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Law Requiring Sex Offenders to Report All New Online IDs to Government May Well Violate First Amendment
So holds a federal appellate court.
From today's Second Circuit opinion in Cornelio v. Connecticut, written by Judge Steven Menashi and joined by Judge Dennis Jacobs and District Judge John Cronan:
[Connecticut law requires that] a registered sex offender must notify the DESPP when he creates a new email address, instant messenger address, or other internet communication identifier…. Assuming intermediate scrutiny is the appropriate standard of review, we conclude that the disclosure requirement plausibly fails intermediate scrutiny and therefore Cornelio has stated a First Amendment claim….
[T]he disclosure requirement burdens protected speech and therefore triggers heightened scrutiny….
First, the disclosure requirement burdens a registrant's "ability and willingness to speak on the Internet." The disclosure requirement obliges a registrant to notify the DESPP each time he creates a new "electronic mail address, instant message address or other similar Internet communication identifier." … In addition to the administrative burden that [this] imposes on online communications, any error in compliance can result in a class D felony punishable by up to five years in prison and a $5,000 fine. In this way, the disclosure requirement plausibly deters registrants from engaging in protected online speech.
Second, the disclosure requirement applies specifically to speakers engaged in online communication. The disclosure requirement targets "conduct with a significant expressive element"—the use of communications identifiers—and therefore "has the inevitable effect of singling out those engaged in expressive activity." The disclosure requirement imposes its burdens precisely when a registrant decides to engage in online speech using a communication identifier. That implicates the First Amendment, even if it is possible to distinguish between the identifier and the speech itself. When a law imposes "special obligations" or "special burdens" on those engaged in speech, "some measure of heightened First Amendment scrutiny is demanded."
Third, the disclosure requirement prevents a registrant from speaking anonymously. A speaker's decision "to remain anonymous … is an aspect of the freedom of speech protected by the First Amendment." "Under our Constitution," anonymous speech is "an honorable tradition of advocacy and of dissent." Id. at 357. It "exemplifies the purpose behind the Bill of Rights, and of the First Amendment in particular: to protect unpopular individuals from retaliation—and their ideas from suppression." The First Amendment protects this interest in anonymous speech as much on the internet as in other fora. "Although the Internet is the latest platform for anonymous speech, online speech stands on the same footing as other speech—there is 'no basis for qualifying the level of First Amendment scrutiny that should be applied' to online speech."
The disclosure requirement does not avoid First Amendment scrutiny because the identifiers are disclosed to the government rather than to the general public. Cf. Ams. for Prosperity Found. v. Bonta (2021) ("Our cases have said that disclosure requirements can chill association even if there is no disclosure to the general public."). It is "offensive … to the values protected by the First Amendment" that "a citizen must first inform the government of her desire to speak." Watchtower Bible & Tract Soc'y of N.Y., Inc. v. Village of Stratton (2002)….
The district court determined that the disclosure requirement "is not subject to strict scrutiny but instead to intermediate scrutiny" because the burden on speech "is content-neutral and not impermissibly speaker-based." We need not decide in this appeal whether strict or intermediate scrutiny properly applies. Cornelio does not contest the district court's application of intermediate scrutiny and, because he states a plausible claim even under intermediate scrutiny, the level of scrutiny would not alter our decision. We proceed on the assumption that intermediate scrutiny is the appropriate standard….
The burden of demonstrating that the disclosure requirement satisfies intermediate scrutiny falls on the government. To carry that burden, the government must show that the challenged law "(1) 'advances important governmental interests unrelated to the suppression of free speech' and (2) 'does not burden substantially more speech than necessary to further those interests.'"
To establish that the law advances important governmental interests, the government "must do more than simply posit the existence of the disease sought to be cured. It must demonstrate that the recited harms are real, not merely conjectural, and that the regulation will in fact alleviate these harms in a direct and material way." When "trenching on first amendment interests, even incidentally, the government must be able to adduce either empirical support or at least sound reasoning on behalf of its measures." Therefore, the government cannot rely on "speculation or conjecture." …
The government argues that the disclosure requirement advances important governmental interests in deterring registrants from using the internet (1) to "recruit, groom, entice, or otherwise engage in communications with potential or actual sex abuse victims" and (2) to "engage in the distribution or exchange of prohibited sexual images." Assuming that these interests in deterrence are important and legitimate as well as genuine, nothing in the record demonstrates that the disclosure requirement advances these interests in a "direct and material way," or provides more than "ineffective or remote support" for these objectives.
With no evidence demonstrating that the disclosure requirement materially provides deterrence, the government relies on two speculative propositions. First, a registered sex offender is less likely to engage in sex-based crimes on the internet if he knows that law enforcement possesses his email address and other internet communication identifiers. Second, the disclosure requirement provides law enforcement with a database that can be used to determine the identity of someone engaged in online sex offenses.
