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Offices and Officers of the Constitution, Parts I and II
The first two installments of a planned ten-part series that provides the first comprehensive examination of the offices and officers of the Constitution.
Seth Barrett Tillman and I have published the first two installments of our planned ten-part series that provides the first comprehensive examination of the offices and officers of the Constitution. Parts I and II now appear in Volume 61 of the South Texas Law Review. Here are the abstracts:
Offices and Officers of the Constitution, Part I: An Introduction
In this Essay, we introduce our planned ten-part series that provides the first comprehensive examination of the offices and officers of the Constitution. This series will explain the original public meaning of twelve clauses of the Constitution that refer to six categories of offices and officers. First, the phrase "Officers of the United States" refers to appointed positions in the Executive and Judicial Branches. Second, the phrase "Office . . . under the United States" refers to appointed positions in the Executive and Judicial Branches, and also includes non-apex appointed positions in the Legislative Branch. Third, the phrase "Office under the Authority of the United States" includes all "Office[s] . . . under the United States," and extends further to include a broader category of irregular positions. Fourth, the phrase "Officer" of "the Government of the United States" refers to the presiding officers identified in the Constitution. Fifth, the word "Officer," as used in the Succession Clause, refers to those who hold "Office . . . under the United States" and those who are "Officer[s]" of "the Government of the United States." Sixth, the phrase "Office or public Trust under the United States" encompasses two categories of positions: "Office[s] . . . under the United States" and "public Trusts under the United States." The former category includes appointed positions in all three branches; the latter category includes federal officials who are not subject to direction or supervision by a higher federal authority in the normal course of their duties.
Our categorization excludes elected officials from the categories "Officers of the United States" and "Office[s] . . . under the United States." Not everyone agrees with our Minimalist View. Professors Akhil Reed Amar and Vikram David Amar have put forward an Intermediate View: the elected President is an "officer of the United States," but members of Congress are not. Professor Zephyr Teachout advances a Maximalist View: elected and appointed positions, in all three branches, are "offices" and "officers." And some scholars may embrace a fourth approach. Under a Clause-Bound View, fine variations in the Constitution's text should not be used to distinguish different kinds of offices and officers. Rather, this view purports to be guided by the specific purposes that animate each individual clause.
As a general matter, it is impossible to reject any of these four approaches with 100% certainty. Instead, we make a limited claim: our approach, the Minimalist View, is better than its known rivals. The Framers chose different "office"- and "officer"-language in different clauses of the Constitution. These provisions were altered throughout the Convention to standardize and harmonize how the Constitution refers to offices and officers. And the conduct of President Washington, his cabinet, and the First Congress was consistent with the Minimalist View. This evidence undermines the Intermediate, Maximalist, and Clause-Bound Approaches.
Part I, this Essay, introduces our planned ten-part series. Part II will expound on the four approaches to understand the Constitution's "office"- and "officer"-language. Part III will analyze the phrase "Officers of the United States," which appears in the Appointments Clause, the Commissions Clause, the Impeachment Clause, and the Oath or Affirmation Clause. Part IV will trace the history of the "Office . . . under the United States" drafting convention. Part V will consider the meaning of the phrase "Office . . . under the United States," which appears in the Incompatibility Clause, the Impeachment Disqualification Clause, the Foreign Emoluments Clause, and the Elector Incompatibility Clause. Part VI will turn to the phrase "Office under the Authority of the United States," which appears in the Ineligibility Clause. Part VII will study the Religious Test Clause, which uses the phrase "Office or public Trust under the United States." Part VIII will focus on the phrase "Officer" of "the Government of the United States" in the Necessary and Proper Clause. Part IX will elaborate on the word "Officer," standing alone and unmodified, in the Succession Clause. Part X will conclude the series.
Offices and Officers of the Constitution, Part II: The Four Approaches
This Article is the second installment of a planned ten-part series that provides the first comprehensive examination of the offices and officers of the Constitution. The first installment introduced the series. In this second installment, we will identify four approaches to understand the Constitution's divergent "office"- and "officer"-language.
