The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Anti-BDS Laws' Certification Requirements
Michael Dorf, Andrew Koppelman, and I have written elsewhere about why we think laws banning government contractors from refusing to deal with Israeli companies are generally constitutional. In this respect, we think such bans are like the government barring universities that get government funds from excluding military recruiters from recruitment fairs, or barring businesses that get government funds (and even ones that don't) from discriminating based on race, religion, etc. Refusals to deal are unprotected conduct, not protected speech. (The long version is here.)
Some people, however, have objected to a different provision of the laws: that contractors certify that they aren't boycotting Israeli companies through such refusals to deal. This certification, some have argued, is itself an impermissible speech compulsion.
I think that's mistaken; these requirements are like any other contractual provisions on which the government insists (in particular, like contractual warranties). The Arkansas anti-BDS law, for instance, provides,
a public entity shall not … [e]nter into a contract with a company … unless the contract includes a written certification that the person or company is not currently engaged in, and agrees for the duration of the contract not to engage in, a boycott of Israel.
This is just like a contract in which the company certifies that it's paying prevailing wage to its employees, or that it's using some fraction of American-made goods, or is using only organically farmed products, or that it will comply with antidiscrimination rules, or what have you. It's true that entering into a contract involves communication (e.g., "I accept your offer" or "I agree to this contract"), but that doesn't mean that government insistence on particular contractual provisions is generally subject to First Amendment scrutiny. Indeed, the formation of contracts is generally regulated by a wide range of laws that are not seen as subject to First Amendment scrutiny.
To be sure, requiring promises not to speak in a contract may violate the First Amendment, as would requiring assurances that the contracting party adheres to some ideological views. But requiring a promise not to act in a particular way is not itself an impermissible speech compulsion.
The Eighth Circuit en banc court in Arkansas Times, Inc. v. Waldrip was thus generally right when it held:
Arkansas Times also argues that the statute unconstitutionally compels speech by requiring it to include a certification that the company will not "boycott" Israel for the duration of the contract. The First Amendment protects "both the right to speak freely and the right to refrain from speaking at all." The compelled speech doctrine prohibits the government from making someone disseminate a political or ideological message.
"Compelled statements of fact … like compelled statements of opinion, are subject to First Amendment scrutiny." But the certification requirement here is markedly different from other compelled speech cases. Although it requires contractors to agree to a contract provision they would otherwise not include, it does not require them to publicly endorse or disseminate a message. Instead, the certification targets the noncommunicative aspect of the contractors' conduct—unexpressive commercial choices. The "speech" aspect— signing the certification—is incidental to the regulation of conduct [the conduct presumably being the entry into a contract -EV].
We are not aware of any cases where a court has held that a certification requirement concerning unprotected, nondiscriminatory conduct is unconstitutionally compelled speech. A factual disclosure of this kind, aimed at verifying compliance with unexpressive conduct-based regulations, is not the kind of compelled speech prohibited by the First Amendment.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Carson and Fulton say "hi". You weren't exactly lamenting those cases and how they limited the ability of states to say "we have standards".
Irrational animus against religion goes a long way to undermine both policies and arguments.
Someone explain something. Why do NYC hebraics vote for the Democrat Party, the mortal enemy of Israel? Some even support BDS.
“the Democrat Party, the mortal enemy of Israel?”
Neither party is in the slightest an enemy of Israel. Quite the opposite.
Maybe you can ask a NYC "hebraic," though I wouldn't recommend you calling one that.
In which Michael P argues that "obeying the same non-discrimination ordinances as everyone else" is "irrational animus".
I'm not following how Carson or Fulton is relevant to this post.
Presumably that nonsectarian requirements violated free exercise.
Unless someone claims that boycotting Israeli businesses is a religious practice for their closely held private business, I'm not sure what difference that is supposed to make.
What's the purpose of the anti-BDS laws? What's the government interest?
