The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Roberts Can Still Write
My criticism of the Chief Justice is virtually unflagging, but I must give credit where it's due: Roberts is still the strongest writer on the Court. Look no further than his self-assigned majority opinion in FEC v. Cruz.
A paragraph on page 7 begins:
These arguments have an Alice in Wonderland air about them, with the Government arguing that appellees would not violate the statute by repaying Cruz, and the appellees arguing that they would. But this case has unfolded in an unusual way.
Three paragraphs later, on the bottom of page 8, Roberts pays off the Alice reference:
But we need not go further down this rabbit hole.
Perfection.
The best standup routines will often include a joke at the beginning that establishes a theme. The comic will revisit that theme throughout the set. And then, for the very last line, he will come back to the opining theme to a standing ovation. This sort of delivery requires skill, patience, and craft.
Today, judges often attempt humor with one-liners and zingers that are over as soon as they begin. These barbs seldom leave a mark but often miss the mark. In Cruz, the Chief plants the seed, builds up to it, then pays it off subtly. You know some thought went into this argument. Well done. (One of the reasons why I am so hard on Roberts's jurisprudential sophistry is because I know he knows better.)
Then, from rabbit holes to mouse holes, we get this line from Justice Gorsuch's dissent in Patel v. Garland:
Often this Court rejects as implausible statutory interpretations that seek to squeeze elephants into mouse holes. See, e.g., Whitman v. American Trucking Assns., Inc., 531 U. S. 457, 468 (2001). Today's interpretation seeks to cram a veritable legislative zoo into one clause of one subparagraph of one subsection of our Nation's vast immigration laws.
Unsolicited advice for West Virginia v. EPA: retire all future analogies about mouse holes. Justice Scalia penned a classic line twenty years ago. Now we're just beating a dead elephant.
Finally, Justice Kagan's dissent in FEC v. Cruz missed an obvious, and inappropriate joke:
By contrast, when a campaign uses a donation to repay the candidate's loan, every dollar given goes straight into the candidate's pocket. With each such contribution, his assets increase; he can now buy a car or make tuition payments or join a country club—all with his donors' dollars.
Cruz could have bought a return plane ticket from Cancun!
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FEC vs. Cruz should have been 9-0.
It’s the first amendment versus government handwaving about the notion of the implication of possible corruption. Three justices chose the latter. Fundamental rights are never safe from justices like that.
Agree, wholeheartedly. Thanks.
Any legal utterance with a readability score above the 6th grade is void. It fails to give notice to the usual defendants.
Yes. Who could look at Washington and possibly be concerned about corruption? What's that, 'drain the swamp'?
If it were corruption, you might be a tiny bit closer to having a point. It’s nowhere near corruption.
Three justices simply don’t care to protect fundamental rights.
What is Kagan unclear on?
It's repaying a loan. It's money owed. It's money which was loaned and unavailable for spending until repaid. If the candidate had not loaned the money, he could have bought the car or paid off his tuition bills or joined the country club sooner.
Has she never loaned or borrowed money?
Kagan's apparent inability to understand the fungibility of money jumped out at me, too, though my mental framing was a bit different.
In the scenario under debate, the candidate is out the money regardless. Kagan says that this will create an incentive for the candidate to solicit post-campaign donations so he can be repaid and that will create a quid pro quo risk. What Kagan misses is that not allowing the campaign to solicit those donations will just incent the candidate to solicit those donations through other channels instead. The rule had no possible effect on the quid pro quo risk.
Progessives, collectivists, statists, of all stripes, have a really hard time understanding money. They think it is evil and corrupting, that it has no value, that is is entirely distinct from happiness or being contented or feeling secure, that money today is the same as money tomorrow .... sorry, I have run out of comparisons. They put all their effort into denigrating it, stealing it, spending it, and cannot understand that money means nothing except access to resources, as some economist (Don Boudreaux?) said. It's just ... money! They complexify it out of all reason, for no reason, and come up with Marxism, Magical Monetary Theory, and a zillion other twisted philosophies, all trying to add complexity in a vain hope of making sense of something that is only incomprehensible because they have complexified it.
That's a lot to words to say that I am doing to their philosophy what they are doing to money: over-complexifying it. They are just greedy for power, and I am overthinking it.
Why do you do this? You Psychoanalyzing your political opposition is just going to be about you, not them.
But then, you start by lumping a bunch of ideologies together as collectivists so I can tell where your head is.