First, under Approach #1, the Intermediate View, the Constitution's references to "offices" and "officers" extend exclusively to positions in the Judicial Branch and in the Executive Branch—whether appointed or elected. But the Constitution's references to "offices" and "officers" do not extend to positions in the Legislative Branch—whether appointed or elected.
Second, under Approach #2, the Maximalist View, the Constitution's divergent "office"- and "officer"-language is used synonymously. And, under this approach, these phrases refer to positions in all three branches, whether appointed or elected.
Third, under Approach #3, the Minimalist View, the Constitution's divergent "office"- and "officer"-language has different meanings. The phrase "Officers of the United States" extends exclusively to appointed positions in the Executive and Judicial Branches. And the phrase "Office . . . under the United States" extends exclusively to appointed positions in all three branches. (The ellipses refer to different words the Framers placed after office but before under: "profit," "trust," and/or "honor"). For more than a decade, Tillman has advanced Approach #3. Blackman was first piqued by Tillman's position shortly after he became a law professor, and he was thereafter persuaded.
Finally, we consider Approach #4, which we refer to as the Clause-Bound View. Under this approach, the "office"- and "officer"-language in each provision of the Constitution should be interpreted in isolation, without regard to how the same or similar language is used elsewhere in the Constitution. For example, the phrase "Officers of the United States" in one clause may have a different meaning than the phrase "Officers of the United States" in another clause.
This Article—at more than 30,000 words in length—is incomplete. Here, we simply introduce our taxonomy. If all goes to plan, the planned ten-part series will be completed circa Spring 2023. At that point, our project will be substantially complete. And, we hope, any remaining significant lingering questions will have been answered.
The first two installments total nearly 130 pages. And we're still not done. Stay tuned for parts three through ten.
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Are you sure that ten parts is enough?
I assume they wanted to write a book, but couldn't find a publisher, so they put it in their self-published law review instead.
Ahh, this explains so many comments here.
O, that explains much of the known internet.
David, that is the Laugh of the Day. Compliments. Why can't Josh find the main idea, and say it in a simple declarative sentence at the top of the article? For people who thirst for more lawyer gibberish, read the rest.
Why is your co-author an associate professor in Ireland, Blackman? Doesn't she have her own constitution to interpret?
The pettiness of Blackman bashers knows no limits. Seth Barrett Tillman is a male, hobie, a graduate of Harvard Law school who also taught at Rutgers. Why is he currently teaching in Ireland? I don't know, maybe he likes the rolling green hills or wants to sample Guinness at the source, or maybe he got a great job offer- why is this relevant in any way to the post you are commenting on?
Oh, I'm just passing the time, zz.
Do you think Josh could be less wordy? Find the take home message, put it in a simple declarative sentence at the top of a posting. Then let the reader decide how much verbiage to endure.
Yeah, really, such infantile pettiness. But then I suspect the good prof enjoys a swig of Teeling Single Grain from the source.
I for one admire the boldness of outlining a ten part series. Since announcing that a plan to do X number of things has some notable historical failures. See Geoffrey Chaucer, Donald Knuth, George RR Martin, Stephen Colbert, etc.
"Seth Barrett Tillman and I have published the first two installments of our planned ten-part series ...."
Now that's a true threat if I've ever seen one. Where could you possibly publish TEN installments of this?
".... of the South Texas Law Review."
....checks out.
Yes, a publications by Blackman's own college. Heh. Even then it took 7 months after submittal to be approved. SMH
Bringing up the always lurking issue of law reviews simply publishing their own faculty’s stuff.
So what do people think about the totally not controversial, not sexist, no racist "I'm going to nominate a black woman" commitment Biden made?
You're a bit off topic, Jimmy. This is a thread about victimizing Blackman.
Oh ok, got it, gotta keep the Blackman down....
Good one
It is my favorite Blackman joke....
