm'n, 231 Cal. Rptr. 769, 781 (Ct. App. 1986) (client preference for male service personnel, based upon the supposed "inhibiting effect women employees might have upon men" in a private club, cannot make sex into a BFOQ); Ray v. Univ. of Ark., 868 F. Supp. 1104, 1126–27 (E.D. Ark. 1994) (even if race could ever be a BFOQ, students' preference for police officers of their own race is insufficient); Bollenbach v. Bd. of Educ. of Monroe-Woodbury Cent. Sch. Dist., 659 F. Supp. 1450, 1472 (S.D.N.Y. 1987) (preference of religious parents for male school bus drivers doesn't make sex into a BFOQ); Kern v. Dynalectron Corp., 577 F. Supp. 1196, 1201 (N.D. Tex. 1983) ("mere customer preference of one religion over another is not enough to raise religious discrimination to the level of B.F.O.Q.," though Saudi law that imposes the death penalty for non-Muslims who go to Mecca does suffice to make religion a BFOQ for a job as helicopter pilot flying to Mecca). But see Brown v. F.L. Roberts & Co., Inc., 896 N.E.2d 1279, 1289 n.11 (Mass. 2008) ("We leave to another day whether or to what degree customer preference could allow an employer to discriminate based on religion. But see 804 Code Mass. Regs. § 3.00 (1995) (customer or coworker preference is not bona fide occupational qualification).").
[10] Mendez v. Utopia Home Care, Inc., No. CV096006222, 2010 WL 4885347, at *3–*4 (Conn. Super. Ct. Nov. 5, 2010).
[11] Id.
[12] Id.
[13] Id. at *5 (quoting Cotto v. United Techs. Corp., 738 A.2d 623, 632 (Conn. 1999)).
[14] Davis v. La. Computing Corp., 394 So.2d 678, 679 (La. Ct. App. 1981). But see Smedley v. Capps, Staples, Ward, Hastings & Dodson, 820 F. Supp. 1227, 1230 n.3 (N.D. Cal. 1993) (taking the opposite approach as to the similarly categorical California statute, though I think with no real support in California caselaw).
[15] Marsh v. Delta Air Lines, Inc., 952 F. Supp. 1458, 1461–62 (D. Colo. 1997).
[16] Id.
[17] Berg v. German Nat'l Tourist Office, 248 A.D.2d 297 (N.Y. App. Div. 1998); Paul Schwartzman, It Just Isn't Write[;] German Axed Over Hate Mag Article, Daily News (N.Y.), May 11, 1995, at 6.
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Ha ha no mention of the biggest legal news of the week. Amazing.
Like J6 is the raid another forbidden Reason topic?
I'd be delighted to see posts by my cobloggers about the raid, if they are so inclined. I just don't know enough about the legal issues, and don't have the time to bone up on the factual issues (whatever might be known), which are likely to be extremely important.
Elizabeth Nolan Brown had a post about the subject Tuesday (on Reason as such, not on the VC), and a follow-up yesterday.
You know about lawfare, a crime of tax fraud.
Don't like to go off topic but this does seem strange.
It does not seem strange to anyone familiar with the Volokh Conspiracy's record.
This blog (2) ignores subjects the Conspirators find personally embarrassing or damaging and (2) avoids discussions the proprietor believes to be inconvenient for conservative politics. The Volokh Conspiracy focuses relentlessly on (1) cherry-picked, misleading, repetitive nips at the ankles and heels of the modern American mainstream and (2) lathering its carefully cultivated collection of disaffected, bigoted right-wing fans with partisan polemics.
Rev. Sir, this is is a Wedy's.
Like the recent Kennedy case. Still silent
An exception that broad swallows the rule.
Congratulation for staying on topic. Unfortunately you are one of only a few who have shown any interest in this series of posts by EV.
This is exactly the kind of post that, despite the fact that it is thoughtful, well-researched, and on a subject that at least I think is pretty darn interesting, will not get a lot of on-topic comments. Why not? Because it doesn't break down easily on partisan lines.