It feels like the state is boycotting the boycotters, in order to make a point. But if boycotting the boycotters is expressive, then surely the boycotts themselves are too.
Volokh thinks the government should be able to refuse to contract with a company that is boycotting Israel. Volokh also thinks the government should not be able to refuse to contract with a company that is boycotting gays or Jews.
So how about when the "conduct" is (in whole or in part) a pretext for discriminating against a protected class?
e.g., "Sure you can 'be' [Religion X], but you just can't [attend House of Worship Y, associated with Religion X]...because that's conduct."
Do we apply the same protections against pretext that we have in other areas of nondiscrimination law? To what extent must the discriminating entity show that they are *solely* motivated by the conduct and in no way desiring to punish the underlying belief?
It was just a few weeks ago in DaVita that the SCOTUS claimed a ban on yarmulkes was not a ban on Jews because non-Jews couldn't wear yarmulkes either, so it looks like the current answer is "sure, ban away, any pretext is good enough!"
The yarmulke claim was an inapt analogy in a dissent, not a statement by the Court.
But you knew that, didn't you?
We disagree over the apt-ness, but otherwise correct: the SCOTUS literally ruled that refusing care Y that is only needed by X patients isn't refusing X patients, because other patients (who aren't X) are also denied care Y.
Which, as the apt dissent noted, was shockingly similar to the banning yarmulke nonsense.
Does it go both ways? Could governments *compel* such boycotts?
And perhaps more weirdly...could governments compel universities to "exclude military recruiters"?
What about compelling such entities to actually discriminate "based on race, religion, etc."? (This one seems to more directly runs up against other constitutional issues, but just thinking it through...)
A compelled boycott? Aren't those just "sanctions"?
Indeed.
Can states and municipalities sanction foreign governments? Foreign companies?
boycott (from Google - Oxford Languages) - verb - withdraw from commercial or social relations with (a country, organization, or person) as a punishment or protest.
You can smash windows in a protest, too. That doesn't grant smashing windows any First Amendment protections.
Smashing windows is infringing upon the rights of others. Making a conscience informed purchasing decision as an individual citizen does not infringe on others. You may say it infringes the right of Israelis not to be discriminated against, but its action about the nationality of the product, not the nationality of the businessperson. American oranges don't have a right to not be discriminated against, as Americans.
Refusing to deal with an Israeli in America, as an Israeli, is national origin discrimination against a person. On the other hand, refusing to deal with a business located in Israel is discriminating against Israel as a country, not Israelis as people.
Okay, assume you're right. So? The legislature says you can't discriminate against Israel as a country.
Boycotts have both good history and bad history, but they have been historically been instruments of nonviolent political advocacy. The government shouldn’t be able to target its own citizens’ nonviolent political advocacy by forcing people to do business with Israel. What would you think of a law forbidding you from boycotting Texas or California?
A law which proscribed boycotting any state strikes me at first glance as constitutional.
People aren't oranges. Oranges don't have rights that are legally protected against discrimination.
Is a baker who refuses to serve a gay couple's wedding is engaging in a boycott. It appears he is withdrawing from a commercial relation as a protest.
Yes, I think you're right.
Does that then mean anti-discrimination law violates the First Amendment in a very large number of applications and your position thus guts anti-discrimination law?
No, I think it should be illegal to discriminate against gay people. But marriage is a political issue.
Isn't refusing to generally serve gays also a political statement?
It infringes on the rights of gay people to not be generally discriminated against.
By your logic, that's not discriminating against them as people, it's just discriminating against their money or their oranges or whatever.
But refusing to serve a gay couple's wedding doesn't infringe on their rights? How do you support that distinction without assuming your conclusion?
Wedding cakes are expressive in a way other goods and services aren't.
As you probably know, the Court sidestepped addressing that argument in Masterpiece Cakeshop. But assuming you are correct, does that same argument apply to doing business with Israel? At first blush, I don't see it.
Boycotts are expressive in a way other commercial activity is not.
