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The United States of Anonymous
How the First Amendment shaped online speech.
Thanks to Eugene for inviting me to guest-blog about my new book, The United States of Anonymous: How the First Amendment Shaped Online Speech.
For more than a half century, U.S. courts have held that the First Amendment provides a right to speak and associate anonymously. Courts have applied this right to the Internet and found a robust—though not absolute—ability for people to control the identifying information they reveal online.
Anonymity is deeply rooted in the constitutional values and social norms of the United States. Anonymity has allowed speakers to communicate unpopular political viewpoints, whistleblowers to expose their employers' illegal schemes or ineptitude, and citizen journalists to document corruption and fraud. Anonymity is also employed for nefarious uses, such as defamation, persistent harassment, and online crimes.
The longstanding U.S. tradition of anonymous speech has enabled Americans to often separate their identities from the words that they communicate. In my book, I examine how the First Amendment protections, combined with technology that prevents identities from being associated with online activities, have created a culture of anonymity empowerment.
Anonymity is the "condition of avoiding identification," as David Kaye, the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, wrote in 2015. What does it mean to empower anonymity? Does anonymity empowerment simply mean allowing people to hide their names when they post thoughts online?
My conception of anonymity empowerment is broad. Anonymity empowerment allows people to control what, if any, details about their identity to reveal. It includes, but goes beyond, merely separating a person's name from that person's speech; anonymity empowerment includes the protection of details that could increase the likelihood of the speaker being identified.
The culture of anonymity empowerment includes both true anonymity, when no identifiers are linked to expression, and pseudonymity, when speech or activity is associated with a pen name that does not directly identify the author but stays with that person over time.
The book first explores the origins of the American right to anonymity, dating back to England and the colonies. The nation's Founders made their case for independence and the Constitution in part by circulating anonymous pamphlets and writing inflammatory newspaper columns under pseudonyms. With that history in mind, the U.S. Supreme Court has recognized a qualified right to anonymous speech, striking down laws that require the NAACP to disclose its membership lists and prohibitions on the circulation of anonymous political writings.
The book then examines how courts have applied these First Amendment anonymity values to the Internet. Beginning in the 1990s, companies tried to use the court system to unmask people who criticized their business practices on online bulletin boards (and, if the posters turned out to be employees, they often would be fired). Judges gradually developed a process, rooted in the First Amendment, by which they only would order online service providers to reveal identifying information if the plaintiffs had a particularly strong case and satisfied other requirements. The right to anonymity exists in some other countries, but is especially strong in the United States. These legal rights, however, are not the only protections for anonymity. For instance, Tor, based on a technology developed by the Naval Research Laboratory in the 1990s, allows people to protect their online anonymity. Technology such as Tor, coupled with the First Amendment anonymity safeguards, have fostered substantial protections for those who wish to separate their online words from their identities.
The book considers how these robust online anonymity protections shape everyday life in the United States. The culture of anonymity empowerment in the United States has enabled citizen journalists to challenge the powerful in ways they never would have been able to do under their real names. Anonymity also has been a tool in some substantial harms, such as people who ruin the lives of innocent people hiding enough of their identifying information to at least temporarily avoid prosecution.
Finally, the book contemplates how to continue to empower anonymity. The First Amendment addresses government intrusions on free speech; its anonymity protections, like the other First Amendment safeguards, generally do not restrict the voluntary actions of private companies. Some platforms require their users to operate under their real names. And technological advancements have not only led to anonymity protections, but also to increased surveillance by the government and the private sector, often making anonymity empowerment harder. Technologies like facial recognition and geolocation allow companies to have unprecedented access to information that often can easily identify a speaker. Thus, I argue that to continue the U.S. tradition of anonymity empowerment, lawmakers should supplement the First Amendment protections and anonymity technology with robust privacy laws that restrict the ability of private parties and the government to collect, use, and share identifying information.
I ultimately conclude that we must preserve and improve upon the culture of anonymity empowerment, even though the equities are more complex than ever. It is difficult to imagine the American conception of free speech surviving without robust anonymity protections. I do not argue for absolute anonymity protections; even if such a goal were achievable, in extraordinary circumstances we should pierce the veil of anonymity.