Sorry to bore you so much in the first paragraph that you jumped to REPLY without reading the second paragraph. My bad. I will try to remember your short attention span in the future.
(and since you don't read my second paragraphs ... NOT)
I read the whole strawmanning screed, have no worries there.
That's a lot to words to say...
that you don't know wtf you are talking about.
It’s hard for rich kids to understand money. They never had to worry about not having it or work hard to earn it. It’s just always there.
And it buys fancy educations, tutors, then fancy credentials and eventually access to good jobs that pay well. More money without lots of hard work or producing much tangible value.
Like Trump?
Like all the conservative and libertarian billionaires?
Don't essentialize demographics like that - partisanship cuts across class, and both libertarians and collectivists can be ignorant about resources.
Trump didn’t coast into the Presidency or build his company on an education credential any more than Bill Gates built Microsoft that way. So no, not at all like Trump or any billionaires.
Not even a good deflection. Grade: C-
education credential
Well, that's a pivot.
But back to your original post, I'd like to ask you - You think Trump understands money like someone who has had to work for it?
I don't have any opinion on whether Trump understands money or not. You guys are the ones obsessed with Trump.
You appear to be making a statement following on from Alphabet's ridiculous liberal strawman. And yet your statement is more about really wealthy people, who as Trump exemplifies, are not particularly liberal.
These particular funds are not as fungible as all that.
Note that the donation in question is made after the election, not during the campaign. It does nothing to help the candidate's speech.
So in effect it's, "Since you won, here is some money." Sure sounds like a bribe to me. Kagan in fact cited several examples of post-election contributions that seem to have been effectively bribes.
Note there is nothing to prevent the donors from making the donations to pay off the debt before they know the results.
Do you not even see the problem here?
Oh, I see the problem. What Kagan (and apparently you) miss is that this law isn't and mathematically can't be the solution to that problem.
Gotta give props to William Hubbs Rehnquist. My favorite Rehnquist quotation was "no judge ever complained a brief was too short".
As soon as I saw Roberts wrote on page 7...... page 8 I was reminded the old chief actually had one page decisions.
Pithy is appealing but comprehensive rules.
" I was reminded the old chief actually had one page decisions. "
Brevity becomes compelling when you need that fix.
Referring to strange situations by invoking Alice and Wonderland is a cliche, as is the phrase about rabbit holes, so I don't exactly consider Roberts' joining of two cliches to be a mark of great writing.
Exactly.
It's not clever. It's trite and unimaginative.
Why Josh thinks it's great writing is a mystery, unless he has decided to suck up to Roberts, which is sort of silly on lots of counts.
It is downright banal.
Take Judge Roberts, Please!!
Going down what?
Rabbits and their holes are over-belabored. Couldn't he at least, for the sake of biodiversity in metaphorical burrowing, have summoned a hedgehog, ground squirrel, or a mole? Mole of molehill fame? Timely too, the latter, what with the urge to make a mountain out of the draft opinion leaker in the nest.
Alternatively, wormholes anyone?
If money is speech, then the First Amendment prohibits bribery laws. That’s the necessary implication of the equivalence.
How it could be otherwise? A constituent speaks to a politician. The politician uses his office to do something for the constituent. How could that not be protected by the First Amendment? And when constitutents disagree about a policy, why shouldn’t the politician vote for the position of the constituents who speak to him the most? It’s ordinary First Amendment protected political activity. The whole idea that there’s anything wrong with it is inimical to the Constitutikn’s core values.
Begin down the road of regarding the two as equivalent, and that’s where it inevitably leads. And as the Cruz case makes clear, we are now quite a long way down the road.
That's what I always say when progressives complain about Citizens United. It's the wrong case to worry about. Of course corporations have free speech rights. Where it went wrong is Buckley v. Valeo.
Of course, money isn't speech, that's a strawman used by people who want to be use money as a too for censorship.
Money spent on speech is speech, roughly speaking. If you regulate what people can spend being heard, and do it contingent on the content of the speech, you're regulating speech. Just as much as you'd be regulating publishing if you regulated money spent on buying paper and ink, but contingent on what was printed on the paper.
So, if somebody can publish a copy of Outlaws of Gor, and you ignore them, but if they publish a book of "Vote for Bob!", and you limit what they can spend, it's no use pretending that you're just regulating money. No, you're regulating "Vote for Bob!".
And everybody knows it, no matter how many times you pretend this means money is speech, and propose crazy implications of your inability to censor the speech it pays for.
Brett is Bretting hard straight out of the gate today. Fantastic.
