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D.C. Judge Allows Subpoena of Facebook COVID Misinformation Blocking Records
From a decision in D.C. v. Meta Platforms, Inc. by D.C. Superior Court Judge Anthony Epstein, handed down earlier this month but just posted on Westlaw:
The Court grants the District of Columbia's petition for enforcement of an investigative subpoena to Meta Platforms, Inc., formerly known as Facebook, Inc. ….
Through the Office of the Attorney General ("OAG"), the District has responsibility for enforcing the D.C. Consumer Protection Procedures Act ("CPPA"). OAG is investigating whether Meta made any false or misleading public statements about its efforts to enforce its "content moderation policies" prohibiting misinformation about COVID-19 vaccines in Facebook posts.
OAG issued an investigative subpoena to Meta that seeks, among other things [in Request No. 2], the identities of Facebook users that Meta determined violated its content moderation policies for vaccine misinformation through public posts[:]
{Documents sufficient to identify all Facebook groups, pages, and accounts that have violated Facebook's COVID-19 misinformation policy with respect to content concerning vaccines, including the identity of any individuals or entities associated with the groups, pages, and accounts; the nature of the violation(s); and the consequences imposed by Facebook for the violation, including whether content was removed or banned from these sources.}
Meta has refused to disclose this information. The Court concludes that this request for public posts is a reasonable and lawful exercise of the District's subpoena power and that it is consistent with the federal Stored Communications Act ("SCA") [details of this omitted -EV] and with the First Amendment ….
Meta accuses the District of trying "to target and unmask private citizens based on a government regulator's disapproval of the content of their online speech.". However, the target of the District's investigation is not Facebook users but Meta. It is not the District but Meta that identified individual Facebook users as responsible for publicly disseminating misinformation about COVID-19 vaccines.
OAG's investigation focuses on whether Meta's public statements about its enforcement efforts are false or misleading, not on whether Facebook users made any false or misleading statements about vaccines in public posts. Meta does not dispute (at least in this case) that its public statements about its content moderation policies are within the scope of the CPPA, and the District does not dispute that public statements by Facebook users about COVID-19 vaccines are outside the CPPA's scope (unless made by a merchant of COVID-19 vaccines).
Nor is the District trying to "unmask" Facebook users—it is simply seeking information about Meta's enforcement actions against users who were never masked because they publicly posted content about vaccines using the identities that the District seeks to obtain. The Court expects the District to protect, to the extent appropriate, the confidentiality of personal information that it obtains in the course of its investigation.
Meta also accuses the District of engaging in "the regulation of disfavored consumer speech." If either party can be said to be regulating consumer speech, it is Meta through enforcement of its content moderation policies. All that the District is seeking is to determine whether Meta's public statements about its aggressiveness in regulating Facebook posts with negative information about vaccines are false or misleading. OAG expressly represents that it is not seeking to regulate consumer speech, to punish any Facebook user for posting information, or to "moderate content posted on Facebook." …
Meta argues that the Court, should not enforce Request No. 2 because "the First-Amendment protects Meta's right as a private entity to make content moderation decisions about what third-party content to remove (or not) from its platform."' The Court assumes for purposes of this motion that Meta is correct that the First Amendment gives it the right to adopt and modify its content moderation policy as it sees fit. However; enforcement of the District's subpoena would not infringe any such right.
The District is only at the information-gathering stage of its investigation, and compliance with the subpoena would have no effect whatsoever on Meta's content moderation polices or how it applies and enforces them. The District does not claim any right to dictate to Meta what content should remain on, or what content should be removed from, Facebook. The District represents that it is investigating whether Meta's public statements concerning enforcements of its content moderation policies comply with the CPPA, not whether these policies are too weak or too strict, and Meta offers no reason to question this representation. Nor would enforcement of the subpoena require Meta to disseminate the District's preferred message. Meta does not claim a right under the First Amendment or otherwise to disseminate false or misleading information about whether and how it enforces its content moderation policies….