I don't think he had any other choice. Without that endorsement from Rep. Clyburn, we almost certainly would have a different president today.
He could have phrased it more politiciany, rather than making a hard commitment. "It's long past time for a black woman to be seated on the court, and my administration will make that a priority" is something that sounds like a promise without actually being one.
He could've done what Trump did, and published a short list, one including several prominent black women.
He could've told Clyburn in private that he was going to do it, if that would've made Clyburn feel better.
I think that is the thing that is the big difference and irking most. There is something to be said about recruiting candidates to be considered of certain demographics. That is widely accepted as being an ethical hiring practice. What grates most, even some who support diversity, is hiring someone based purely upon a certain demographic. That really runs afoul commitments to non-discrimination when you say you won't even consider others for the job.
But, even if your intention is to hire someone of a particular demographic, it is expected that you engage in the theater of at least considering other qualified people despite the fact you have already made up your mind. Biden's major fault is not doing this theater which is why he is taking more flack than usual.
An unforseen problem for a forseen problem: the powerful twisting things to hurt political enemies.
I see its middle school here today.
". . . first comprehensive . . ."
I think OLC beat you by about 15 years.
https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/officers-united-states-within-meaning-appointments-clause
So, almost as long as your resume?
Just curious: How many of you are planning to read all ten installments?
I'm going to try. If the historical analysis matches the shoddiness of some of their earlier works, it might be tough.
Question for the Blackman haters: If you dislike him that much, why do you devote so much time to reading and commenting on him?
I will admit to not being that enamored of his writing myself, but I don't spend hours talking about it. Reminds me of the old joke about the censorship board that said, "This book is filthy. We know because we read it three times."
1. It's funny. There are worse things to do.
2. To the extent anyone coming by bothers with the comments, it provides a helpful signal as to the usefulness of Blackman's work.
3. It's not every post. Most of us have better things to do than to comment on every single one of his posts ... nor do we have the time.
4. Some of us have a vain hope that at some point, we will get more posts by actual legal scholars like Orin Kerr and Will Baude, and less of this. Quality control and all that.
5. His posts are always such a target-rich environment ... sure, the self-citing, resume, Cooley-level law school, SCOTUS gossip, and poor legal analysis are easy pickings, but generally there is something in every post he writes that you can savor and enjoy independently. Whether it's "quitting" twitter, or his 10-part magnum opus here, or just a complete inability to understand a Scalia opinion, it's usually comedy gold.
But hey- if Trump (or a Trump sycophant) wins the next election election, maybe Blackman's shameless pandering will pay off in a position in the administration, or worse, a judicial nomination. So who is laughing then, eh?
I visit this site for entertainment. My preferred form of entertainment is to engage in substantive discussion of complex legal issues, and unfortunately this site is still the best forum for that on the internet that I know of, which is why I'm still coming here.
But ultimately it's Prof. Volokh's site, so he gets to choose the format. And if he thinks spam and hot takes are the best approach, then so be it: I'll entertain myself with cheap potshots instead.
I would note that Prof. Blackman sets himself up so well for easy dunks that it really doesn't require investing very much time!
I just want to say one thing:
NERDS!
IANAL, let alone a law professor or constitutional scholar, so I may well be missing something. Is this really a topic that has never been examined comprehensively before? Josh refers to several other approaches to this issue in the post. Were they not comprehensive, or does comprehensive have a different meaning in this context?
When publishing in academia you're always supposed to pretend that nobody's done what you have before, it helps if you don't even bother to see if somebody has or simply dismiss it.
" The first two installments total nearly 130 pages. "
That's nearly as long as some blowhards' resumes!
(singing Caroline, No . . .)
How many law schools in the United States (among roughly 200) are ranked below South Texas College of Law Houston?
__ zero
__ two
__ four
__ six
__ eight
__ ten or more
(Don't fall for either of the "obvious" choices)
The odds that even a single one of the Framers would have agreed with this long list of microdistinctions is approximately 0.0000%.