Given the wide range of online harms, it might be tempting to call for an end to online anonymity, such as by imposing real-name requirements that other countries have adopted. I agree with free speech expert Jillian York, who has called such proposals the "White Man's Gambit." LGBT teenagers, domestic abuse survivors, and other vulnerable groups often are the ones that rely most on anonymity and pseudonymity, York wrote.
The second post will examine the historical context for anonymous speech. The third post will explore one of the first cases in which the Supreme Court recognized a right to anonymous speech. The fourth post will describe how courts have applied anonymous speech rights to the Internet. And the fifth post will consider the future of anonymous speech, and the need for more robust privacy laws that incorporate anonymity values.
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While I ultimately come down on the side of a robust First Amendment and internet anonymity, it is a mixed bag. Anonymous speech does indeed produce all the good things this article discusses. It also allows anonymous mobs, often without the full facts, to completely destroy innocent lives. It allows conspiracy theories to spread, and it allows misinformation to proliferate. So it would be nice to at least recognize that, as with guns, there are significant social costs to it.
"Given the wide range of online harms, it might be tempting to call for an end to online anonymity, such as by imposing real-name requirements that other countries have adopted. I agree with free speech expert Jillian York, who has called such proposals the "White Man's Gambit." LGBT teenagers, domestic abuse survivors, and other vulnerable groups often are the ones that rely most on anonymity and pseudonymity, York wrote."
OK. Go after the white man oppressor. Protect dissenters and vulnerable people. Impose criminal and tort liability for the intentional tort of retaliation. Allow exemplary damages. To deter.
Have a tribunal app to deal with the flood of prosecution and litigation. An algorithm should replace the failed lawyer judges. They stink and only promote the rent. Decisions can be made on the spot. If these apps fail to bring an end to the leftist traitor "speech has consequences" threat, immunize the ass kicking of the oppressor.
If Democrat thugs start throwing rocks at the house for an online speech, immunize shooting them, and pouring acid on them from the roof.
This stinking, vile, toxic, lawyer profession has always sided with evil, protected it, privileged it, empowered it. For example, a boy whistles at a white girl. He gets lynched in front of hundreds of witnesses. No prosecution by the vile, traitor lawyer profession. It has no more credibility or authority than the Mafia. It is a Mafia. Kill it.
After 911, several Arabs made $millions from bets airline stocks would drop in value. Should they remain anonymous? Or, should they be hunted, and made dead?
What is the difference between damaging anonymous speech and money laundering?
And who defines "misinformation"?
Misinformation has become simply "Something I don't agree with". Remember when ivermectin was only a "horse de-wormer"? Forget that it had been first used in humans and somebody won a Nobel prize for it. Now, it's being seen as an alternative theory. Because it took away from the pharma-developed vaccines, it was crushed as "misinformation".
Or what about the "misinformation" that the vaccines had some pretty bad side effects. Like myocarditis. Which have hurt a number of young men. Couldn't be spreading that misinformation - which was actually the truth.
So it appears that what is misinformation is what somebody powerful does not like.
Some non-partisan people need to step up. Popular Mechanics published an article rebutting 911 Truthing. It ended it.
Snopes is a Democratic hit machine, and should be sued for fraud and misrepresentation,giving standing to any reader. Snopes scumbags need to publish the vote of the anonymous authors of their hit pieces.
The best neutral non-partisan can be experts in the field. They should be totally transparent. Childhood vaccines were attacked. Their rare side effects and deaths were acknowledged. Congress set up a compensation fund for them, and vaccines continue to the great benefit of children. Transparency increases credibility even with adverse facts.
The Cochrane Review published a statistically valid meta-analysis of mask efficacy. 67 studies showed no efficacy of stopping transmission of viral illness. Masks were designed to prevent the spread of bacteria, in surgery, not of viruses. Subsequent studies showed small and weak benefits of masking. Update the Cochrane reviews every year.
Misinformation has not simply become something I don't agree with. If there were to be regulation of misinformation (which, for First Amendment reasons, I would not agree with anyway) I would require a heightened showing that it is objectively misinformation. For example, "Obama was a terrible president" is protected opinion (which I happen to disagree with). "Obama was born in Kenya" is an objectively erroneous fact.