Meta [also] asserts that compliance with the District's subpoena would unmask users who violated its policies against vaccine misinformation and thereby chill conduct protected by the First Amendment, so the District's attempt to extract this information from Meta is subject to exacting scrutiny. Compelled disclosure to the government of confidential information about activities protected, by the First Amendment may be subject to exacting scrutiny. The Court, questions whether exacting scrutiny is warranted in this case where the only information sought by the District involves speech that Facebook users themselves chose to post publicly, but the Court nevertheless assumes for purposes of this discussion that it should apply exacting scrutiny to Request No. 2. Even under this standard, the District's subpoena to Meta passes constitutional muster….
Request No. 2 is consistent with First Amendment constraints on compelled disclosures for four reasons.
First, the District has a compelling interest in investigating a company has made false and misleading statements that violate the CPPA. Consumers and other members of the public have a strong interest in complete and accurate information about Meta's efforts to limit vaccine misinformation.
Second, OAG's subpoena is narrowly tailored to its investigative goals. OAG is not seeking information about the identity of all Facebook users who have posted any information about COVID-19 vaccines; OAG is seeking information only about Facebook users who Meta has determined violated its content moderation policies with respect to vaccines (and not its content moderation policies concerning other matters, such as hate speech). This information is relevant to whether Meta's public statements about its enforcement of its content moderation policies concerning vaccine misinformation has a tendency to mislead to Facebook users, as well as other members of the consuming public. The District admits that "with respect to COVID-19 vaccine misinformation in particular, Facebook has not publicly disclosed the total volume of content reviewed, identified as false, demoted, or removed, or the total, number of accounts pages, and groups suspended or banned."
But Meta does not dispute that it has made public statements about its zeal in enforcing its policies and about the amount of content that it has taken down. OAG has a reasonable explanation for seeking the identities of Facebook users who it determined violated its policies: it has information that a small number of users are responsible for a disproportionate share of vaccine misinformation; and it wants to assess whether and how Facebook enforces its policies against repeat violators and people or organizations that have been publicly identified as repeat violators. There does not appear to be any less intrusive means that the District could employ to determine whether and how Meta enforces its content moderation policies against repeat violators or users who have been publicly identified as repeat violators.
Third, and at least equally important, the identities of these Facebook users, like the vaccine-related content they posted, is information that these Facebook users themselves chose to make public. As the Court stated above, the District is not asking Meta to "unmask" users who posted content that violates its content moderation standards for vaccine misinformation. Rather, these users chose to publicly post the content with their identities, and the District is seeking only the identities that these users themselves employed in their public posts. Meta's terms of use require users to identify themselves using the same name that they use in everyday life, but even if users did not comply with this requirement, Meta will provide to the District the information about their identities that the users chose to include in their posts. "[A]n author's decision to remain anonymous, like other decisions concerning omissions or additions to the content of a publication, is an aspect of the freedom of speech protected by the First Amendment," and "[a]nonymous internet speech in blogs or chat rooms in some instances can become the modern equivalent of political pamphleteering."' But the users who made the posts that Meta determined violated its content moderation policies made public the identifying information that the District, seeks from Meta through its subpoena.
Fourth, nothing in the record suggests that providing this user-specific information to the District will result in any reprisals against Facebook users who violated Meta's vaccine-related content moderation policies when they publicly posted the content along with their identities. First of all, the record does not suggest that the District will publicly disclose information about the identity of any of these individuals.
In any event, if the District does publicly disclose the identities of these Facebook users (for example, in a subsequent enforcement action against Meta) any criticism to which these users may be subjected is part of the price of voluntary and non-anonymous participation in public debates; just as the First Amendment protects the rights of Facebook users to publicly post positive and negative information about COVID-19 vaccines, it protects the rights of others to disagree with those public posts. Meta offers no evidence that any of the people or entities who publicly posted positive or negative content that Meta later determined violated its content moderation policies (a) were in the past subjected to threats or worse or (b) are any more likely in the future to be subjected to any response other than verbal criticism. In these circumstances, Meta's concerns about a chilling effect, on Facebook users who want to post content that is negative or positive about COVID-19 vaccines is speculative….
