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S. Ct. Marshal Asks for Enforcement of Va. Residential Picketing Ban; Can That Ban Be Rendered Constitutional?
I wrote a few minutes ago that the Maryland residential picketing ban, mentioned in the Marshal of the Supreme Court's letter to Maryland enforcement authorities, is unconstitutional under Carey v. Brown (1980), because it has an exception for labor picketing. I've just learned from Josh Gerstein of Politico (thanks!) that the Marshal also sent similar letters to the Virginia Governor and the Fairfax County Chief of Police, urging them to enforce the Virginia residential picketing ban.
Now the Virginia law also has the same labor picketing exception that the Court has said makes a residential ban unconstitutionally content-based; but the letter cites to a 1989 Virginia Attorney General's opinion that argues that the labor picketing exception could just be struck down, and the rest of the statute could be upheld:
The Supreme Court of the United States has held that an Illinois statute prohibiting the picketing of residences, but exempting "the peaceful picketing of a place of employment involved in a labor dispute" violates the equal protection clause …. Carey v. Brown (1980)…. It is my opinion that no substantive distinction exists between the portion of the Illinois statute declared unconstitutional in Carey and the labor dispute exception in § 18.2–419. It is further my opinion, therefore, that the exception to the prohibition of § 18.2–419 for "the picketing in any lawful manner, during a labor dispute, of the place of employment involved in such labor dispute" violates the equal protection clause … and, therefore, is unenforceable….
Unlike the Illinois statute in Carey, however, the constitutionally invalid provision of § 18.2–419 may be severed from the remainder of that statute. "The provisions of statutes in … [the Virginia] Code … which are held invalid shall not affect the validity of other … provisions or applications of this Code which can be given effect without the invalid provisions or applications." The test to determine the severability of an invalid portion of a statute from the remainder of the statute is whether or not the General Assembly would have passed the statute if it had been presented with the invalid portion removed.
There is no constitutional proscription against the blanket prohibition of residential picketing…. Frisby v. Schultz (1988) ….
In its statement of legislative intent, the General Assembly expressly declared "that the practice of picketing before or about residences and dwelling places causes emotional disturbance and distress … [and] has as its object the harrassing of such occupants; and without resort to such practice, full opportunity exists … for the exercise of freedom of speech." Based on the above, it is my opinion that the General Assembly would have enacted current § 18.2–419 without the provision that I conclude violates the equal protection clause …. It is further my opinion, therefore, that the phrase "the picketing in any lawful manner, during a labor dispute, of the place of employment involved in such labor dispute" in § 18.2–419 is severable from the remainder of this statute and that § 18.2–419 may be enforced without the provision quoted above.
Such striking down of content-based exceptions has been done on occasion (see, in the federal system, Barr v. American Ass'n of Political Consultants (2020)). Still, it's pretty rare, since it would effectively criminalize behavior (labor picketing) that the legislature deliberately chose not to criminalize. Indeed, in a 1995 case, a Virginia trial court refused to do that with regard to this very statute (and expressly rejected the Virginia AG's opinion I quote above):
In this case, if the court were to sever the labor exception …, what would remain would be a blanket prohibition on picketing in residential areas…. [This] is clearly not what the legislature intended when it enacted this statute. The intent of the legislature is clear: it wanted labor picketing to be allowed in residential areas, and it wanted picketing in front of a construction site to be allowed in residential areas. By removing those exceptions, this court would negate the expressed will of the legislature.
As a corollary to that, as defendants correctly point out, this court would be creating crimes that do not otherwise exist: the crimes of picketing residences that are also places of employment or construction sites. That is not a proper judicial function. The decision whether to ban picketing in such areas is "more appropriately made by a legislative body and not a court." See Hueblein, Inc. v. Alcoholic Beverage Control Dept., 237 Va. 192, 201 (1989).
The Commonwealth urges the court to conclude based on the legislative declaration of policy found in Code of Virginia § 18.2–418 that the Legislature would have enacted this statute even without the exceptions stated in the second paragraph. It is true that § 18.2–418 contains a clear expression of the high value that the Legislature places on the right to peace and tranquility within one's own home. But equally clear is the expression in § 18.2–419 of the high value the Legislature places on the right to engage in picketing related to labor disputes and construction projects. It is not possible for this court to know which of the two values the Legislature holds in higher esteem. Only the Legislature may make the determination of whether the right to peace and tranquility in the home is so important that it justifies banning labor and construction picketing in residential areas, or whether labor and construction picketing is so valuable it justifies permitting picketing in all residential areas.