[Insert “Statler and Waldorf laughing gif” here.]
Outlaws of Gor. Out of all the books you could have used as an example....
It was as far from political speech as I could imagine.
If ReaderY actually wanted to understand better, they might approach it as something akin to "money is the press". Government can't stop you from speaking, but also government can't stop you from using your resources to expand the scope of your speech. In other words, money isn't speech, money facilitates speech.
And, as I point out, if your regulation of the money hinges on the content of the expression it buys, it's no use pretending you're not regulating the expression.
Which makes campaign regulations on political spending a loser right out of the starting gate, because just making it about political spending makes the regulation a regulation of content.
What speech does a post-election contribution, contingent on victory, facilitate.
Only that which directs favors to the donor.
Reader Y brought up the whole "Money is speech" thing, which isn't about donations to candidates, it's about spending on political advertising. CU wasn't donating squat to any candidate.
I don't understand Kagan's argument. When a loan is repaid, the payee's assets do not increase at all: he merely converts one asset (a receivable) to another (cash). Admittedly, cash is more useful for paying tuition than receivables, but it is not more of an asset.
What about the interest on the loan? Any rules allowed to limit that?
Limits on interest rates would be easily defensible, because high interest rates make it easy to circumvent personal-expense limits. Whether Congress or the FEC has created such limits is a good question.
Loans from banks to the campaign are allowed to have commercially reasonable interest rates, as are loans from the campaign. I did not find any rule allowing interest payments for personal loans to the campaign.
When a loan is repaid, the payee's assets do not increase at all: he merely converts one asset (a receivable) to another (cash).
This is true only insofar as the loan was always certain to be repaid. In this case there is considerable risk it will not be repaid if the candidate loses. So Kagan is correct.
Clear now?
Kagan is either a cynical hack or an idiot.
Both is not beyond the realm of possibility.
But she is not gullible enough to be superstitious or depraved enough to be an old-timey bigot, so her ideas will prevail over time and she is on the right side of history and the winning side of the culture war.
"restricted a candidate’s speech on behalf of his own candidacy" doesn't track for me.
Money is speech - can't burden self-donation. Not a fan of Buckley, but that tracks. But personal loans are also speech, to be paid back by donations to the candidate at a later date?
Doesn't that seem like a stretch? Who is speaking there, and when? It's the candidate at the time of the loan AND donors later on?
I came around on CU, maybe I'll come around on this. But those just declaring this is clearly right aren't convincing me yet.
But those just declaring this is clearly right aren't convincing me yet.
Decisions are "clearly right" when it is your side in the majority with a result that would at least seem to benefit your side. What more convincing do you need?
The problem with the law is that it mandates particular -- and peculiar -- treatment of loans from the candidate. As the Court wrote, "Restricting the sources of funds that campaigns may use to repay candidate loans increases the risk that such loans will not be repaid in full, which, in turn, deters candidates from loaning money to their campaigns. This burden is no small matter." And it goes on to note that the regulation does not further a permissible goal, because there are separate rules to protect against quid-pro-quo corruption, and the government has not shown a single case, or even legislative findings, of corruption due to this kind of loan repayment.
Deterring candidates loaning money to their campaigns is deterring whose speech?
It's not deterring the candidate from donating to their own campaign. It's not deterring donors.
I'm also not buying that this is redundant with other anti-corruption regulations. But the benefit being insufficient is less my issue right now. My current confusion is about the cost to speech here.
Sarc I feel like the answer is it's deterring the loan. And a loan is the only way a lot of campaigns can ever get off the ground and engage in the campaign, which is itself speech ("please elect me").
OK...I think I see my disconnect.
You laid out a functional argument why a loan must be speech - because otherwise ballot access is too restricted. Which doesn't sound like a speech rights argument to me.
But this is clarifying things. I'm not sure I see why a loan is money is speech in the exact same way a direct donation is.
Oy, the speech supporting your own campaign also makes my antennae stand up.
Everyone knows a candidate supports their own campaign...the resources money affords is really not like other speech.
But that may just be my Buckley skepticism kicking.
So I've got three nits - loans are speech; self-financing of all kinds is speech; and there is no compelling interest here because existing bribery laws are sufficient, and this reg is redundant to them.
Sarc I feel like the answer is it's deterring the loan.
Which should deterred. A loan whose repayment depends on winning the election is not an ordinary loan. If the candidate has the money to lend he has the money to contribute. And if the donor wants to donate to the campaign, rather than pay a bribe, he can do so before the election.