"Hillary Clinton steals anything that isn't nailed down" is protected hyperbole. "Hillary Clinton was part of a pedophile ring that operated out of a DC pizzeria" is objectively misinformation.
AH, but you are not powerful. The technocrats decided that ANYTHING the CDC said was gospel, and anything that questioned the CDC was "misinformation". People were banned because of this.
Just look at the ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine kerfuffles. Then all the mask theater.
Next up as a taboo topic which can lead to cancelling: disputing climate change. There is plenty of "science" to dispute, because "settled science" isn't science.
There is a difference between social media platforms (which are not government actors) setting their own standards for what they will platform, versus the government making regulations about it. The bans to which you refer would not have survived First Amendment scrutiny had the government mandated them.
But, going back to my original point, what I said is that allowing anonymity carries with it social costs because it leads to internet mobs, conspiracy theories, and misinformation. I would hope you don't disagree with that, and the question is what, if anything, can be done about it. Maybe not much.
When social media platforms do the bidding of the government, then they are de facto government agents.
And how many of the "conspiracy theories" have been proven true?
What about "misinformation" that turns out to be information?
Information want to be free, or so I have been told. Why do we allow some people to determine what is true and what is not? Especially when they have an agenda they are pushing?
Social media platforms immediately bent the knee when threatened with section 230 disruption if they didn't censor harrassment, which they did.
Then politicians immediately said other politicians were tweeting harrassment, which was censored. Right before an election.
Why does nobody have a problem with it? Threatening hundreds of billions in stock value damage is the greatest possible violation of the First Amendment this side of cutting off body parts.
Krayt, and Darth, nobody has a problem with it because it's largely not true. At the time social media platforms began censoring, Donald Trump was president, and it was far from certain that he would lose the election. So your claim is that they censored pro-Trump stuff in order to placate a government then led by Donald Trump. That seriously is your argument?
We already have a process for dealing with misinformation; it's called defamation law. The fact that Hillary Clinton has never chosen to sue people who claimed she was part of a pedophile ring, or that she murdered Vince Foster, doesn't mean those statements weren't defamatory and she might not have had a good case had she filed one. As to who decides what's true and what isn't; a jury. This is not a new concept.
But again, hovering over all of this is my original comment that whether or not there should be a legal remedy, a lot of what I agree with Stephen Lathrop's characterization as swill does a significant amount of social harm. Can you please acknowledge that to be true, or is even that too much for you?
Social media censored pro-Trump stuff in order to placate a legislature (you know, the body that makes laws) and to ensure that Trump was not re-elected. The people hauling Silicon Valley executives to Washington and making them testify in front of cameras were in Congress, not the executive branch.
Trump's position on Section 230 was clear and unwavering. The question was whether Congress would send anything to Trump or not -- so the social media companies acted to appease Congress.
"AH, but you are not powerful. The technocrats decided that ANYTHING the CDC said was gospel, and anything that questioned the CDC was "misinformation"."
Even when the CDC said things that were contradictory of things it had previously said.
There yet remains value in disallowing government being the arbiter of truth spoken against it, which is to say, the powerful sitting in their glory of power.
We're already past that anyway. Mere mean tweets are censored, so your mere nastygram examples are under threat already.
And who defines "misinformation"?
Duh.
Liberals. Leftists.
Its like "civility", its only a club the left uses against the right, it ha sno meaning otherwise.
Of course there are costs. Nobody says there aren't. What we are saying (usually very clearly but sometimes not) is that the evils of outlawing anonymity (and guns) outweigh those social costs by several orders of magnitude.
Except that "outlawing" and no regulation at all aren't the only two choices. Yet proponents of both anonymity and gun rights frequently talk and act as if there is no middle ground. It's all either total bans, or no regulation at all.
Well, the world we live in is far more nuanced than that, and accepting the false alternative that if it ain't Christmas, it must be the Fourth of July, is not what thinking people do. Rather, they try to identify the legitimate interests the different sides have, evaluate the extent to which those interests can be balanced against one another, and reach a middle ground that give both sides some of what they want.
At least that's what used to happen back when people were still willing to listen to one another.