(The case is Commonwealth v. Hyatt, which also happened to involve anti-abortion picketing, but again wasn't limited to that.)
And the Maryland high court in State v. Schuller (Md. 1977) expressly held that a labor picketing exception from a similar residential picketing statute was not severable:
The General Assembly clearly intended that those who engage in residential picketing in connection with a labor dispute should not be guilty of a criminal offense. A holding that the residential picketing provisions are severable would extend the statutory prohibition to a class which was intended to be excepted. Nothing in the statute suggests that the Legislature would have intended this result. Consequently, the residential picketing provisions of the act are not severable and are invalid under the Equal Protection Clause.
So the Virginia AG's opinion does show that there's some doubt here; but on balance, I think it would still be hard to persuade Virginia courts that the unconstitutional content discrimination in the residential picketing statute can be cured by severing the labor picketing exception.
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These types of demonstrations are leading us on the path to where a Justice is going to be seriously hurt or killed.
Seems unlikely to be any more dangerous than the boorish activity regularly conducted near abortion clinics. If enough people are in the area, it might disincline serious criminal activity (too many prospective witnesses).
I know, Peoples praying, reading (Admittedly about a Surpreme Being I don't recognize (as I get closer to the inevitable Moral Coil, reconsidering, OK if Hey-Zeus IS the "Way" and I'm not onboard, get Eternity with Joy Bay-har, if He's NOT, I'm just more food for the worms)
asking Wimmin's not to "Kill their Babies" (Must really be a "Baby" if that disturbs people)
and "Reverend" "Arthur L. Kirkland" can you just come out of the Closet Already?? (do you have a Closet at https://www.cor.pa.gov/Facilities/StatePrisons/Pages/Greene.aspx????)
We know you're really Gerald Arthur Sandusky (born January 26, 1944) is an American retired college football coach and convicted serial child molester.
So, what happened in that 0-79 Sugar Bowl vs Bama (I know you lost, had you just buggered the Nose Guard during a time out?)
Frank "Bitter, Klinging, but way above your league"
See? Christian Front Televangelists and Silver Shirt brainwashees play a long game, the way Pat Robertson, Jimmy Swaggart and Tammy 'n Jim have urged since the Radio Priest quit broadcasting. The LP, and evidently even NARAL were completely unprepared for mindless fanatical Trojan cavalry and anarchist saboteurs urged on by screeching Trumpanzees.
Bravo! Nothing frightens a War On Women lynch mob like the idea of losing clinic stalking, shooting and arson privileges!
When the Democrat FBI & DOJ whitewashed that Democrat literally shooting Republic Congressmen at that baseball game, you knew it was just a matter of time.
Till what? Bag limits?
"Whitewashed."
Or a "Woke" Ashli Babbitt, Just wait until a (White) US Marshall shoots a (Black) "Protestor" they won't call her an "Insurrectionist" or mention "18 U.S. Code § 115 - Influencing, impeding, or retaliating against a Federal official by threatening or injuring a family member"
You Goddamn/Motherfucking/ShitKicking know that Sleepy Joe will "Comfort" at the Offender's Wake, while the US Marshall, only doing his job, gets held without Bail, loses his job, and at best gets 30+ years like the Cop in Minn-A-Soda who had the misfortune to show up at Floyd George's Fentanyl overdose....
Frank "Sleepy 0-24! lets get ready for DOW 20K!!!!!"
Sir,
This isn’t a Wendy’s.
Frankie here needs the 5-gallon Extra Large container of Dr Trump's Butthurt salve and a wet mop on aisle 4; poor baybee!
Seems like the severability approach wouldn’t work if someone were actually charged with a violation. I don’t think a court can retroactively sever the offending provision.
It would also have to be done by a court of last resort. It wouldn’t make sense if a trial court tried to cure the problem by severing the exception for labor picketing.
