The Volokh Conspiracy
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Iowa S. Ct. Overrules Decision Subjecting Abortion Restrictions to Strict Scrutiny Under Iowa Constitution
The Court doesn't decide whether that means they are subject to an "undue burden" test (as under Planned Parenthood v. Casey) or whether there is no right to abortion under the state constitution.
From today's decision in Planned Parenthood of the Heartland v. Reynolds (which will presumably now be PPH III):
In Planned Parenthood of the Heartland v. Reynolds (PPH II) (Iowa 2018), we confronted a mandatory 72-hour waiting period for abortion that the legislature had enacted in 2017…. [W]e rejected the undue burden test. Instead, we found that the Iowa Constitution—specifically, the due process clause—protected abortion as a fundamental right. We determined that the waiting period could not survive strict scrutiny under that test and struck it down as unconstitutional….
[We] overrule PPH II, and thus reject the proposition that there is a fundamental right to an abortion in Iowa's Constitution subjecting abortion regulation to strict scrutiny, we do not at this time decide what constitutional standard should replace it. As noted, in PPH I [in 2015], we applied the undue burden test under our constitution when the State conceded that it applied. An amicus curiae argues that we should hold that the rational basis test applies to abortion regulations. But the State takes no such position; it simply asks that PPH II be overruled and stops there….
In addition, we are not blind to the fact that an important abortion case is now pending in the United States Supreme Court. See Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Org…. While we zealously guard our ability to interpret the Iowa Constitution independently of the Supreme Court's interpretations of the Federal Constitution, the opinion (or opinions) in that case may provide insights that we are currently lacking. Hence, all we hold today is that the Iowa Constitution is not the source of a fundamental right to an abortion necessitating a strict scrutiny standard of review for regulations affecting that right. For now, this means that the Casey undue burden test we applied in PPH I remains the governing standard. On remand, the parties should marshal and present evidence under that test, although the legal standard may also be litigated further.
This accurately summarizes the bottom-line outcome of the case, but note the split in the opinions:
- The lead opinion, written by Justice Edward Mansfield, joined in relevant part by Justices Thomas Waterman and Dana Oxley, fully endorse that result.
- Justices Matthew McDermott and Christopher McDonald, would have rejected any heightened scrutiny (including the "undue burden" test) for abortion restrictions.
- Chief Justice Susan Christensen and by Justice Brent Appel would have preserved strict scrutiny (Christensen as a matter of stare decisis, and Appel, the only Justice on the court who was in the 2018 PPH II majority, on the merits).
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Hasn't anyone heard of birth control?
The "perfect use" failure rate for various forms of birth control is about 1%. That may seem small, but it is a lot of unwanted pregnancies.
Your 1% failure rate translated to 930,000 abortions in 2020.
I'm not so great at math but that doesn't seem right.
What exactly does not seem right? Is the abortion rate too high or too low in your view?
The 1% failure rate -- for "perfect use" -- could translate into 1 unintentional pregnancy for every 100 acts of intercourse a fertile woman has. That could mean 1 unintended pregnancy every year for every woman who engages in sex twice a week, and if so the abortion rate you cite would be very low. The complications in such calculations are numerous, of course -- spontaneous miscarriages, for example, are more common than people realize -- and these days a woman has access to more forms of contraception that can be a backup if she suspects that her standard birth control has failed.
My point was that the blithe question "Hasn't anyone heard of birth control?" appears to embed the unspoken assumption that abortion would be unnecessary if people were simply more careful -- and that such an assumption is false.
Contraceptive failure rates are normally measured per year, not per act of intercourse. See, for example, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3638203/ .
Thanks for making that explicit. It still leaves me wondering if Mr. Bumble felt that the number of abortions per year was high or low. My original point also remains: there is a not-insignificant number of pregnancies that result from even "perfect use" of contraception.
Well, back of the napkin, 930k abortions over ~65M total fertile women is about 1.5%. Now derate for at least (1) those not having sex at all (~30%); (2) those wanting to get pregnant (~6%); (3) those already pregnant/recently delivered (~6%); and (4) those who decide to continue an unintended pregnancy (~3%). Again, back of the napkin, that spreads the 930k abortions over a maximum of 35M women, or at least a 3% average failure rate.
In practical terms, that means you have a good chunk of high-failure rate birth control (or none at all) dragging down your 1% rate (which I gather is already an average, since hormone-based birth control failure rates are all well under 1% when used correctly). So 930k does sound high.
Napkin math is good. But the last data on abortions in the U.S. indicate that there were 625,346 abortions in the U.S. in 2019 --
https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2022/05/27/what-the-data-says-about-abortion-in-the-u-s/
(though 3 states do not report abortion figures.....)
That data also report a rate of 11.4 abortions per 1000 women aged 15 to 44. That is slightly above a contraceptive perfect use figure of 1% (which would be 10 annual failures for every 1000 women). It's all complicated by the fact that some women will chose to carry an unplanned pregnancy to term; there's a whole lot of imperfect contraception use, etc.
Again, my original point was that it is naive to assume that contraception use -- even perfect use -- would eliminate unwanted pregnancies and a demand for abortion. That point remains.
Kansas SCt did that shit too where they found a right to abortion hidden deep in the state constitution.
Unlike Iowa we didn't get better justices, but at least we got an amendment coming up for vote in August.
Yeah! Waiting periods are unconstitutional! To say nothing of outright bans!
Wait. Are we talking abortions or guns?
Which part of the Constitution covers abortions? Stop conflating an enumerated right with Supreme Court penumbras.
Until you've at least finished primary school, I'd suggest you keep quiet.
We've all seen (on this page, even) the pinnacle of your ability to think.
"Hasn't anyone heard of birth control?"
Ad hominen response when you can't or won't answer the question.
It's cute that you believe you're worth anything more than that, particularly when asking a question covered in every 1L across the country.
How's that culture war goin', Rev?
STATES RANKED BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
(including territories; 52 jurisdictions ranked)
COLLEGE DEGREE
Iowa 38
ADVANCED DEGREE
Iowa 43
STATES RANKED BY WHITE POPULATION
Iowa 7
STATES RANKED BY HAYSEEDS
Iowa 5
Carry on dohtard.
News flash Rev: Getting a "college degree" today in most cases makes you more stupid and more ignorant.
So having fewer people who've been indoctrinated by left wing losers is a win, not a loss
Chief Justice Susan Christensen and by Justice Brent Appel would have preserved strict scrutiny (Christensen as a matter of stare decisis, and Appel, the only Justice on the court who was in the 2018 PPH II majority, on the merits).
So, now that the decision has been overturned, Chief Justice Susan Christensen of course supports the new decision on "stare decisis grounds". Right?
In general, state and federal, if stopping a beating heart does not need strict scrutiny, what does?