You should always be suspicious about loans to campaigns. If they're from somebody other than the candidate, because candidates make absolutely lousy debtors. (Which is why political vendors typically demand cash up front.) The loan is probably just a disguised donation, expected to be defaulted on.
If the loan is from the candidate, you have to ask why they don't just make it a donation. Because it's early in the campaign and they expect to catch fire is about the only legitimate reason, and it's still not a great reason.
I'm of the opinion that regulation of donations directly to candidates is somewhat more legitimate than regulation of political spending, though if at the federal level I wonder about the enumerated powers basis; Congress has "time, place, and manner' authority over elections, but campaigns are not elections, they're speech concerning elections. The 1st amendment issues are tremendous on the spending side.
On the funding side, and at the federal level, it's generally just an enumerated powers issue. It's not even that at the state level.
It's only an issue at all because the government created a somewhat arbitrary distinction between campaign money and personal money.
BTW, it's also the reason Trump was in trouble about Stormy Daniels. It's perfectly legal for an ordinary person to give $25K to his angry ex-mistress to get her to quiet down and go away. But if you're a candidate, it's either (a) illegally spending personal funds on a campaign, or (b) illegally spending campaign funds on a personal issue.
Huh.
It seems like a natural distinction to me - donors are donating to the candidate not the person.
Or they are if they aren't bribing the candidate.
What sort of regulatory regime would you instantiate if you could?
Complete free-for-all of money to persons running for office via any method at any time seems a bit extreme, but I am also aware of what website I'm on LOL.
I'd say preventing the government from controlling political speech outweighs almost every other consideration.
So, yeah, the only thing I would restrict is cases that satisfy all three of the following conditions:
(1) Quid pro quo
(2) Explicitly communicated before the fact
(3) The quo must be a benefit narrowly targeting exclusively the donor, or a group so small that other beneficiaries are purely accidental.
Example:
I'm fine with a road contractor explicitly tying his donation to a vote for increased transportation spending.
I'm not fine with a road contractor explicitly tying his donation to being awarded a particular contract.
And the contractor making his donation the day after the election rather than the day before, and then getting the contract, doesn't stink to you?
I would say it's reason to open an investigation, and if the investigation finds probable cause on each and every one of the three elements I mentioned, specifically including pre-arrangement, it could go to trial.
I'm not going to put someone in prison because after getting a bump in her social security she donated to the party that enacted it.
I'm not going to put Boeing engineers in prison because after Boeing got a big contract, and they all got raises and bonuses as a result, they were inclined to donate to the party that was in charge.
More generally, I'm not in favor of banning innocent activity on the chance that it might be corrupt. The presumption of innocence is more important that prevention of bribery. It's infinitely more important than appeasing some irrational obsession with the dirtiness of money, profit, and wealth.
Freedom of speech - specifically including richly resourced and funded speech that can reach millions of listeners effectively - is also important than preventing bribery.
And finally, I also believe that the motivation for campaign fiannce laws is about 75% naked political advantage, 23% an illegitimate desire to "level the playing field", and 2% sincere concern about bribery. (Those are estimates. Don't ask for an effing citation.)
" But if you're a candidate, it's either (a) illegally spending personal funds on a campaign, or (b) illegally spending campaign funds on a personal issue."
Four combinations:
1) Personal money, protecting personal rep. Legal
2) Personal money, protecting political rep. Unreported campaign expenditure.
3) Campaign money, protecting personal rep. Misuse of campaign funds.
4) Campaign money, protecting political rep. Unreported campaign expenditure.
The problem for Trump's attackers is that it appears to have been case #1.
Pretty sure facts have established Trump doesn't much care about his personal rep outside his particular campaign demographic.
You're correct, but someone fond of shouting "the personal is the political" would be unable to understand those distinctions.
And to be fair, the personal and the political aren't cleanly separated and can't ever be. Voters can, do, and should take politicians personal reputations into account when deciding how to vote. The entire FEC system of distinguishing campaign spending from ordinary spending is based on unrealistic premises that deny reality: in real life money is largely fungible, in real life candidates get evaluated politically on their personal live, in real life non-wealthy candidates need to eat and continue paying their mortgage while full-time campaigning. And then when reality makes things not work out, the regulators want more regulations with the sole purpose of making it easier for them to classify expenditures.
Does anyone really believe paying or not paying Stormy Daniels would have an impact on public policy, or create some conflict of interest we need to care about? No. It was about a transaction not fitting into an artificial and poorly thought out classification scheme.
