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"Is Justice Kagan Done With Stare Decisis?"
I saw this post at the "Re's Judicata" blog, written by Prof. Richard Re (University of Virginia), and found it very interesting; I asked Prof. Re whether I could repost it, and he graciously agreed:
The Court recently heard argument in Ysleta del Sur Pueblo v. Texas, a statutory-interpretation case about Indian tribes' ability to regulate or conduct games like bingo. But perhaps the most talked-about aspect of the case was a much more broadly applicable rumination by Justice Kagan. Here it is:
JUSTICE KAGAN: I'm about to take you outside the scope of this case, so I apologize beforehand. But Justice Alito raised what to me is an interesting question that I've been thinking about a good deal about what these substantive canons of interpretation are and when they exist and when they don't exist.
They're all over the place, of course. It's not just the Indian canon. Next week, we're going to be thinking about the supposed major questions canon. There are other canons.
I mean, if you go through Justice Scalia's book, you'll find a wealth of canons of this kind, these sort of substantive canons. Some of them help the government. Some of them hurt the government.
Is there any way that the government has of coming in and saying, like, how do we reconcile our views of all these different kinds of canons? Maybe we should just toss them all out, you know.
MR. YANG: Well –
JUSTICE KAGAN: I mean, I think kind of we should, honestly. Like, what are we doing here?
Justice Kagan has recently been the Court's most steadfast proponent of stare decisis. And that commitment to precedent has expressly extended to questions of method and interpretation, such as Auer deference and stare decisis itself. So for Kagan to suggest "toss[ing] out" all substantive canons—a set of legal principles that are indeed "all over the place"—is surprising.
What could explain this apparent change? Here are a few possibilities.
First, experience may have convinced Kagan that substantive canons cannot be "reconcile[d]," perhaps because they're contradictory in purpose or effect. Interestingly, this realist-seeming move could render Kagan even more textualist than Scalia, who (as she notes) made great use of substantive canons.
Second, Kagan may think that it is so essential to overrule "the supposed major questions canon" that she is prepared to reject any other legal principle that stands in the way. The bad reasoning and consequences of one substantive canon thus provide a strategic reason to ditch all the others, too.
Third, Kagan might finally have given up on trying to make strong stare decisis happen. Commentators have long speculated that Kagan has tried to take stare decisis very seriously so as to set an example or tone that could save Roe and other left rulings from being overruled. Perhaps that effort has finally failed.
All three explanations can be interlinked. For example, if Kagan now thinks that she can't win over key votes by relying on stare decisis, then perhaps it's time to appeal to the majority's textualism in the hope of slowing down the major question doctrine's march across the administrative state. And that strategy might be especially targeted at Justice Barrett, who—as Will Baude points out—has written an important article criticizing substantive canons. On this view, one contingent strategy is replacing another.
But Kagan's personal commitment to stare decisis has seemingly run so deep of late that a more fundamental change or disillusionment may be taking place. Perhaps Kagan views the Court as doing great harm precisely because it is walking away from its own textualist orthodoxy and supposed commitment to stare decisis. And if the majority isn't keeping faith with once-settled practices, why should anyone else?
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She's for any precedent that pushes her agenda which has nothing to do with the constitution at all.
She's against any precedent that opposes her agenda.
You were looking for consistency?
That's not true though. She has been pushing the stare decisis line in cases where here natural inclination would be to a different rule. Ramos is a really great example of this.
It's easy to see why, under the original design of the Constitution, the federal judiciary would have no jurisdiction over 99% of the nationwide matters that it now decides. It's an oligarchy.
"[T]o consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions [is] a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy."
That letter (from Thomas Jefferson to William Charles Jarvis) is online at permalink https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/98-01-02-1540
Your pre-Civil War understanding of the Constitution wasn't even adopted by all the Founders.
It would also gut the Constitution, if you understood anything about the incentives of legislators versus judges.
Why is a supreme court babbling about cannons?
Basketball courts have t-shirt cannons, don't they?
All this assumes that canons are important, authoritative, and need to be authorized. But if all they are is common-sense makeweights for decisions driven mainly by other considerations, they are no more authoritative or problematic than common sense itself, and no more in need of authorization.
Part of Justice Barrett's article- which I really recommend, by the way- is making the point that "substantive canons" have both a different function and a different effect from canons of construction. One type of canon is about furthering policies; the other is just about linguistic interpretation.
The way to save the canons is by relabeling them as doctrines, they don't seem to be under the same level of threat.
Isn't this basically a matter of trying to resolve a situation where precedents conflict, or at least give very odd results? Stare decisis doesn't prevent you from developing the common law where precedent is unclear or contradictory.
(For the avoidance of doubt, my England-based *ss thinks canons of interpretation are very important. But then I would, because they are central to how English courts are able to protect individual liberty and create a balance of powers with Parliament while at the same time acknowledging Parliamentary supremacy. They simply interpret statutes passed by Parliament in a way that might distinctly surprise the Parliament that sits across the square.)
In other words, when they don't like the law that Parliament has written, they make up crap to evade them, while cynically scribbling auto-homilies about the rule of law.
The English judiciary is very particular about which liberties it thinks are worth protecting, because it is one of those institutuions through which the long march has marched.
Not much sign of liberty-protecting during the Covid Emergency.
Which is not to say, of course, that Parliament is any less contemptible and illiberal than the judiciary.
Perhaps Kagan views the Court as doing great harm precisely because it is walking away from its own textualist orthodoxy and supposed commitment to stare decisis.
Textualist orthodoxy and stare decisis are different ideas, as Uncle Clarence frequently points out. You can walk away from one, while walking towards the other. For orthodox textualists, text is King. Stare decisis is a useful subordinate tie-breaker if the text is unclear. Kagan clings to stare decisis to avoid the answer that the text provides, when she doesn't like the text.
And, contra LTG above (referencing Kagan in Ramos), it costs nothing to pay homage to stare decisis in a dissent when your vote counts for squat in the result. Free brownie points are ..... free.
https://uclawreview.org/2020/05/26/the-long-game-justice-kagans-approach-in-ramos-v-louisiana/
Maybe this was a fit of pique occasioned by her having just read the most recent draft of the opinion overruling Roe v Wade and its progeny.
Justice Kagan's comment on cannons can just as easily be applied to the Constitution. Some of the articles help the government some hurt it. That does not lead one to think the Constitution needs to be thrown out. Perhaps the cannons can be "canonized" so they work better, if not, they have evolved like the common law, and are therefore part of the system, for good or ill.
How many professors have stopped teaching constitutional law because "it's all made up?" It's hard to argue they are wrong.