So how would a trial court handle the issue?
It’s interesting trying to catalog the activities that be covered by the difference
Examples that come to mind quickly include:
1. Housekeepers, gardeners, etc. picketing the homeowners.
2. A home-based business or mixed home/office.
It seems that situations where places of residence are also places of employment wouldn’t be common. But an increasingly affluent upperclass, prevalence of home based businesses, and vocal service-level labor force may well make such events more likely. As I understand it, striking down the exception would make them illegal in Virginia, making employees who work in people’s homes, unlike other kinds of workers, unable to picket.
Wouldn't a house construction site qualify? If the construction workers were protesting their employer's practices while they were in the middle of building a McMansion in an existing suburb that might meet the carve-out. Or even building a deck, sun room, whatever.
The statute refers to “the residence or dwelling place of any individual.” If it’s a new house construction and nobody’s moved in, that wouldn’t appear to qualify. But if somebody’s house is being remodeled and they are living there, it would appear that it would, perhaps also for a temporary move out during construction.
It’s interesting how equal protection depends on who one is comparing to.
If home remodeling workers,cleaning service workers, housekeepers, butlers and valets, etc. sue and claim that everybody else gets to picket their job site when they go on strike but they can’t, and they are being unfairly singled out, why wouldn’t they have an equal protection claim?
One could imagine a Supreme Court issuing a sequence of rulings analagous to the Griswold/Eisenstadt sequence except in favor of state power rather than individual rights.
First, it rules that the state can prohibit residential picketing because of the special nature of residences.
Next, it rules that distinguishing between residential and non-residential picketing is irrational.
And voila! Not only can the state ban all picketing, it must ban all picketing if it wants to ban any.
What was particularly pernicious about the Griswold/Eisenstadt sequence was that Griswold had ruled that marriage was exceptionally special, and its supposed specialness was the whole basis of the ruling. And then Eisentstadt turned around and said not only is there no specialness whatsoever, making a distinction between marriage and non-marriage is irrational. That’s climbing a ladder and not just kicking it out from under you, it’s insisting the ladder never existed and anyone who says there was one is crazy. How did you get up there? If Griswold had no basis, if its purported basis was in fact irrational, shouldn’t it have been overruled, not extended?
It seems to me the Griswold/Eisenstadt seewuences makes it open to the court to declare outlawing all picketing constitutional, indeed to require outlawing all picketing if it wants to outlaw any. All the court has to do is declare that it’s completely irrational to distinguish between residential and non-residential, and voila.
With a power to declare what the constitution supposedly thinks is rational and irrational based solely on a bare majority of justices’ own personal say-so, completely disconnected from any evidence of what anybody outside the court majority might think about the subject, really all you need to do to declare a distinction an Equal Protection violation is the ability to count to five.
I'm not sure that's even a constitutional route to go. The legislature exempted labor picketing, fair enough. The court could throw out the whole law. But it should not be able to strike that clause, bringing labor picketing under the ban.
The legislature did not approve any law banning labor picketing, and the judicial branch sure as holy hell has no power to create such.
"But...but...but any exemption severing would imply the entire law has to go, because the courts cannot add a class of people the legislature never approved!"
And?
Reminder: The courts don't really 'strike down' laws, or remove them from the list of legislation. They find that they're contrary to the Constitution, and thus their judicial oaths preclude upholding them.
But if they 'strike down' exclusion of labor protests, this doesn't involve them refusing to uphold a law, this involves them demanding that the police and prosecutors actively enforce one, and one the legislature did NOT enact.
It just doesn't fit with the rationale behind judicial review.
Another rousing meeting of Libertarians For Big-Government Censorship Of Certain Ideas, convened by the faux libertarians' leader.
As I suspected, Kirkland can't read.
TherOnners need only hire Army of God doctor snipers and clinic arsonists not otherwise occupied in hunting down pregnant slaves attempting to flee across State Lines. If a few turn out overzealous suppressers of dissent in their pursuit of faith-based virtue, the Suprema Corte can enact the Libertarian Party's 2020 vigilante murderers plank the way the earlier court enacted the 1972 Libertarian population plank (plus socialized medicine) into Roe. Ya can't enforce a coercive law without killing a few scofflaws.