That's because totalitarians like you have repeatedly demonstrated that your "moderate middle ground" is anything but. You argue as if there were no existing controls against guns or bad speech and your take every concession as the next step in your encroachment. Your allies' approach in this debate has been the epitome of the fable about the Camel's Nose.
If you want to win this argument, define your end state up front. Not what controls are necessary for guns or speech but how we will know when the goal, the balance however you define it, has been met. Until we have consensus on the goal, there is no point to discussing how to get there.
Rossami, that you think I'm a totalitarian disqualifies you from being taken seriously. On the subject of guns, I have repeatedly said, over and over and over again, over an extended period of time, that I support private gun ownership. I probably support more regulation than you do, but I'm far from a gun grabber. Your claim is just dishonest.
But let me ask the question in reverse: What kind of regulation would you find acceptable? Suppose you and I are both members of Congress drafting a gun bill, and we're about to have a negotiating session. What regulation could you live with?
And here's the problem. We're never going to agree because I have read your comments over and over - and I don't believe you. The things you say you support cannot be reconciled with your claim to support private gun ownership.
Re: what regulation would I find acceptable? I've answered that several times (though in fairness, I don't know if ever in a comment directly to you). I would consider a gun regulation acceptable if it were modeled on the restrictions we consider appropriate to computers, pencils and other instruments of free speech. In other words, no prior restraint, no licensing, no equivalent of poll taxes and lose your rights only upon a judicial finding after due process. I would support some limitations for minors, wards of the state and others adjudicated as not competent. (Important footnote here - our mental health system is in crisis and the deinstitutionalisation movement of the 70s and 80s, while a legitimate pushback to the abuses of the day, has created many current problems.)
My end goal is a recognition that you are an adult, fully and completely responsible for your own actions. So am I. You have a free right to swing your fist wherever you want with the sole limitation that your right ends at the tip of my nose.
OK, so basically you're paranoid. Nobody on my side could possibly be acting in good faith, so, in your mind, there is nothing to talk about.
The thing is, though, that even if I did want to grab guns -- and I don't -- there are so many of them out there that it's a hopeless task. You don't have to worry about gun confiscation because it's a practical impossibility. So, we can talk about reasonable regulation without you having any realistic worries about a slippery slope. Except that you really don't want to; you basically just acknowledged that.
The question is whether your paranoia should be a valid basis for public policy. I don't think it should be. I think a middle ground is possible. And, if I live long enough, maybe someday the middle will take back the country, on this and many other issues.
Plenty of people on your side have been acting in bad faith, Krychek. I've been in the trenches of this fight for decades, I've seen it with my own eyes.
It's not paranoia, it's refusing to play Charlie Brown to your Lucy.
Brett, you think everyone on my side is always acting in bad faith; for you, that's a given. It's almost a metaphysical primary. To me, that looks like a bunch of projection, but whatever.
Bans on "high capacity" magazines that outlaw the standard capacity magazine for most semi-automatic pistols.
Proposed bans on "armor piercing" ammo that define it in a manner that encompasses almost all ammunition.
Requirements for features on guns that are simply technologically unavailable, such as electronic locks that identify the user, or stamping cartridges with the gun's serial number as the gun is fired.
Guarantees that background checks will not be used to create registration lists, which guarantees are immediately violated.
Endless predictions of "blood in the streets" as concealed carry reform spread across the country.
"Studies" attempting to prove that gun ownership is dangerous, which basically uniformly make stupidly obvious statistical mistakes.
And, just exactly how many supposed advocates of "reasonable" gun control went absolutely NUTS when Heller overturned the most extreme gun law in the country, and nuts again when McDonald overturned the most extreme state level law?
The bottom line here is that, until you can identify existing laws that go too far, and rightfully should be struck down, we have to assume that your idea of "reasonable" includes every law that has ever been tried in this country. That it's functionally equivalent to not recognizing the right at all.
You’re certainly arguing in bad faith now.
Arguing on the Internet is not really a fight. There is no honor here.
Okay, but to what end? Tools can be used for good or ill. I recognize that. Any honest person recognizes that. Is this just a ritual recognition, like a land acknowledgement? Or do you advocate for certain policies as a result?