The government, however, has not substantiated the deterrent effect and has not indicated whether the database has ever even been used. Perhaps the government's speculation may turn out to be justified, but at this stage we cannot say that the government "has drawn reasonable inferences based on substantial evidence," and "accepting speculation in place of record evidence[ ] does not amount to intermediate scrutiny."
A developed record may undermine the government's assertions. For example, in reviewing Michigan's sex offender registration law, the Sixth Circuit observed that "evidence in the record" supported "a finding that offense-based public registration has, at best, no impact on recidivism." See also Doe v. Prosecutor (7th Cir. 2013) (questioning whether, once sex offenders "are willing to break the existing anti-solicitation law," a law prohibiting the use of social networking would "provide any more deterrence"). The government also may not be able to show that the database of internet identifiers has actually assisted law enforcement efforts to arrest online predators. There would be a "dramatic mismatch" between the asserted interest and "the disclosure regime that [the government] has implemented in service of that end" if "there was not a single, concrete instance" in which the database "did anything to advance the [government's] investigative, regulatory or enforcement efforts."
The government may be able to identify some empirical basis for believing that the disclosure requirement materially advances an important governmental interest. At this stage, however, Cornelio has stated a plausible claim….
[E]ven assuming that the disclosure requirement materially advances [its deterrence] interests, the disclosure requirement plausibly imposes an extra burden that unnecessarily chills protected speech.
The government cannot normally justify a speech restriction by reference to its interest in deterring crime. "The normal method of deterring unlawful conduct is to impose an appropriate punishment on the person who engages in it" rather than by regulating speech. To show that the disclosure requirement is narrowly tailored, the government must explain why criminal sanctions that do not implicate the First Amendment would not provide adequate deterrence. It has not done so…..
Even if the government had, Cornelio argues, the breadth of the disclosure requirement provides another reason to doubt that it is narrowly tailored. Registered sex offenders must disclose their "electronic mail address, instant message address or other similar Internet communication identifier." Cornelio argues that the catch-all phrase "Internet communication identifier" broadens the disclosure requirement to internet platforms with "any information input," such as "Pacer and bank accounts." In response, the government provides a narrower construction: the phrase "Internet communication identifier" limits the disclosure requirement to platforms that can be used to communicate with others online. In other words, the disclosure requirement applies to internet platforms "that … allow back-and-forth comments between users."
At the motion to dismiss stage, we cannot say that Cornelio does not plausibly allege that the disclosure requirement is overbroad. Many platforms that allow communications between users do not reasonably present a vehicle by which a sex offender can communicate with minors or exchange prohibited sexual materials. "Broad prophylactic rules in the area of free expression are suspect. Precision of regulation must be the touchstone in an area so closely touching our most precious freedoms." Perhaps the statute may be construed more narrowly than the government suggests on appeal. But we "need not decide the precise scope of the statute" to conclude that Cornelio states a claim.
The disclosure requirement also plausibly appears to be overbroad because it applies to all persons subject to the sex offender registration law, including registrants who have never engaged in the sort of illicit online activity that the government seeks to deter. If the disclosure requirement applies to a broad class beyond those who are likely to engage in the conduct the government seeks to deter, it would be "significantly overinclusive" rather than narrowly tailored. The government has not explained why the disclosure requirement cannot be more narrowly targeted. As other courts have noted, "[a] regulatory scheme designed to further the state's legitimate interest in protecting children from communication enticing them into illegal sexual activity should consider how and where on the internet such communication occurs." To show narrow tailoring, the government must demonstrate that a less burdensome alternative—requiring disclosure only for those online platforms that facilitate solicitation or the exchange of illicit material, for example, or only for those persons likely to engage in such conduct—would not advance the asserted governmental interests.
The government argues that the disclosure requirement is narrowly tailored because, under the registration statute, the DESPP may share a registrant's internet communication identifiers only with "law enforcement officials" and only for the "purpose of investigating potential crimes." As a result, a registrant can "participate in anonymous speech online" as long as he does not engage in unlawful activity that could "engender a law enforcement investigation." This argument does not answer the narrow tailoring inquiry, which focuses on "the extent to which the burdens are unnecessary." It helps the government's case if the disclosure requirement does not compound the burden on speech by releasing a registrant's identifiers to the public. But the government must still justify the burden that exists. "There is no de minimis exception for a speech restriction that lacks sufficient tailoring or justification." …
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Do murderers and robbers have to report their online ids?
Nope, and murderers also are not restricted from owning knives and rope, regardless if those were the weapons used to murder.
These blanket requirements for even those who have peed on the side of the road and been arrested are just a way for the government to control a population of people and get their sheriffs re-elected.
If they are not in jail, leave them alone.
Might your asseveration be construed as an endorsement of predatory penetrative penal practices?