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Should probably say 'alleged misinformation'.
The whole misinformation discussion could benefit from many more qualifiers like alleged and purported when discussing misinformation.
TwelveInchPianist
March.20.2022 at 12:47 pm
Flag Comment Mute User
"Should probably say 'alleged misinformation'.
Concur
Tremendous amounts of misinformation spewed by both sides in the covid debates. Though the CDC was a big offender of misinformation. Three studies that I have obtained the raw data are pathetic
A) the kansas mask mandate v non mask mandate counties july 2020 through sept 2020.
B) the kentucky reinfection rates vaxed v unvaxed. used invalid denominator, a basic math error on the computation, created a fictious "control " which had no meaning to give appearance of legitimacy, cut off the study period at 6 months to give more robust appearance of results, failed to use entire population of previously infected even though Ky doh had the data. Other than those errors, it was a good study.
c) Arizona study of infection rates in schools with mask mandates and without mask mandates. The study included schools without masks that started 2 weeks earlier than the schools with masks and the study included schools that were teaching remotely in the pool of schools with mask mandates which artifically reduced the case rates in the "masked schools" Note that the CDC sticks by the validity of that study even though the obvious bias / errors in the study have been pointed out.
In summary, as TwelveInch alludes to - cancelling legitimate information to acheive political aims is censorship
Not alleged. The people who made up the word get to say what it means. If they say it is misinformation, then it is misinformation, no matter how true.
Like assault rifle. Not a real thing, but by coining the "word", the left gets to say what it means, from time to time.
I think you meant "assault weapon". There's a pretty specific definition of "assault rifle" that is accepted by most people who work with firearms, although sometimes people slip up and say "assault rifle" when they mean "assault weapon".
Not sure how to react to this one. On one hand, it sounds like Meta has a legitimate gripe about what the government should know about Meta's operations.
On the other hand - this is the same Meta that whenever the government asked them to censor certain information, did so gladly and without hesitation.
"Meta" is trying to dance on a balance beam here.
If people end up not trusting it (because it doesn't protect private/semi-private information), they end up not using it, or dropping it. Then revenue goes down. It's management knows this, and they know a large percentage of its user base are "conservative" in some flavor.
Meanwhile Meta's employees are overwhelmingly liberal.
Federal Class investigators are fishing for citizens to punish for undermining The Great Reset.
Facebook already is pretty liberal in their censorship. I don't see how Dems expect them to be even more strict unless they just automatically unplug the account of everyone to the left of Trotsky right at the second they register.
stupid comment system I meant right of trotsky. Although I guess the other way would also be correct too since they let the other side post freely as of now.
Typo / OCR error in "The Court expects the District to protect, to the extent appropriate, the confiequestdentiality of personal information that it obtains in the course of its investigation." The word "quest" was inserted in "confidentiality".
Fixed, thanks!
I don't understand what the DC Attorney General is hoping to accomplish here.
In terms of legitimate objectives for an investigation of Facebook? Yeah, it's kind of hard to figure out why DC wants this except to publish the names.
They want to make damn sure all the right people get what they deserve.
The most censorship happy companies in recent US history are not censorious enough for the Dems satisfaction. They wish to intimidate them to censor opposing viewpoints even more.
I wonder where all the progs who are always squawking about business freedom during and only during times corporations want to censor conservatives are? Probably in other places cooing about how this naked government interference is great.
I tried to look up the CPPA, which the DC government actually lists as a bunch of different acts for different purposes (housing, cars, layaway, etc).
The one section that seems relevant is the Unlawful Trade Practices section, which still doesn't seem to have much.
Especially since, according to the ruling, the government has admitted the very users they are trying to identify are out of scope for that act.
It's quite likely I missed something, but this isn't obvious to me, either. What potential crime, exactly, does DC think they are investigating?