Similar to my comments to Rossami about guns, I think there is a middle ground between two extremist positions. The only two choices aren’t repealing the First Amendment versus allowing what in some cases borders on cyber terror.
What exactly that would look like would require more thought than I’ve given it. But that’s the premise I start from.
"LGBT teenagers, domestic abuse survivors, and other vulnerable group"
Domestic abuse victims by their nature won't ever stop being vulnerable, but also by their nature, they aren't the types to stand up for themselves. The other groups that would have typically fell into the vulnerable category in the past are pretty deep into the process of having the social power to not care if their identity is outed. It's why we are seeing a renewed call for getting rid of anonymity protections. If no one you sympathize with requires it, most people won't see the benefit to society as a whole.
We should not expect female and vulnerable people to fight. That is what families are for, to protect them. People should get legal standing to sue and to privately prosecute the oppressor even when the victim cannot. If that fails, and the oppression continues, the asskicking of the oppressor should be immune.
The culture of anonymity empowerment in the United States has enabled citizen journalists to challenge the powerful in ways they never would have been able to do under their real names.
An enticing claim. Counterbalanced by an acknowledged flood-tide of anonymous swill attacking the weak in ways attackers never would have been able to do under their real names.
If only for the sake of argument, let's assume that destructive anonymous attacks don't matter much. Instead take a look at the good journalistic stuff which anonymity delivers.
I suppose the term, "citizen journalists," whatever it is intended to mean, is meant to exclude the likes of Woodward and Bernstein, Meghna Chakrabarti, Daniel Ellsberg, David Halberstam, Seymour Hersh, and Rachel Maddow, despite all being citizens. They apparently accomplished too much journalism without the advantage of anonymity to qualify for the label. Of course we are not allowed to know the names of their presumed anonymous compatriots, who who provided comparable, "citizen journalist" contributions.
Could we at least have some references, by subject matter, or by story title, to anonymous stories of comparable importance and effect, which could never have come to light without the anonymity attributed here as a source of journalist empowerment? I am not asking for comparable journalistic careers, mind you. That would be asking too much. Only a few single stories from, "Anonymous," to rival just a bit or two of the production from any one of those named above.
Professor Kosseff, can you point to something? Anyone else?
I knew this guest thread would be a red flag in front of a bull for you, but could you at least wait until his discussion is over before you start complaining that it doesn't have the content you want?
Of course, every one of the journalists you named relied on "the advantage of anonymity" to accomplish their journalism. (The relevant anonymity was the anonymity of their sources, obviously, rather than their own.)
Oh, and by the way, since when was Ellsberg a journalist, rather than a whistleblower? He leaked information to journalists.
Ellsberg became a journalist when he began publishing journalistic books. But you did not know about that. Why when you find something you think is incongruous, does it never occur to you to check whether you are mistaken?
Do normal people describe memoirs — the only books, AFAIK, that Ellsburg ever published — as "journalistic books"? I mean, the phrase itself doesn't make much sense. There can be a book by a journalist. There can be a book which is a collection of journalism articles. But a "journalistic book"? That's almost an oxymoron.
Nieporent, to answer your questions, perhaps you should read the books.
Nobody in the profession thinks long-form journalism—including in books—is an oxymoron. What distinguishes journalism is largely news-gathering. Pack a book full of news you gathered, and you get a journalistic book.
"citizen journalists," whatever it is intended to mean, is meant to exclude the likes of "
Don't be obtuse. Its a common term.
Professional journalists are not citizen journalists. People paid to be journalists on a regular basis are not citizen journalists.
Sure! I'll point you to Chapter 12, which profiles a Citizen Journalist named Dissent Doe who has very good reasons for operating under a pseudonym.
Professor Kosseff, thank you for your reply.
I looked up Dissent Doe, and found your discussion. Seems like a worthy reply, if not obviously to me comparable to the work of the figures I mentioned. It could be it is though, because apparently she concentrates in a field I know little about.
I also found your discussion about, MakeThemScared—a site which looks to me like it was structured with an eye to expose predatory male behavior toward women, while disapproving, but paradoxically also deliberately shielding, any libelous accusations which might arrive in the mix. Do you think I have that characterization wrong? I was presented only with a partial excerpt of your work, so I could be mistaken. Could you write a bit about MakeThemScared, its reliance on escaping libel risks, and what that might imply for public acceptance of press freedom on the internet—especially with regard to publication of anonymous libel?
