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The Inaugural Edwin Meese III Originalism Lecture
"Originalism and Stare Decisis in the Lower Courts"
On March 24, 2022, I delivered the inaugural Edwin Meese III Originalism Lecture at the Heritage Foundation. The primary topic of my remarks was "Originalism and Stare Decisis in the Lower Courts." But I began with a tribute to the namesake of the award, Attorney General Meese, who was gracious enough to attend.
Here is the introduction as prepared--as I often do, I ad libbed a bit:
It is my honor to deliver the inaugural Edwin Meese III Originalism Lecture. The topic of my remarks is Originalism and Stare Decisis in the Lower Courts. But before I can even talk about originalism in the lower courts, or in any court for that matter, I need to pay deep and profound respect to the namesake of tonight's event: Edwin Meese III who is with us today.
Let's go back in time to 1985. President Reagan was sworn in for his second term. Edwin Meese III was sworn in as the Seventy-Fifth Attorney General. Chief Justice Burger would begin his final term on the Supreme Court. And I would turn one year old. Over the span of one year, there would be a revolution in the law. Justice Rehnquist became Chief Justice Rehnquist. Judge Antonin Scalia became Justice Antonin Scalia. The Justice Department was staffed with Federalist Society attorneys. And Meese delivered three foundational speeches.
First, in July 1985, Meese spoke to the American Bar Association. He announced, emphatically, that the Reagan administration would "press for a jurisprudence of original intention." The DOJ would "endeavor to resurrect the original meaning of constitutional provisions and statutes as the only reliable guide for judgment." Meese's remarks sent shockwaves throughout the legal profession. And it struck a nerve at the Supreme Court. Three months later, Justice William Brennan, the liberal lion, felt compelled to respond.
In a speech at Georgetown, Brennan charged that originalism was "little more than arrogance cloaked as humility." Brennan endorsed living constitutionalism, and firmly rejected originalism. "The genius of the Constitution," Brennan said, "rests not in any static meaning it might have had in a world that is dead and gone, but in the adaptability of its great principles to cope with current problems and current needs."
The following month, in November 1985, Meese gave the second foundational speech to the D.C. Chapter of the Federalist Society Lawyers Division. And he responded, forcefully, to Justice Brennan. Originalism, Meese said "is not difficult to describe." First, "Where the language of the Constitution is specific, it must be obeyed." Second, "Where there is a demonstrable consensus among the Framers and ratifiers as to a principle stated or implied by the Constitution, it should be followed." And third, "Where there is ambiguity as to the precise meaning or reach of a constitutional provision, it should be interpreted and applied in a manner so as to at least not contradict the text of the Constitution itself." Finally, Meese laid out the terms of the great debate between the originalists and the living constitutionalists. He said, "We and our distinguished opponents carry on the old tradition of free, uninhibited, and vigorous debate." Meese explained that "Out of such arguments come no losers, only truth. It's the American way. And the Founders would not want it any other way."
One year later, in October 1986, Meese would give the third foundational speech. This speech came at Tulane University. Fun fact. Meese was hosted by a young law student named William Pryor, who was the President of the Tulane Federalist Society Chapter. You may have heard of him. He is now the Chief Judge of the Eleventh Circuit. At Tulane, Meese made a simple, but foundational point: there is a "necessary distinction between the Constitution and constitutional law. The two are not synonymous." Meese articulated the theory known as departmentalism. "The Supreme Court is not the only interpreter of the Constitution." Rather, "Each of the three coordinate branches of government created and empowered by the Constitution—the executive and legislative no less than the judicial—has a duty to interpret the Constitution in the performance of its official functions." Here, Meese channeled departmentalism. This approach was not new. Abraham Lincoln articulated this perspective more than a century earlier. Yet, Meese's remarks created a firestorm in the legal profession.
These three speeches--to the ABA in July 1985, to the Federalist Society in November 1985, and to Tulane in October 1986--began this great debate. And three decades later, I think we can pronounce a winner, and a loser in this debate. Justice Brennan and living constitutionalism--they lost. Attorney General Meese, Justice Scalia, and originalism--were victorious.