I'd favor tossing the whole system and going to just saying bribery is illegal. In a case like Stormy Daniels, you'd need to show how that particular transaction led to a particular misuse of government authority. Not some vague things about the generalized cumulative effects.
Thanks for engaging btw. I really am seeking to understand; I said some foolish stuff right after CU so I'm trying to be pretty careful in my conclusion-drawing here, and not just asking questions to be a dick.
To be fair, the administration said some foolish stuff right during CU, which is part of why they lost so badly.
The claim that yes, the government could ban spending money to print up a few pamphlets, was the most foolish.
I still hope it was just a case of Kagan believing she had a professional obligation to say it, rather than her sincerely believing it.
Actually, it was Deputy Solicitor General Malcolm Stewart who claimed the power to ban books, which got the Court's dander up. After that, there was nothing to do but stomp that idea with hob nail boots.
Kagan partially backed down on that. But, no, I think she did actually believe that they could ban political pamphlets; That the 1st amendment goes away in a very wide range of circumstances is, horribly, a common belief on the left.
Kagan's position.
Candy Date lends her campaign $1mm. The campaign spends $1mm and Candy wins. Candy would like to be repaid the $1m loan. Candy approaches some donors with a promise of favours - unspecified - if they donate $1mm. They do so.
She gets her money repaid, but now she owes favours to donors - and Kagan knows that Roberts doesn't believe it's bribery unless you can find a concrete and explicit quid pro quo.
So yes, Candy is just getting her own money repaid, but the possibility of corruption is staggeringly self-evident. Kagan knows this - as of course do the majority but they pretend they don't.
Maybe Ginni Thomas has a side gig in financing campaigns that this ruling benefits?
How is the corruption any higher in your example than in the situation where Candy simply solicits $1mm in donations up front?
The corruption is higher when made after the election because now the donor knows that the candidate actually won and is in a position to deliver on the promises. That may seem like a small difference, but I think it is a crucial one.
It also makes it more tenuous to argue that donating money to a campaign is facilitating campaign speech, as the campaign is over.
Maybe these criticisms can be overcome, but I would argue that simply dismissing them out of hand is not valid.
Now continue your analysis. Candy's campaign if forbidden from repaying the loan. Candy is still out the $1mm that she gave to the campaign, only now it's categorized as a "donation"
instead of a loan. She has precisely the same incentives to approach donors with the same promise of unspecified favors. This repayment rule makes no difference to that possibility of corruption.
The contributions are already capped at $2900 per election cycle in order to prevent the type of corruption you are theorizing.
The real issue is that Candy couldn't have won the election without the 1m loan, which protects the incumbent who is better able to raise the money he needs to win. That's an even greater evil.
Wait’ll you hear about PACs and dark money…
Except what you describe is already illegal. Trading the favor for the money - REGARDLESS OF THE SOURCE, is illegal. What you propose as a "problem" is just as problematic for ordinary ole campaign donations too - somebody might just condition or expect a favor because of their direct campaign donation.
Specifically, SRG, donations are capped at $2,900 anyway, whether they are made before or after the election
The real issue is that Candy couldn't have won the election without the 1m loan, which protects the incumbent who is better able to raise the money he needs to win. That's an even greater evil.
Ted Cruz was the incumbent for the campaign where the donations at issue in this case were made. So that argument kind of falls flat here.
I would agree that in most cases, there wouldn't be anything more corrupting than campaign donations already are in this. It is the other cases that I would worry about though. What about candidates that loan their campaigns money and charge interest? What about candidates that do this even though they are virtually certain to win and have enough money to finish the campaign without the loan?
I think that the response from Congress should be to set limits on the amount of interest (or just forbid interest at all) when candidates loan their campaigns their own money. I don't see how the Majority here could find a way to rule against that. I don't expect that to actually happen though, as the Republican leadership seems to want campaign cash to be a total free for all, with nothing short of explicit bribery illegal. And even then, the donor and candidate would have to be dumb enough to communicate the intent in a way that could be used as evidence against them.
"the Republican leadership seems to want campaign cash to be a total free for all, with nothing short of explicit bribery illegal."
Sounds good to me. I think it's a really, really, REALLY bad idea for the government to be issuing rules regulating what people can do in an effort to replace the people currently running the government.
Incumbents have non-financial advantages, and advantages in terms of getting donations up front. Their biggest fear is facing a well financed challenger, one with enough money to neutralize those advantages.