I give my general thoughts about MakeThemScared in the book. It's certainly a less straightforward case of equity balancing than the case of Dissent Doe. I think that MakeThemScared is as much a Section 230 issue as it is one of 1A anonymous speech protections. I really can't predict with any level of certainty whether 230 would protect the site from defamation claims, as courts have contracted the breadth of 230 protections quite a bit. It also would probably depend quite a bit on the content at issue.
As to any subpoenas for the posters: The site says that it collects identifying information from posters. To the extent that it actually does this, and the information is accurate, I think that the subject of a post would have a reasonable chance at overcoming even the more stringent 1A tests, but again this depends quite a bit on the particular claim.
I think this one might be informative.
And would Thomas Paine count as an anonymous journalist? He seems rather important.
I agree that he is pretty important! And I write about him (and Junius, and the Farmer from Pennsylvania, and Publius) in Chapter 1.
gormadoc, not really, for Paine. Common Sense was circulated mainly by newspapers, not by his anonymous pamphlet. His identity quickly became widely known. He was a periodical publisher himself, and not anonymously. He became an internationally celebrated public figure largely on the basis of the extraordinary readership the multi-newspaper publication of Common Sense enabled.
Pseudonyms for other founding era writers held up better, at times. But of course pseudonymous publications by leading figures such as Madison and Hamilton were widely recognized by their styles, and especially by their colleagues.
It is important when considering today's debate about pseudonymity to understand that precedents set by founding era figure were less often about personal protection from harm (although in the revolutionary era that figured more), and more about distancing their names and widely-known policy views from an argument presented for the first time, to give an article an appearance of disinterested authorship. Even when that was understood to be happening, it could help readers buy time to consider arguments abstracted from context, which is sometimes a useful thing to do, and sometimes not.
There has been interesting confusion among historians, because sometimes founding era figures ghost-wrote for each other. Much of what had been attributed to Washington is now known to have been written by Hamilton. In one retrospectively amusing case, Madison granted Washington's request to write him something to be used in a communication to Congress. Madison, a leading figure in Congress at the time, then wrote the Congressional reply to Washington.
Not sure I totally agree with that assessment of Common Sense. While it was reprinted in newspapers, more than 100k copies of the anonymous pamphlet were printed (quite a lot for that time). And the pamphlet received a lot of attention in the first few months when Paine's identity was a mystery.
I agree that, at least by the time that Paine was publishing Common Sense, the main motivation for anonymous speech was the impact on the message rather than the author's safety.
Professor Kosseff, agree that 100k copies were a lot, except in comparison to the circulation Paine's work eventually achieved—"In proportion to the population of the colonies at that time (2.5 million), it had the largest sale and circulation of any book published in American history." — Wikipedia, and likely correct this time.
If my memory serves, one historical estimate of the likely eventual circulation, including in newspapers, was at least 400,000.
Note also that the original cover of the copy of Common Sense has a printed publisher's line: "PHILADELPHIA; Printed, and Sold, by R. BELL, in Third Street."
Obviously, Paine's identity was known to the institutional publisher who sold his work. Also of interest is a faint pencil notation on the cover of the original edition copy presented online. The hand script notation says, "by Thomas Paine." I think it likely that was added much later, but who knows.
There is no doubt that Paine became phenomenally well known, and eventually, after publication of, "The Rights of Man," also notorious. Use of Paine's example to billboard the advantages of anonymity seems a reach.
All that said, with regard to discussion of internet anonymity, one point of disconnection which the Paine example presents demands forthright attention. However long Paine chose to remain anonymous, or could manage to, Paine published during an era when publishers could also be held liable for content. His publisher was not anonymous.
That era of publisher liability complicates the comparison so often presented, where previous anonymity is compared to today's internet anonymity—despite the revolution of liability context created since passage of Section 230. They are nothing alike.
I presume you will write on that subject later, and look forward to what you have to say.
Paine's identity actually was not initially known to the publisher of Common Sense. Of course he (like the Pennsylvania Farmer and so many other anonymous authors) was eventually known, but anonymity played an important role in the initial message.