If you want proof of this victory, look no further than the Supreme Court confirmation hearing that concluded today. Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson was asked how she interprets the Constitution. She said, "I'm looking at original documents. I am focusing on the original public meaning because I am constrained to interpret the text." She was asked if there is a living Constitution? Judge Jackson said, "I do not believe that there is such a thing as a living constitution." These answers would have been unthinkable three decades ago. But a nominee of a Democratic President felt compelled to identify original public meaning as part of her methodology. She is not alone. Justice Amy Coney Barrett--originalist. Justice Brett Kavanaugh--originalist. Justice Neil Gorsuch--originalist. Even Justice Elena Kagan said "we are all originalists now." By my count, with Justice Breyer's retirement, only two members of the Court rejected the label of originalism--Justice Sotomayor and, well, Chief Justice Roberts. Seven out of nine ain't bad. Still, for this amazing transformation in the law we must give credit to the namesake of this lecture: Edwin Meese III. Thank you. My sincere hope is that every year, this lecture will promote the cause of constitutional originalism, and bring honor to Meese's legacy.
And, I'm up first. Now, onto my prepared topic, Originalism and Stare Decisis in the Lower Courts.
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Josh. I cannot spend time reading lawyer verbiage. Did you mention that Article I Section 1 gives all lawmaking power to the Congress, none to the Supreme Court, and none to the Executive Branch? That makes judicial review and executive regulation illegal.
Did you mention that the Eleventh Amendment prohibits diversity jurisdiction but not subject jurisdiction or liability of states to their own citizens?
Did you mention that Fifth Amendment Procedural Due Process requires that victims of the law are entitled to rationality of lawmaking and of prosecution, including tort litigation?
The self evident is always taboo to the lawyer dumbass.
Edwin Meese???
Really.
This guy?
"Suspects who are innocent of a crime should [have a lawyer present before police questioning]. But the thing is, you don't have many suspects who are innocent of a crime. That's contradictory. If a person is innocent of a crime, then he is not a suspect."
Champion of the Constitution.
Not to mention the Meese Report and the crackdown on Playboy, etc.
"nowhere else has the principle of Federalism been dealt so politically violent and constitutionally suspect a blow as by the theory of incorporation.'' Ed Meese
Stop making Meese sound amazing.
Don't forget his sterling ethics, as exemplified by the Wedtech payola.
Or his porn obsession, of course. He's a man that just can't seem to stop thinking about other people masturbating.
Prof. Blackman,
Can you ask AG Meese what type of Originalist he is?
Thanks.
Framework Originalism
Intrinsicist Originalism
Instrumental Originalism
Original Intent
Original Meaning
Original Methods Originalism
Original Public Meaning
Semantic Originalism
Structuralism
Textualism
Whichever type arrives at the desired result.
These clingers are originalists solely so far as they believe originalism provides a path toward thwarting progress and effecting right-wing preferences. Many or perhaps most of them are so disaffected and desperate they will lurch toward anything -- see Jan. 6; QAnon; 'stolen election'; voter suppression; Volokh positions; birth certificates; Trump; etc. -- that provides some hope toward slowing the pace of the culture war.
It's kinda like an item-numbered menu. I'll take #3, #4 and #9 please
2035: A Supreme Court full of originalists rules on the meaning of a particular Constitutional clause.
2065: A different Supreme Court, but also full of originalists, has to rule on the same clause. Are they bound by the 2035 decision as stare decisis? Or are they free to make their own determination as to the originalist meaning of the clause?
I have seen a handful of constitutions from other nations which state how the document must be interpreted by the courts. It is not so precise as to say “originalist” or something of that nature. Is such a clause what would bring about an end to this question of how judges interpret the Constitution?
For example, I would amend it with this:
“This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; shall adhere to and be interpreted as the organization of the natural right of lawful defense. It is the substitution of a common force for individual forces and this common force is to do only what the individual forces have a natural and lawful right to do: to protect persons, liberties, and properties; to maintain the right of each.”
So you want to just do away the actual, written reasons we have a Constitution which are, ". . . in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, (provide for the common defence [omitting since I think you have this covered]), promote the general Welfare. . . ?"