I've always thought it important to distinguish between what would be permissible to impose at the original sentencing for the crime, and what it's permissible to impose later. I have serious objections to the idea that we can just keep coming back, over and over, piling new punishments on an ex-con, under the pretext that they're not really 'punishments'.
Once a criminal has completed their sentence, they should be viewed as just another, and left the hell alone.
Your second paragraph seems at odds with your first.
You get your trial, you get your sentence, and when you've completed that sentence, it's over. The government doesn't get to come back ten years later and say, "Oops, we'd like to impose THIS, too." Once you've done your sentence, you're just another citizen. That's what I'm saying.
It does seem wrong but I can see the dilemma. For example, people convicted of misdemeanor domestic assault lose their ability to legally own a firearm, for life (If I understand the Violence Against Women Act correctly)!
The sex offender laws appear to me to be along these same lines.
And there was wide concern when the Lautenberg amendment was adopted, that it was in violation of the ex post facto clause, because it applied to people who'd been convicted and sentenced before it was enacted. Often people who'd pled guilty to a misdemeanor exactly because there WERE no consequences beyond a fine, which would often be cheaper to pay than hiring a lawyer to contest the charge.
The courts rationalized that it was OK because being denied your 2nd amendment rights wasn't a punishment, because this was pre-Heller, and the courts were pretending people didn't HAVE 2nd amendment rights to violate.
But this is BS, pretending an imposition isn't a "punishment" just because you claim the purpose isn't punative.
It's like kicking a kid out of a prestigeous university, causing great harm to their earning potential, and wrecking their reputation for life, causing even more damage, and claiming it isn't a punishment because they didn't have to pay a $5 fine.
Bit worse than that, actually.
What is the difference between a "misdemeanor" and a "felony"? I believe that, traditionally, the difference is that a misdemeanor could never result in loss of your civil liberties, while a felony could. So, you get different due process between them.
Because at the time the Lautenberg amendment was adopted, the federal courts were still pretending that the RKBA wasn't a civil liberty, the amendment was regarded as consistent with the status of the offense still being a misdemeanor; You weren't, in the courts' opinion, losing any civil liberties, just a "privilege".
But the reality is that the Lautenberg amendment took people who had been convicted of misdemeanors, via process due a misdemeanor crime, (Sometimes just pleading guilty to avoid the cost of contesting the charge.) and after the fact subjected them to a felony penalty, life long loss of a civil liberty. And people are still losing their 2nd amendment rights after misdemeanor convictions as a result of this, because the the courts have subjected the 2nd amendment to reduced scrutiny in the context of that law.
It's one of those areas where the Court hasn't followed up on the logic of Heller, because I guess they don't like where it leads.
So you don't have a problem applying the current registration requirements to someone who commits an offense tomorrow?
I might think it bad policy, but I wouldn't think it violates the Constitution, as criminal punishments CAN deprive you of constitutional rights.
I am sympathetic to the hardships felons experience in trying to get their lives on track after serving their sentences, but this seems such a minor imposition to place on those who have committed sex crimes against children, who have some of the highest recidivism rates.
If the state can take away his right to vote and to defend himself with a firearm, losing his right to speak anonymously on the internet seems trivial in comparison. I believe many of the residency requirement placed on sex offenders are excessively onerous and deserve re-examination, but I have no issues, legal or otherwise, with this modest requirement.
I'm not sure about the assertion that people who've committed sex crimes against children have "some of the highest recidivism rates". It's been stated often enough, but without supporting documentation; it's just one of those everybody-knows things.
Sex criminals in general seem to have a lower recidivism rate than criminals of other sorts. I suspect that it's even lower for people who've sexually assaulted children, since many of those find their victims among relatives, and are unlikely to be able to find further victims once their initial crimes are known to the family.
Estimates vary widely, but a 2007 Justice Department survey put the long-term recidivism rate at 50% for child sexual assault, and I imagine it is much higher for lesser sex offenses (like child pornography).
But that is largely beside the point. Even if it is 20%, I believe this restriction is justified. One hardly needs a PhD in psychology to know that sexual attraction to children is abnormal. The victimizer of children acts under intense psychological compulsion, unlike your typical thief or even murderer (a small handful of psychopaths excepted). That compulsion isn't going to disappear after his prison sentence.
The logic of the requirement is obvious. If "JohnDoe25" is soliciting children in a chat room, the guy who registered as "JohnDoe25" at the probation office can hardly deny it was him. And contrary to the court's assertion, it barely restricts his anonymous speech, as these internet IDs are not actually disclosed to the public.
I'll note that Mr. Cornelio has not won the case yet, but just survived a summary dismissal. The state, at trial, may yet win if it adduces sufficient evidence to show the law is justified.