It seems to me that refusing to serve gays is a boycott.
Boycotting gay people isn’t going to make them straight.
So what? It's still a boycott.
If it’s a boycott it has to have a purpose
Presumably, the purpose is to express displeasure over what the boycotter thinks is immoral behavior.
How can it be a boycott by the definition legalize quotes?
"Gays" are not a country, an organization, or an individual.
Nor did the baker in question refuse to have commercial relations with gays. His claim was that he was happy to sell them other baked goods. It was specifically the notion of SSM he objected to.
I think boycotts includes collections of individuals by virtue of what group they belong to.
We are beyond the specific case of the baker (because I have assumed for the sake of argument cakes are expressive) to the hypothetical case of a provider refusing to serve gays.
Gays have a right to not be discriminated against, but they don’t have a right to compel the speech of others.
Wedding cakes and boycotts are especially expressive by the one doing the designing and boycotting.
The right of gays and Israelis to not be discriminated against doesn’t empower them to compel the speech of others.
Deciding not to give any service to gays because they are sinful is not a boycott unless you are making a concerted effort to publicize a boycott to the general public.
Israelis doing business in the US do have the ability to compel people to recognize, though there dealings, that they are a protected class, however.
You can turn an unprotected refusal to serve gays into protected speech by publicizing your policy? That sounds to me like a highly implausible get-out-of-jail free card.
If Westboro family restaurant can put a God hates fags sign out front, they might as well be able to exclude gay people.
If so, then that's the de facto end of anti-discrimination law.
But it’s different. A “no gays allowed” sign would be illegal, because it’s squarely directed at citizens, and doesn’t implicate God or decorative cakes which are works of art, it the like.
It's the de facto end of anti-discrimination law because anyone who wants to discriminate can just hang a sign which says homosexual behavior is sinful (or or a similar sign that expresses disapproval based on race, sex, etc.).
We will have to see what scotus thinks.
Anti-discrimination laws serve a compelling government interest; anti-BDS laws don't. So the former should survive even if they clash with the First Amendment, but not the latter.
Bakers that get involved in this litigation are not boycotting gays or gay weddings. They are refusing to participate. In Masterpiece, the gay couple involved were long time customers, and the Masterpiece management knew that they were a gay couple. It was only when the couple asked for a wedding cake [presumably with a same-sex couple as a topper] that they refused, forcing the court case.
-dk
In Masterpiece, the gay couple involved were long time customers, and the Masterpiece management knew that they were a gay couple.
A claim that specific deserves a citation.
Why is it a protest?
Why isn't it simply an expression of religious belief?
A Jew who "boycotts" pork chops isn't protesting anything, just following the dictates of his religion.
Let's first put your comment into the context of this debate.
legalizeshrooms distinguishes between boycotts (a political protest and thus protected by the First Amendment such as boycotting Israel) and other refusals to engage in economic activity (non-political and thus unprotected such as categorically not serving gays). F D Wolf made a similar argument by distinguishing between conduct with political goals (protected such as boycotting Israel) and economic goals (unprotected, perhaps categorically serving gays, not sure where Wolf stands).
I find such distinctions hard to administer. Is categorically not serving gays political? Can you divorce the economic from the political? And even in your example where it's pretty clear there is no political agenda and thus perhaps that's a clear case of conduct without speech, religious belief is implicated which ought to count for something if political boycotts are protected.
I'm with what appears to be the majority opinion that we should avoid hair splitting and count all refusals to engage in economic activity as conduct, not speech (nor a protected ideology such as a religious belief - I'm no fan of RFRA).
Call me when a baker can refuse a customer because that customer is a Christian.
Suppose the government requires that companies that do business with the government certify that they don't participate in a boycott of Israel (or Russia), and then the government publishes a list of all the companies that have signed such antiboycott certifications, to support pro-Israel (or pro-Russian) policies? Compelled speech?