That, by itself, is enough to explain the existence of campaign finance laws.
Cruz doesn't need loans. His challenger might, though.
Ah yes, theory above function.
[Incumbents] biggest fear is facing a well financed challenger, one with enough money to neutralize those advantages
Nowadays, when so much money is sloshing around, sure. But that's also a symptom of the current money in politics free-for-all regime.
Campaign finance is about a lot more than rent seeking.
The reason there's so much money "sloshing around" is two fold:
1) The economy is bigger, so there's more money for EVERYTHING.
but, primarily,
2) The more powerful government gets, the more people care about who takes office, and so the more gets spent influencing elections.
But, remember, the money gets spent on constitutionally protected activities, speech and publishing, and so is explicitly none of the government's business.
Money sloshing around is pretty strongly correlated with superPACs becoming a thing, and web-based small donor fundraising becoming a thing.
I don't buy your two postulated reasons, because the normal growth our GDP and governmental spending is far outstripped by the campaign spending.
"Money sloshing around is pretty strongly correlated with superPACs becoming a thing"
And puddles are correlated with rainstorms, but they don't cause them. The Pacs cause spending the way rivers cause precipitation: They're downstream of it, not upstream.
Most of the increase has been in the area of independent spending, which, 1st amendment again, is properly the least subject to regulation, it's literally people spending their own money to publicly talk about the election!
And most independent spending is defensive, I'd argue. It would greatly diminish if the government was less of a threat to begin with.
And puddles are correlated with rainstorms, but they don't cause them. The Pacs cause spending the way rivers cause precipitation: They're downstream of it, not upstream.
Making it easier to donate makes donations larger. This is not a tricky relationship.
it's literally people spending their own money to publicly talk about the election!
Haha, this kinda shows how weak the money = speech analogy is when taken too far.
Money absolutely implicates speech, but do you see how this sentence doesn't actually track?
most independent spending is defensive, I'd argue. It would greatly diminish if the government was less of a threat to begin with.
Federally, I don't think so, but it's arguable. But certainly not with the radical state legislatures we have nowadays, and those who finance them.
"radical state legislatures "
Indeed in states of all colors.
CA, anyone?
CA and NY are indeed radically leftist, for different reasons and in different ways (NY only recently).
They're absolutely a problem.
But it's the right-wing states that are caused by money in politics. North Carolina, Kansas, Michigan for a while...just blatantly adopted by a billionaire and pushed to the right.
For now, at least, liberal billionaires are more into foundations and influence via grass roots funding than wholesale buying a critical mass of legislators.
Eh, CA lurches radically leftist at times but I'd actually argue it's more lazy-corrupt with leftist populist trappings.
Still an issue though.
And NY's current hostility to landlords is dumb and short-sighted, for those who think me a communist.
Naturally you're going to see more spending in hotly contested states, than in states that have become one party monopolies; Not so much point in spending money where the outcome is certain.
North Carolina and Kansas are hotly contested?
In 2020, North Carolina was the closest state Trump actually carried. 74K votes out of about 5M cast.
So, yeah, hotly contested. Kansas? Not quite so much.
I'm talking about the statehouses though.
Most of these developments are workarounds for various schemes to "get the money out of politics" which are generally partisan.
Partisan how? Most of the bills I know of were bipartisan.
The American People are nonpartisanly suspicious of money going to politicians, seems to me.
Generally to protect incumbents and exclude challengers.
Exactly. Incumbent officeholders AND parties, vs challenger candidates and 3rd parties.
Actual office holders are not total enemies; They're against each other, but they're also united against anyone who'd displace them.
So not actually partisan.
And not actually addressing the real populist demand for campaign finance reform, but rather postulating bad faith and leaving it at that.
Not a Republican, but yes, that sounds about right for exactly the reasons Brett offers. Literally the very last people deciding who gets to speak, who gets to support the people they want in office and how they do that are the government officials themselves.
Of course.
Now, ask yourself, why do "liberals" want that?
Ted Cruz made the loan to his campaign specifically to challenge this law, not because he needed to. That doesn't rebut the principle that restrictions on campaign spending benefit the incumbent.
Why does the argument fall flat?
It applies to challengers same as incumbents, and is more likely to be of use to challengers.
I’ll also note that Beto O’Rourke spent over 70m in that race dwarfing Cruz (and PAC’s) 33.4m.
Cruz made the 260k loan not because it would make a difference in this race but so he could challenge the law. 260k was .25% of total spending in the race.