"First of all, the record does not suggest that the District will publicly disclose information about the identity of any of these individuals.
In any event, if the District does publicly disclose the identities of these Facebook users (for example, in a subsequent enforcement action against Meta) any criticism to which these users may be subjected is part of the price of voluntary and non-anonymous participation in public debates"
DC is trying to find out who dared to try to post COVID "misinformation"....so they can bring down the "law" or other appropriate measures.
"Nor is the District trying to "unmask" Facebook users"
If he actually believes this, a man this stupid shouldn't be a lawyer, let alone a judge.
"Nor is the District trying to "unmask" Facebook users . . . The Court expects the District to protect, to the extent appropriate, the [confidentiality] of personal information that it obtains in the course of its investigation."
Yeah right, suurrre.
Did we ever learn exactly where the NYT got the (client-attorney communications) privileged content that it published right after the FBI raided Project Veritas?
Good lord man, you're a lawyer; you know this is a common and commonly complied with court order.
Why are you pretending otherwise?
Probably because of this statement later in the decision.
"In any event, if the District does publicly disclose the identities of these Facebook users (for example, in a subsequent enforcement action against Meta) any criticism to which these users may be subjected is part of the price of voluntary and non-anonymous participation in public debates."
Do you now what 'if' means?
Lexicographical distractions aside, I have to say I've never read (or even imagined I might run across) an opinion effectively saying "well, yes, we OF COURSE expect the recipient of confidential information to not leak it, but hey, in the event they do, that's the way the cookie crumbles!"
Indeed. It's actually quite a bit worse than that, it's "well, that's what they should get for doing those reprehensible actions." It's basically a tacit admission that the judge knows it's likely the information will be released, leaked, or used improperly, and that there should be zero consequences for doing so.
"Rather, these users chose to publicly post the content with their identities, and the District is seeking only the identities that these users themselves employed in their public posts."
This is not true. The vast majority of people posting on Facebook are not "publicly posting." They are communicating with their family and friends. Even if it's several hundred of their closest friends and family, still not really the same thing as public, on a platform which Zuckerberg announced in 2019 will be a "privacy-focused" communications platform with end to end encryption.
Technically that is supposed to be taken into account. Section III A 4 says that the request is limited to public posts, which are posts that are either visible to everyone, or made to groups that are so large that they may as well be considered public or are intended to reach the public.
Of course, most people are not computer experts and may intend for posts to only be seen by family and friends, but put permissions on them which make them public anyway. Counting these as "public" because people can't navigate the confusing user interface of Facebook is just an excuse.
Thanks. I stand somewhat corrected.
"The Court understands the District to have limited its request to information about public posts . . . implied consent can exist only if a Facebook user chose to make the content available to the general public or a broad range of other users. . . the District defines "public posts" to mean . . . posts to nominally private groups that either have so many members that they are functionally public or otherwise evince an intent to reach the public"
If you have 500 or 1,000 friends and make a non-public post, is your group of friends "so many"? Unclear. I don't see any reason to assume that "groups" here means an actual "group" page in Facebook parlance, but if so, still unclear how big your private group needs to be.
"The District presumes that the vast majority of posts that Meta took down were public . . . There does not appear to be a dispute that all or at least a large majority of the vaccine-related content that Meta determined violated its content moderation policies was included in public posts available to thousands if not millions of other users.."
This is DEFINITELY not true, unless the definition of public is something very different than it appears. Anyone who has seen the Facebook censorship in action knows this.
M L, publishers not infrequently sell subscriptions, or give them away without cost. Sometimes the number of subscribers is large, sometimes quite small. There is nothing about that number which necessarily alters in any way the the answer to the question, "Is this publishing activity, protected by 1A press freedom?"
Thus the public/private distinction you seem to advocate can hardly decide the questions you want answered. If the activity is publishing activity, the publisher has a 1A press freedom right to include whatever it likes, and to exclude whatever it dislikes, without regard to anything but the pleasure of the publisher in doing so.