That would be (voluntary) speech by the government, so it does not raise constitutional concerns.
Isn't that what various Muslim countries were doing first?
I seem to recall that anti-BDS certifications began as a counter to anti-israeli countries requiring contractors to certify that they were not doing business with Israel. Perhaps I'm wrong.
I wonder if Prof. Volokh's assessment would differ if, rather than a requirement on government contractors, the law purported to place this requirement on all businesses in general. I don't see how the general First Amendment implications would differ.
This seems clearly to me a case of government compelled speech, or more precisely, a compulsion to refrain from speech or "compelled silence", which is equally impermissible under the First Amendment. I'm surprised the majority in Arkansas Times did not address Agency for International Development v. Alliance for Open Society International, Inc., 570 U.S. 205 (2013). In that case, the Supreme Court struck down a requirement that NGOs receiving government funds under the U.S. Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003 "have a policy explicitly opposing prostitution" as a violation of the First Amendment Rights of those organizations.
(That was a 6-2 decision. For the record, I agree with Justice Scalia's dissent, joined by Justice Thomas, that "[t]he First Amendment does not mandate a viewpoint-neutral government", and "the government may enlist the assistance of those who believe in its ideas to carry them to fruition; and it need not enlist for that purpose those who oppose or do not support the ideas." Id. at 221 (Scalia, J., dissenting). So, I would uphold such requirements in the context of government contracts, but would hold them as violative of the First Amendment if imposed generally.)
I acknowledge that one might argue that there is a distinction based upon the nexus between the contested contract provision and the nature of the service to be provided, but ultimately, I don't believe this makes a difference.
Like how the effective minimum wage can differ for federal contractors versus general businesses, or how affirmative action can be mandatory for the former whereas the baseline employment mandate is nondiscrimination? Pay rates, hiring practices, and boycotts are conduct by the business, not speech, so I don't think the constitutional implications are different.
The business remains free to condemn Israel's actions, or even its mere existence, just like it could condemn some racial or ethnic group -- but it is not free to discriminate commercially.
You state boycotts are conduct and not speech. That is certainly an argument that many have made, but it runs counter to NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware, 458 U.S. 886 (1982), which clearly states that boycotts are expressive conduct protected by the First Amendment. This is generally the chief case relied upon by opponents of these anti-BDS statutes.
How did Stevens square that decision with antidiscrimination statutes being constitutional?
I see a lot of talk about political speech and goals, but no mention of the fact that people have political goals when they wish to exclude customers based on race, ethnicity, religion, or other protected characteristics.
You might be surprised to learn this, but we amended the Constitution to permit federal antidiscrimination legislation and policy, which makes squaring those with the First Amendment incredibly simple.
You might want to go read the Fourteenth Amendment again, and actually answer my question this time. Or do you truly mean that states and localities cannot constitutionally impose their own antidiscrimination laws?
You might want to take a quick look at the 14th amendment. It permits federal legislation prohibiting discrimination by state actors, NOT individuals or organizations in the private sector.
"No state shall..." "nor shall any state".
Section 5 authorizes legislation to enforce the provisions of the amendment, but none of those provisions have to do with private discrimination. Doubtless why the 1964 Civil rights act purports to be exercising commerce clause powers, not be 14th amendment enabling legislation.
The commerce clause, of course, doesn't over-ride the 1st amendment, since the latter came after it.
Eugène directly addresses why Claiborne does not protect discriminatory conduct, persuasively in my view, in his amicus brief.
I am an Israelophile. I believe the BDS movement is chiefly populated by morally repugnant Jew-haters. That being said, they have a First Amendment right to their beliefs, and, in my opinion, a First Amendment right to boycott Israel and advocate for such a boycott.