I would assume that such people vary along a continuum all the way from perfectly normal people to madmen who can't control their impulses at all. Though, of course, those at the lesser end of this spectrum would be far less likely to be caught and convicted, so the population of convicted doubtless are biased towards the more extreme end. They'd still vary somewhat.
Yeah, the logic is actually not at all obvious. It's like arguing that a law against previously-convicted burglars wearing gloves is logical because that way if they break into a house we'll be able to identify them by their fingerprints.
Who exactly is going to obey this law, but still break into houses?
The general idea, I guess, similar to laws barring gun ownership by felons, is that it just gives you one more charge to pile on them if you DO catch them, and probably a very easy to prove charge.
Can you link the survey or give the name of it? I can't find anything that supports your memory of 50%. The closest thing is that recidivism rate is quite higher for re-offenders. But drastically lower for first time offenders. Also the longer an offender didn't re-offend the less likely they would. I read a SOMAPI Research brief.
While this plaintiff was convicted of statutory rape, the law applies also to "violent and nonviolent sexual offenses, and felonies committed for a sexual purpose" (court decision, page 5). It applies to prison guards to have "sexual contact" with an adult inmate. It applies to people who have "sexual contact" with a corpse. It also applies to people found not guilty by reason of insanity ("mental disease or defect"). It includes taking pictures of fully clothed people in a private place with intent to be aroused. (Connecticut laws Sec. 54-250 et seq.; see Sec. 53a-189a paragraph (a)(2) for voyeurism without a nudity requirement, and (a)(3) for the case where she is wearing only undergarments).
re: "who have some of the highest recidivism rates"
That is untrue to the point of malpractice at this point. Study after study shows that sex criminals have lower recidivism rates than criminals in general. The 2007 study cited by the DoJ was taken badly out of context.
Study after study shows that sex criminals have lower recidivism rates than criminals in general.
I have no empirical evidence on which to base this, but I suspect the problem might be with lumping those who commit sexual crimes against children in with the much broader category of "sex criminals", which includes offenses that are of a fundamentally different nature. It's like citing recidivism rates for "theft" without differentiating between those who suffer from mental health disorders like kleptomania vs those who steal out of greed, on a whim/dare, etc.
No ‘groomer’ nonsense? Why would the clingers suddenly not be outraged about the coddling of a convicted sexual abuser of a child?
Spoiler: Two Trump nominees and a Bush nominee. Outrage theater intermission.
Carry on, clingers.
I suspect this also reflects a slow change in judicial attitudes. A decade or so ago, a federal court would probably have taken the state at its word.
This is simply a motion to dismiss. The court is merely saying that when the state makes blanket statements about sex offenders, it will in the future be required to provide at least some evidence to prove them.
"[Connecticut law requires that] a registered sex offender must notify the DESPP when he creates a new email address, instant messenger address, or other internet communication identifier"
The social media limitation precedent seems already set Professor. The J6 judges are imposing this on the protestors.
The event and the legal ramifications which you won't cover.
Aren't the social media restrictions placed temporarily on people who used social media to organize criminal activity? Add "allegedly" if you like; the evidence of facts seems strong despite the disagreement over the legal consequences of those facts. It's not like they tore up the projects and arrested the most suspicious looking black guy they could find to reassure the public. (That last is a reference to the Charles Stuart case in Boston.)
I don't want to go all Ayn Rand here, but this is one of those laws that actually fits her villain's explanation in AS that the government wants people to violate laws because it gives the government power over them.
This law serves absolutely no useful law enforcement purpose in terms of actual crimes. What it does is allow them to prosecute someone for breaking the law when they can't prove he did anything else wrong.
When sex offender laws were new to Massachusetts a police chief in central Massachusetts told a man on the list he couldn't wasn't allowed to move to town because of some reason and he had to move back out. He moved out as directed, and was criminally charged for that because he had not given notice of moving in the time and manner prescribed by law. It's a trap.
I believe the state will ultimately prevail here.
The state offers to rationales for the requirement: a deterrent effect and the creation of a database that may aid a future prosecution. The court seemed dubious on the former, though it states that the state may be able to adduce evidence to show deterrence. On the latter, the court states that the government has not shown that it has ever used the database. This suggests that introducing evidence that it has consulted the database (which surely it has) may be sufficient to prevail.
This ruling was on a motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim, which is rarely granted because pleadings are pretty liberally construed. The state can only use evidence in the record of the case or in the "public record", which consultation of the database would not be. But if an affidavit of the database being consulted is all that is needed, the state may win on a motion for summary judgment and not even require a trial.
On the latter, the court states that the government has not shown that it has ever used the database. This suggests that introducing evidence that it has consulted the database (which surely it has) may be sufficient to prevail.
I don't know that it suggests any such thing. The state simply having consulted the database at some point is not an indication that it is/was of any real value in achieving the stated goal.