Who are you asserting is the publisher here?
Not sure what your "publisher" issue has to do with anything. If I disclose confidential information to a large group of interested buyer parties and their advisors, I may have published it but that doesn't mean I've made it public or that Microsoft as the email provider, or some provider of a data room service has the right to disclose that content to someone else.
He's trying to make it a pure First Amendment question. It's one of his hobby horses: publishers have an absolute First Amendment right to choose how they speak, even when seeking refuge behind a law that says they are not authors or publishers of that speech.
"Doublethink means the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them."
Michale P, thank you for your accurate restatement of my position. But haven't you muddled the point? The the First Amendment refuge is for all publishers, whether or not they seek refuge behind Section 230. Or is it your position that somehow congress can by mere passage of law strip some publishers of their constitutional rights?
What does this case have to do with any of that?
M L, I completely agree that private email delivery is not publishing. It is not publishing because it has no public interface, and because it does not practice publishing activities, such assembling an audience among the public, or attempting to monetize that audience.
On the other hand, assembling an audience by extending to the public at large creative works by contributors, or useful information, or opinions in which the public might take an interest, or news, or scandal, is publishing. That is especially true when it is practiced as part of a scheme to monetize the audience by selling access to the audience to would-be advertisers, or in other ways to make money off the audience, such as selling their data.
Moreover, that kind of activity remains publishing no matter what other term a law might seek to apply to it. The Congress is not empowered to expel by legislation a publisher—which is to say a person or business defined by its practice of publishing activities—from its 1A press freedom protections.
The D.C. Superior Court can always be relied upon to support the oppressors.
Makes you wonder why President Bush appointed the guy!
As we know see with having a President like Trump, we now know Bush is and has always been part of the Federal Oppressor class.
Meta does not claim a right under the First Amendment or otherwise to disseminate false or misleading information about whether and how it enforces its content moderation policies….
Meta is a publisher, one of the biggest publishers in the world. As far as I know, 1A press freedom—except under oath and absent libel—empowers any publisher to say whatever it wants to about its editorial policies, without regard to whether the policies are accurately described. Any impulse to the contrary could be turned into an absurdity by the simple expedient of appending to every such policy statement this disclaimer, "With the added proviso that our policies can be modified at pleasure, with an eye to publishing what we like, and excluding what we don't like." There is nothing legally or constitutionally offensive in that. Anything to the contrary would burden 1A press freedom.
That raises a question what basis the court thinks anyone has to demand editorial policy information from Meta. Whatever those policies are, and whatever the court thinks about the accuracy with which they are described, under the 1A the court ought to be powerless to do anything about it.
However destructive Meta's practices may be to the public life of the nation, the means of correcting that cannot be by court actions which would jeopardize the rights of all publishers as a class.
For once I mostly agree with Lathrop. Calling this a consumer protection issue is like demanding that the NYT provide evidence about its editorial decisions to determine whether it actually is "all the news that's fit to print" (or Fox's, to determine whether they are actually "fair and balanced.")
one of the biggest publishers in the world
Are they? What do they publish? Now they're the press too? Making editorial decisions? Which is it?
As far as I know
Yikes. "As far as [SL] know(s)" is a distance that can only be measured in Planck lengths.
I agree that it calling it consumer protection is a joke. But, what Meta is doing is not the same thing as making editorial decisions. And no decision here would affect NYT (or Fox News).
I hope both sides fail, I'm not sure how that's plausible though.
Since Meta was a willing partner of the government (at least some of the government) in the suppression of vaccine “misinformation,” this order seems to be a way to let Meta off the hook for publicly exposing all the antivaxers on FB. Meta probably can’t release this information except under a court order. And the court is gladly complying.
Do not play in a lying bully’s yard and with his ball. The best network is the back fence, the pew, the bar stool.
Take your ball and go home. What if they gave a social justice network and no one played?
****Would you like to play a game? How about Thermo Nuclear War?****