I do not find Prof. Volokh's argument attempting to distinguish Claiborne Hardware persuasive. Frankly, I don't quite grasp what he's trying to say. When he says the BDS boycott is "discriminatory", is he making a legal argument or a moral one? (I don't think the target is relevant, but the boycott in Claiborne Hardware was explicitly against white business owners, clearly "race"-based discrimination, though no one suggested that aspect was illegal.) Is he suggesting a boycott against Israel would be illegal discrimination? Obviously, a contract provision to refrain from illegal activity would be superfluous and non-controversial.
There are clear tensions between Claiborne Hardware and these anti-BDS contract provisions. The Arkansas Times majority avoided them by not mentioning the case, though the dissent briefly did. Of course, I again will mention that all these issues can be avoided by adopting Justice Scalia's dissent in Alliance for Open Society. And given the changes in Court membership since 2013, I would not be shocked if the current Court did exactly that.
Eugene isn't distinguishing Claiborne. He claims you are misreading Claiborne: Claiborne Hardware expressly reserved the question whether a boycott “designed to secure aims that are themselves prohibited by a valid state law” is constitutionally protected. [...] It follows that the question whether a boycott that involved refusals to deal that were themselves prohibited by a valid state law—a law that targeted conduct rather than speech—was also not resolved by Claiborne Hardware.
So what principle does Claiborne Hardware stand for? That there is a First Amendment right to boycott unless there is a law forbidding it? Some "right". If the Mississippi legislature had passed a law banning race-based boycotts, would the outcome of Claiborne Hardware have been different? According to that line of reasoning, it would seem so.
No, I do not find such a limiting construction persuasive. But if you disagree, I certainly respect your right to do so. I claim no First Amendment expertise, and certainly not Prof. Volokh's breadth of expertise on the topic.
Claiborne stands for the right to advocate for a boycott, but not for a right to boycott. Indeed, if Mississippi had outlawed race-based boycotts, the case would be very different.
But let's assume you are right. How do you distinguish Rumsfeld which rejected the right of Harvard to boycott military recruiters or anti-discrimination law which outlaw boycotts of would-be patrons?
To be clear, I am not necessarily giving my view, but my reading of Claiborne Hardware and other boycott cases, which I interpret as saying roughly, "boycotts whose goals are political are protected speech; boycotts whose goals are economic are not." (Obviously, that's a gross oversimplification).
I don't believe Rumsfeld v. FAIR (2006). is particularly applicable to this issue. In it the Court upheld the Solomon Amendment, which required universities that received federal funds to allow military recruiters on campus. The Court held that allowing military recruiters on campus was not inherently expressive. No reasonable person would think the views of the recruiters would necessarily reflect those of the university. In this respect it is similar to anti-discrimination laws. A shopkeeper, for example, has a First Amendment right to disapprove of interracial couples, but does not have a right to exclude them from his store, and the presence of an interracial couple in his shop would not necessarily convey to the public the shopkeeper's approval. Now, in the FAIR case, had, for example, the universities been required to issue a pledge of support for the military, then I believe that would have been more akin to the issue at hand, and that would indeed have been a First Amendment violation.
I agree a pledge to support the military would violate the First Amendment. But, a ministerial certification that you will not exclude military recruiters would not.
That wouldn't seem to make sense. A boycott of a racist store deliberately goes beyond speech into economic harm.
This is fine. I have no problem with either case. But it's silly to claim it is speech and therefore protected, as it goes beyond speech deliberately and clearly, by its own design.
Rather, it is freedom to not deal with assholes. But only freedom against our assholes. The other guy's assholes, not so much.
Your analogy to Agency would hold if the contractor was required to have a policy opposing boycotting Israel. But, a certification they won't boycott Israel is not the same as having such a policy.
Seems to me to be a fine line between gov't compelled speech and pro BDS and anti BDS laws.
Take the issue of BDS off the table for a minute and say it is Pro Gun vs Anti Gun. Is it not compelled speech to not allow a person who advocates for the 2nd amendment to get a gov't contract. I believe San Francisco tried this by outlawing contracts to NRA members and it was struck down as compelled gov't speech.
What is the difference?