230 definitely plays a key role in all of this. I began writing this book partly as an outgrowth of my book about 230. A general characterization of 230 is "you sue the poster, not the platform." Of course, you can't sue the poster if the poster can't be identified. This isn't just a 1A issue - even with a subpoena, the poster might not be traceable due to using an unsecured WiFi connection, Tor, etc.
Paine's identity actually was not initially known to the publisher of Common Sense.
Curious to learn your evidence for that. And who do you consider to have been that publisher? Was it not the R. BELL printed on the cover?
". . . you sue the poster, not the platform."
Perhaps I am getting ahead of the planned topics. If so, I will wait to address issues later. But if this is as good a time as any to do it, can you please give some assessments. With regard to your characterization of Section 230 above, can you say what you think the results have proved to be for:
1. The amount of libel which gets published, and also the amount of libel which avoids legal process.
2. The frequency and reach among publications of non-libelous untruths, scams, frauds, political manipulations, hoaxes, medical misinformation, conspiracy theories, etc.
3. The quality of the public life of the nation.
4. Public acceptance of a free press as a useful national norm.
5. The relative scale of the nation's larger publishing institutions.
6. The diversity among the nation's larger publishing institutions.
7. The nation's news gathering capacity, taken as a whole, but also with particular attention to local news gathering.
8. Changes in public readiness, or public impetus, to try to use government to regulate publishers.
9. Willingness of policy makers to consider using government power to re-order publishing law and publishing practices.
10. The distribution of advertising revenue available to support diversity and profusion among the nation's publishers.
11. Benefits to the public life of the nation delivered by Section 230.
Professor Kosseff, another way to think about the Paine anonymity thing is that when you claim Paine as a historical example for the benefits of anonymity, the Paine you get to claim is not the anonymous one. It is the whole-ball-of-wax Paine, who comes with all the advantages generated by his enormous newspaper circulation, plus his later fame and subsequent influence.
If there were some way to measure the contemporary impact of the anonymous pamphlet—measured with Paine's name still unknown to his contemporaries, and to us later—I think it stands to reason that today's Paine-inspired opinions about the benefits of anonymity would be a tiny fraction of what they actually have become.
All good points, though I'm not sold. I think you might be understating the value of anonymity in the particular time when Paine's identity was not publicly known -- early 1776. Yes, for more than two centuries everyone has known who wrote Common Sense, but the impact of the speech was particularly strong in the few months after publication.
I think that, in a world where anonymous mobs have the power to bring people down with impunity, perhaps we should be rethinking whether anonymity is such an absolute constitutional and cultural right after all.
For example, perhaps internet service providers should be held responsible for the content of anonymous posters. They can choose to provide anonymity for their customers, or not be very diligent about identifying them. But there is no constitutional reason why they should get shielded from liability when anonymous posters, or posters who provide false identification, libel people.
Excellent points. Of course, the First Amendment does not and never has provided absolute protections for anonymous speech. It sets the bar high -- higher than in most countries -- but the courts have approved some online and offline intrusions on anonymity. When it comes to something like civil subpoenas, the courts have developed frameworks that require plaintiffs to present a reasonably strong case before obtaining identifying information. (That is, assuming that they'd be able to obtain it if the court allowed the subpoena, as there might be barriers such as Tor, a coffeehouse WiFi connection, etc.).
Aren't you conflating two issues, though? One question is whether a pseudonymous/anonymous person can be unmasked by court process. Then courts perform, e.g., the Dendrite analysis or the like. The other is whether the government can preemptively forbid anonymous communication in the first instance.
I don't think that I'm conflating them. They are two issues, but both trace back to the same First Amendment anonymity right.
And, as one of this blog’s anonymous posters, I say this against interest.
I, too, say a great many things here that for employment related reasons I could not say in public if I had to sign my name. So from that standpoint, I agree with you.
The difference, however, is that to my knowledge, I've never said anything on the Internet that fanned the rage of an internet mob that then went out and destroyed someone's life. There's a difference between taking a position on a controversial issue, versus making the claim that someone is a pedophile.