Those on the political right traditionally do not favor limits on the "employment at will" doctrine, which these laws are. On the other hand, those on the political right increasingly believe (correctly or not), that "woke corporations" are firing conservatives for conservative speech.
Those on the political left, meanwhile, are likely not to care too much about these laws because: (i) they tend to favor general "just cause" protections in at least most employment situations, as opposed to adding more relatively narrow exceptions to employment at will; and (ii) because (as the OP alludes to), these laws don't offer much realistic protection, because unlike most employment statutes (e.g., Title VII, the ADA, and their state-law counterparts), these "political speech" laws at least usually don't provide attorneys fees for successful plaintiffs.
None of this is to say that this is not an interesting topic to think about. It is! It's just that it's not going to produce the "warrant to search on Mara Lago shows nobody is above the law and Trump is in big trouble!" vs. "raid on Mara Lago shows we're a banana republic and the FBI should be disbanded!" predictable types of comments.
Well, is there a simple answer to employer speech restrictions or a general law that would cover most instances or does each case have to be litigated?
As Eugene has indicated in these threads, the main precedent here is public-sector employment, because public employees have certain First Amendment free speech rights as employees. There is a well-developed set of cases on the nature and extent of that right. Of course because that's Constitutional, it doesn't apply to the private sector, and a statute granting such rights to private employees wouldn't need to adopt the same "employee free speech" rules that the Supreme Court says should be used for public employees.
Having said that, I'm pretty darn sure that even if there were a private-sector law setting out general rules, there would be a lot of litigation of individual cases. For example, in the public sector, the rules are that employee speech cannot be protected if it is either (i) not on a topic of public interest, or (2) made pursuant to the employee's job duties. While there are some clear "yes or no" fact patterns for these two criteria, there are a ton of cases on what sort of speech actually is "on a topic of public interest" and what type of speech "is pursuant to the employee's job duties."
Then, in the public sector, even if the speech survives the first two rules (i.e., it is on a topic of public interest and it was not made pursuant to the employee's job duties) THEN it must analyzed using a . . . wait for it . . . balancing test, that weighs the employee's interests as a citizen in making this speech against real or potential disruption to the employer. Given that this test pits two non-quantifiable and non-comparable factors against each other, you will not be surprised to hear that there is a lot of litigation on that issue as well.
Of course, again, a private sector statute doesn't have to use the public sector constitutional test. But I'm having a hard time imagining a statute that would not lead to a lot of potential litigation. As I said in my previous post, the only reason the states that have these private-sector speech protections haven't seen a lot of litigation is that these statutes generally don't provide for attorney's fees for victorious plaintiffs, meaning that most employees can't afford to sue over it / most employment law attorneys don't have a sufficient incentive to take plaintiff's cases.
Well, not since he stopped giving examples of what he was worried about.
So have no doubt, if/when Volokh moves back to application from theory, it'll be partisan again.
These posts are dense and he tends to have addressed the issues I would be likely to raise.
That's another good reason. Eugene is pretty thorough and thoughtful in these posts.
Queenie. Payback is coming for the Commie filth attack on our nation. See you next Tuesday.
OK. I called it job related speech. The lawyer calls it bone fide whatever. Seems correct as the sole limit.
"bona fide occupational qualification" "BFOQ."
How about, job related? Fuck you, you rent seeking, lawyer scumbags. That phrase requires hiring a lawyer and is fraudulent. The drafter needs to be arrested and to go to jail.
Queenie. See you next Tuesday.
Do you consider all antidiscrimination law results driven? Or only when it reaches a result you don't like?
Employer speech suppressed by fear of lawsuit. 6 are dead.
https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/crime/icu-nurse-who-killed-six-in-crash-worked-in-6-hospitals-over-2-years/ss-AA10u8oJ?ocid=msedgntp&cvid=bc02e9b8d2ef4c0cb9ebb774a2b91113
Employer speech suppressed by fear of being sued. 400 are dead.
https://www.the-sun.com/news/2737955/charles-cullen-nurse-serial-killer-the-good-nurse-netflix/
The denier will never address that lawyer caused catastrophic suppression of employer speech. He is a denier and engaged in a cover up of the failures of the lawyer profession.