The NRA withdrew its case against San Francisco (https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/16173449/national-rifle-association-of-america-v-city-and-county-of-san-francisco/) because the city council's resolution declaring the NRA a terrorist organization did not have any legal consequence. Ordinances are binding, resolutions are not. The city manager clarified soon after the resolution was passed that city contracting policy had not changed. San Francisco had called the NRA a terrorist organization but it's not actionable to call somebody a terrorist based on disclosed facts.
"Advocat[ing] for the 2nd amendment" is speech. Boycotting Israeli products/services/companies isn't speech.
That's kind of the whole point of this post.
Again, this isn't about "advocating" — which is speech — but conduct. It would be the equivalent of not allowing a person who owns guns to get a government contract.
Now, that may violate the Second amendment, but it doesn't violate the First, because owning guns isn't speech; it's conduct.
I still have trouble separating action from speech. If a company says they support BDS and back it up with boycot then that is speech and action. If I say to a govt entity that I own a gun then that is speech and action.
Or, as New York was toying with, refusing to let banks deal with government, if they let gun companies have accounts.
You remember, that whole "Be warned having gun company accounts hurts your reputation, and you know..." bit from a few years back.
Whatever happened to that, and that guy?
Buying guns seems like conduct. Owning guns? Seems like status.
Virtue signalling by pandering pols while government at every level fails to fulfil its legitimate functions.
I agree with Prof. Volokh on this one. A small point that doesn't seem to get discussed: It seems to me that, if the government couldn't ban its contractors from boycotting another nation's goods, then it also couldn't mandate that contractors purchase American goods. Indeed, it would allow government contractors to boycott American goods if they desired, biting the hand that feeds them. I think anyone opposing antiboycott laws also must necessarily oppose "made in America" laws (which I think have generally been very positive economically).
“Made in America” laws regulated the primary actor, the government. Anti-bds laws are like a secondary action, on contractors.
To turn it around, if boycotters said they not only don’t do business with Israel, but also won’t do business with anyone that does business with Israel, that would be solidarity action
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Solidarity_action
If solidarity action is illegal coercion by citizens, then surely it is illegal coercion by the government
No, you're factually wrong. Made in America laws apply to contractors.
So a contractor must pledge to have no involvement, for any extra work or non-governmental project, not to do business outside the US, like a restraining order?
I would think the stipulation is on the location of the work done for the government, as opposed to a certification that entire organization does no work outside the US?
That's a deranged take. I feel like you have never heard of "Made in America" laws before and are imagining what they entail, then getting outraged at your own fantasy.
You do know what I’m saying, don’t you?
So boycotts are non-expressive because their expressive part (saying "I boycott") is separate from the conduct part (actually boycotting) -- but saying "I don't boycott" isn't separate from the non-boycotting conduct, and may be compelled along with it?
Consider boycotts of African Americans. The Heart of Atlanta Motel boycott African Americans in order to express the principals’ political beliefs. And today, federal contractors (and companies in a variety of other contexts) are required to certify that they don’t boycott African Americans.
They are required to certify they don’t engage in the conduct. But they are not required to certify what their political beliefs are. They can still have the same political beliefs the Atlanta Motel principals had. And they can still advocate for those beliefs, including advocating for repeal of the anti-boycott (aka “civil rights”) laws.
Are you sure saying "I boycott" is protected speech? "I boycott" sounds an awful lot like a sign which reads "we don't serve blacks," which I am pretty sure is not protected speech.
There's a compelling government interest in banning signs like "we don't serve blacks"; there's none in banning signs like "we boycott Israel". So while both signs are protected speech, laws banning the former should survive strict scrutiny, but not laws banning the latter. (In my non-lawyer opinion).
What's the compelling interest? And, is there precedent to support it?
With a bit of research, from Rumsfeld v. FAIR
Thus, the Court does not even view the sign as speech.