Indeed, some of the earliest John Doe subpoena cases, which I detail in this book and will post about on Thursday, were in the late 90s/early 2000s when employees criticized their executives on Yahoo! Finance bulletin boards. To say that the execs had thin skins would be an understatement. They filed many weak defamation and breach of confidentiality agreement lawsuits, only to use the subpoena process to unmask and then fire the critical employees. Thanks to advocates like Paul Levy at Public Citizen, he courts gradually developed standards that will reject discovery attempts in those weak cases, but are more likely to allow subpoenas in a case such as your pedophile hypothetical. The balance that courts reached is not perfect (if that were even possible), but it does a pretty good job at striking a balance.
Jeff, and I get that there are a lot of weak defamation cases filed by people with thin skins. But that's problematic in any area of the law; people file weak tort claims, knowing that insurance companies will settle them. That, however, is not an argument to abolish tort law. Rather, it's an argument to tighten up the process to make frivolous cases most costly for those who file them.
On the issue of internet anonymity, there is probably no solution that won't result in innocent people getting hurt. We should strive to find the sweet spot, even knowing that it will evade us as it has in every other area of the law.
All good points, but the consideration in the John Doe cases is not merely one of economics (i.e., insurance will pay to settle). The additional factor is that the discovery itself could have harms that go far beyond having to settle a weak lawsuit. Unmasking could lead to economic/workplace repercussions, safety threats, embarrassment, and many other harms. That is why courts (I think correctly) have set a fairly high standard before unmasking.
Question for Jeff Kosseff
What are your views on government or private sector prohibition against employees using organization resources, whether pcs or time, to post anonymously? It appears to be a contractual rather than First Amendment issue; do you agree? Are you bothered by strict enforcement of no posting on "company time"?
If they are prohibitions on posting using employer equipment or time, I don't have a problem (I personally think such a policy is a bad decision, but it's one that an employer can make). I'm aware of many such restrictions, but none that are limited to anonymous posts. There are a number of concerns if the prohibitions go beyond work time/equipment.
Maddow is not a journalist, she’s an entertainer. Just like Carlson. Tucker. And talk about misinformation. If you want it she dishes it out like there’s no tomorrow.
Ellsberg wasn’t a journalist either, more of a whistleblower. But he did the country a service, unlike Maddow and her ilk.
Prof. Kosseff:
Have you considered or encountered any points regarding which a mixture of anonymity and pseudonymity might be relevant or important to distinctions. (For example, Arthur L. Kirkland is simultaneously pseudonymous to several Volokh Conspirators and anonymous to most or all readers of this blog (in addition to being known and beloved worldwide as the man who was robbed by the Academy and that talentless hack, Ted Kramer).
Thank you for any consideration you might wish to direct toward this point, and for any thoughts you might wish to provide. The general issue of anonymity (and pseudonymity, and quasinonymity) strikes me as important; hearing from someone several laps ahead of the field would be illuminative.
Excellent point. Particularly in Chapter 4, I write about the nonbinary nature of anonymity and pseudonymity. A speaker might be pseudonymous to some or known to others. Or the speaker's real name might not be known, but they may have disclosed enough details to at least narrow down the list of suspects. Or they might be unknown for a brief period and then later voluntarily unmasked.
In my context, the pseudonymity would make it easy to hold me accountable for wrongful conduct while the simultaneous anonymity protects me from annoyance. That seems a good condition.
I applaud the restraint you demonstrate by refraining from piling on with respect to Ted Kramer, that talentless hack. Most people couldn't resist.
This is a topic I am somewhat obsessive about. I have won and lost cases about anonymity. Are you aware of Gaspee Project v Mederos? It's a recent first circuit case criminalizing certain political speech, such as voting guides that do not contain a disclaimer identifying the top 5 contributors. A cert petition is currently before the Supreme Court. Here is the state's brief in opposition, which I suspect was written by Campaign Legal Center. https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/21/21-890/217890/20220307162428300_Brief%20in%20Opposition.pdf.
Thanks! Pseudonymous speech isn't completely terrible.
It's a bit early, but Prof. Kosseff is off to a strong start (content, qualifications, conduct) toward being the best guest-blogger this blog has offered. He's already so far ahead of most that it seems impossible to lose the leads.
I remain cautiously optimistic.