That's quite a revision.
I fail to see how usurping powers beyond those the people can bestow achieved any of those goals. The power of the government can only be those given it by the people. And the people can only give it the powers they themselves have.
If we as individuals lack the legal, ethical and moral authority to do a thing, the collective actions of more people does not justify the act.
I fail to see how usurping powers beyond those the people can bestow achieved any of those goals. The power of the government can only be those given it by the people. And the people can only give it the powers they themselves have.
Michael D, you may object to American constitutionalism as it was originally established. Nobody can stop you. But here, you seem to misunderstand instead of objecting. There are no powers the sovereign people cannot bestow. It was up to them at the founding. It remains up to them today. They act at pleasure, without constraint. That is what it means to be sovereign.
Sigh, this again ...
That's your uninformed opinion and little else. The limits of sovereign power is a very old argument. Go back and reread Locke's "Two Treatises Of Government". His set of arguments is a direct attack on your position and I find his reasoned arguments more compelling than your axiomatic shriek.
In fact, the original definition of a rights before the narrative crowd got their hands on the definition was "the set of things that a sovereign cannot compel and remain legitimate". You are fundamentally arguing that rights do not exist.
No, I object to your interpretation of American constitutionalism. I was actually going to reference Locke but Artifex beat me to the punch.
It is patently false to suggest “there are no powers the sovereign people cannot bestow”. For I ask again, how a person or group or people can bestow a power they do not have. That is an illogical conclusion which cannot exist in a moral society.
"And the people can only give it the powers they themselves have."
If Person A attacks Person B, Person B (rightly) can defend themselves (so that matches your statement).
However, if Person A attacks Person B and then gets away, Person B has zero authority to conduct an investigation, search Person A's house, arrest them, find them guilty, and then incarcerate them - because that would make Person B the investigator, prosecutor, judge, jury, and jailer - so your statement is false.
Note.
On the "zero authority to conduct an investigation," I meant in a formal, law enforcement manner.
Of course individuals can research, conduct experiments, and question others as a private individual.
An individual has the capacity to conduct the same investigation as any law enforcement officer. The powers of arrest are not restricted to law enforcement. The power to conduct a 4th amendment search is merely an act the state conducts in the name of the people.
I would urge you reread the 4th. The issuance of a warrant is not limited to agents of the government. It is instead a prohibition against an agent of the government from acting in a particular manner.
Is there a prohibition against an individual or their agent obtaining court authorization to search a person or place?
Only a defined type of police officer can seek and serve a warrant. 18 U.S.C. 3105.
"Is there a prohibition against an individual or their agent obtaining court authorization to search a person or place?"
The fact that most individuals who might want to give it a try won't have any access to a judge,
The "Edwin Meese III Originalism Lecture"
So I guess the "John Mitchell III Originalism Lecture" was last week.
Nope. Last week was the “Richard M. Nixon Ethics in Government” lecture.
That Edwin Meese fellow sure knew how to write a racy book, even if his titling was crap. But boy, did that "Meese Report on Pornography" have a lot of naughty bits in it.
In Reynolds v. U.S. (1878), C.J. Waite, writing for a unanimous Court, stated:
<blockquoteThe word "religion" is not defined in the Constitution. We must go elsewhere, therefore, to ascertain its meaning, and nowhere more appropriately, we think, than to the history of the times in the midst of which the provision was adopted. The precise point of the inquiry is what is the religious freedom which has been guaranteed.
From this historical analysis the Count stated:
Waite was clearly ahead of the interpretive curve!
"Attorney General Meese, Justice Scalia, and originalism--were victorious."
I'm thinking of the rap battle between Ronald McDonald and Burger King where Wendy comes in at the end to mock both of them.
While I regret that it was Adrian Vermeule, not a nicer person, who is trying to re-introduce the classical tradition to American law (hopefully with more liberty than Vermeule himself allows), it's a viable challenge out there to transcend the living-vs.-originalism Punch-and-Judy show. Blackmun should at least allude to it.
Blackman
He knows who he is.