Professor Volokh,
This would seem to be a case where the Religion Clauses yield different results from the Speech Clause. The Supreme Court has accepted that certification requirements can violate sincerely held religious beliefs, even though they aren’t considered compelled speech and don’t violate the Speech Clause.
I used to support this approach but I am less comfortable with it each year. As government continues to grow in size and domination of certain markets, I fear that we are approaching a functional monopsony under which 'option to contract' becomes a fiction. At that point, things shift from a voluntary condition of contract to a backdoor to government compulsion.
Current precedents are silent on this problem because they were set in a time of much smaller government. I question whether those precedents can be reliably extended to the novel condition.
Prof. Volokh believes that these anti-BDS contract clauses do not conflict with the Supreme Court's ruling in NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware Co., 458 U.S. 886 (1982). I disagree. However, I believe Claiborne Hardware was incorrectly (and sloppily) decided (1). In that case, the Court overruled a Mississippi state court verdict for economic damages in favor of white merchants against NAACP boycott organizers. Some individuals had engaged in violent acts in furtherance of the boycott. While boycotts obviously contain elements of speech, they have traditionally been viewed as chiefly economic activity which government can regulate. Here, however, the Court seemed to hold when the goals of a boycott are chiefly political (such as in pursuit of racial equality) as opposed to economic, they are protected by the First Amendment. Frankly, I believe the Court was swayed by sympathetic defendants, black civil rights activists in the Deep South versus white merchants, and simply was not going to rule against them. The vote was 8-0 (with Justice Marshall not participating). The Court's most conservative member, Justice Rehnquist, "concurred in the result" without any elaboration.
It should be noted that these state anti-BDS laws also implicate federal preemption, as they deal with international relations. Some members in Congress are working on a statute to address this issue, though I imagine these efforts don't have high prospects of success.
1. A good resume of the problems with Claiborne Hardware, written soon after it was decided, is Gordon M. Orloff, Note, "The Political Boycott: An Unprivileged Form of Expression", 1983 Duke Law Journal 1076.
I will also reiterate my belief that Agency for International Development v. Alliance for Open Society International, Inc., 570 U.S. 205 (2013) was also incorrectly decided. In that case, a 6-2 Court struck down a requirement that NGOs receiving government funds under the U.S. Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003 "have a policy explicitly opposing prostitution" as a violation of the First Amendment Rights of those organizations.
I believe the Court should adopt the dissent of Justice Scalia (joined by Justice Thomas) that "[t]he First Amendment does not mandate a viewpoint-neutral government", and "the government may enlist the assistance of those who believe in its ideas to carry them to fruition; and it need not enlist for that purpose those who oppose or do not support the ideas." Id. at 221 (Scalia, J., dissenting).
Obviously, this approach would avoid the First Amendment issues altogether, though perhaps not the preemption issue.
You continue to misconstrue Claiborne. The Court did not hold that a boycott, political or otherwise, is protected speech. It only held that advocacy of a boycott, like any advocacy, is protected speech.
If I am "misconstruing" Claiborne, then so are many others, including federal judges. No one would dispute that merely advocating a boycott was not speech. The suit in that case was against boycott organizers and participants, not boycott advocates.
For example, some of the defendants were "store watchers" or "Black Hats" who stood outside the stores wearing black hats, recording names of black customers that entered the stores. These names would be read at NAACP meetings. That is surely more than mere "advocacy", but the Court held this conduct was nonetheless protected by the First Amendment.
What federal judges agree with your interpretation of Claiborne?
Although recording the names and reading them aloud at NAACP meetings is coercive, it was not illegal. Nor did it advance any illegal activity (the boycott itself wasn't illegal either). The Court explicitly said it was not deciding whether such actions were protected had the boycott been illegal. But you continue to insist Claiborne conflicts with the anti-BDS contract even though it is illegal to engage in BDS.
"it is illegal to engage in BDS" -- what law says so?
Eugene mentioned an Arkansas law in the OP. His amicus brief (linked to in the OP) concerns a law in Texas.
According to the Jewish Virtual Library, 35 states have adopted laws, resolutions, or executive orders to discourage boycotts against Israel.
The Arkansas law does not make it "illegal" (for everyone) to engage in BDS. And it would be circular reasoning to justify a law's constitutionality by citing the existence of the law itself.
It makes it illegal for a contractor with the state to do so. And of course, the fact the law exists does not decide the question. I'm just commenting that because of the Arkansas law, Claiborne is inapt.
Sorry, I replied to the wrong post, but my reply is below.
The boycott was not "illegal" in the sense of violating a criminal stature, but clearly was "illegal" in that it violated tort law, at least according to the courts of Mississippi. Yes, the Court said in a weak-sauce footnote that the result MIGHT be different if the boycott had violated some specific statute, but why should that matter? I submit that the reason for that footnote was a half-hearted attempt to distinguish the case from an apparently contrary holding the Court had reached just two months earlier in International Longshoremen's Association v. Allied International, Inc., 456 U.S. 212 (1982).
In 1980, in protest of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the ILA declared that it would not handle cargo arriving from or destined to the Soviet Union. Allied International was an importer of Soviet wood products that sued the ILA, claiming its boycott had caused it economic damage. The Court held that the ILA's action constituted an illegal secondary boycott prohibited under sec. 303 of the Labor Relations Management Relations Act. (The ILA claimed to be boycotting the Soviet Union, but was really boycotting its contractor).
The Court devoted three sentences to the ILA's First Amendment defense. "We have consistently rejected the claim that secondary picketing by labor unions in violation of § 8(b)(4) is protected activity under the First Amendment. It would seem even clearer that conduct designed not to communicate, but to coerce, merits still less consideration under the First Amendment. The labor laws reflect a careful balancing of interests." Id. at 226.
Now, you might protest, "But there was a statute?" And, again, I would respond, "What difference does it make if an act violates statutory law or common law?" Obviously, a statute can violate the First Amendment. The Court here acknowledges as much, but holds the statute did not violate the First Amendment. The apparent incongruity of the decisions did not go unnoticed at the time:
Julius Getman, Labor Law and Free Speech: The Curious Policy of Limited Expression, 43 Md. L. Rev. 4 (1984).
You ask which federal judges agree with my reading of Claiborne Hardware. Well, I can tell you it hasn't been cited in 736 state and federal cases for the proposition that advocacy of boycotts is protected speech, a rather obvious, uncontroversial notion. One natural place to start would be the dissenting judge in the Arkansas Times cited by Prof. Volokh in this post, who, unlike the majority, cited Claiborne. "I would conclude that the Act prohibits the contractor from engaging in boycott activity outside the scope of the contractual relationship 'on its own time and dime.' Such a restriction violates the First Amendment." (Kelly, J., dissenting).
Damnit! I keep doing this. This was meant as a reply to Josh S. above.
The common-law tort of malicious interference is too broad. Even with a statute to the same effect, boycotts would be protected. But, anti-discrimination law is narrow and proscribing boycotts that aim to discriminate is permissible.
Friend, I might very well be wrong about a conflict between Claiborne Hardware and these anti-BDS statutes. But I'm hardly the only person who sees one. (And I really, really doubt a statute would have made a difference to THAT Supreme Court in 1982, that was never going to rule for white Mississippi business owners against the NAACP and a bunch of black, civil rights protestors).
Nevertheless, I suspect one of these cases will reach the Supreme Court, which will hopefully clarify things.
As a little bit of trivia, Judge Jane Kelly, the sole dissenter in the en banc <Arkansas Times case, is an Obama appointee, and, in fact, the only Democratic appointee on the Eighth Circuit. That probably gives us a hint on how the current Supreme Court will view anti-BDS statutes, but what, if anything, it has to say about Claiborne Hardware might be interesting. (Though there's potentially still that pesky preemption issue.)