The Volokh Conspiracy
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Why Did Chief Justice Roberts Not Dissent In WWH Mandamus Case?
Roberts, a self-avowed judicial supremacist, apparently did not think the Fifth Circuit ignored the Supreme Court.
On Thursday evening, the Supreme Court denied WWH's request for a writ of mandamus. Now, the case goes to the Texas Supreme Court, which will determine whether the state licensing officials actually have any role to enforce S.B. 8. (I think the answer is no.)
There were three noted dissents. Justice Breyer wrote a dissent, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Kagan. And Justice Sotomayor wrote a dissent, joined by Justices Breyer and Kagan. Both dissents flatly stated that the Fifth Circuit flouted the Supreme Court's order.
Justice Breyer wrote, "the Court of Appeals ignored our judgment."
Justice Sotomayor used even stronger language:
The panel's actions on remand clearly defy this Court's judgment for the reasons ably explained by Judge Higginson. . . . After this Court resolved the appeal, there was no defensible basis for the Fifth Circuit panel to delay the resumption of proceedings in the District Court. . . . By blessing this tactic, the panel ignored this Court's clear message that this case should proceed—and proceed expeditiously.
She also gave Judge Edith Jones a shout-out:
At argument before the Fifth Circuit four days later, one judge on the panel raised the notion that because this Court is considering a challenge to Roe v. Wade, 410 U. S. 113 (1973), the panel could "just sit on this until the end of June" rather than fulfill its obligation to apply existing precedent.
Moreover, Justice Sotomayor trained her fire at the Court, which declined to stop the panel's alleged flouting of precedent:
Instead of stopping a Fifth Circuit panel from indulging Texas' newest delay tactics, the Court allows the State yet again to extend the deprivation of the federal constitutional rights of its citizens through procedural manipulation. The Court may look the other way, but I cannot. . . .This Court should not accept such an egregious distortion of its decision. . . . . . . The dilatory tactics to which this Court accedes today are consistent with, and part of, this scheme. . . . Despite this Court's protestations over the "extraordinary solicitude" it gave this case and the narrowness of any dispute, it accepts yet another dilatory tactic by Texas.
Justice Sotomayor criticized Chief Justice Roberts, in particular, for countenancing further delays. Recall Roberts largely ruled against Texas in the prior case.
The eight Justices who "agree[d]" on this point, id., at ___ (ROBERTS, C. J., concurring in judgment in part and dissenting in part) (slip op., at 2), also made plain that the litigation must continue apace. Four wrote that "the District Court should resolve this litigation and enter appropriate relief without delay." Ibid.
We cannot be certain how Roberts voted here. It is possible that he would have granted the writ of mandamus, but simply did not note his dissent. I am skeptical Roberts took this approach. Roberts is a self-avowed judicial supremacist. If he thought the Fifth Circuit was flouting the Supreme Court's order, he would have said so. Hell hath no fury like a supremacist scorned. But here, Roberts was silent.
The more likely explanation? The Fifth Circuit's order was consistent with WWH II. The Supreme Court did not, and could not definitively resolve what role the state licensing officials play. Certification was an appropriate means to answer that question. If the Texas Supreme Court holds that these officials cannot enforce S.B. 8, then the case is over. There is no need for a federal court to issue a meaningless injunction.
Finally, any injunction from the district court against the licensing officials would be meaningless. These officials have said they are not going to take any action against the clinics. An injunction would have no real-world effect. And the threat of private lawsuits continues.
Once again, Jonathan Mitchell, the genius prevailed.
Of course, all of these deliberations are made in the shadow of Dobbs. Certainly, the Justices know the outcome of the case--or at least the latest vote. I sense a certain tone of defeat in Justice Sotomayor's dissent. She knows what's coming. But like Judge Jones, the rest of will simply have to wait for the end of June.
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Is there an argument that the Supreme Court isn't supreme vis a vis other federal courts?
Josh has an elaborate theory that the Supreme Court's opinions are just that, opinions, and that anyone can ignore them if they want to. Otherwise you're a judicial supremacist.
Blackman has criticized the reasoning of Cooper v. Aaron. I surmise that if he had been born two generations earlier he would have been part of the Massive Resistance to Brown v. Board of Education.
SUPREME VS. SUPREMACY & CASING THE SUPREME WISDOM
Yah, of course, a rose is a rose and supreme means supreme, but it's still remarkable how supremacy - the noun -- is all the rage these days ... on the Left of the spectrum.
On the other hand, exclusive apparently doesn't mean exclusive unless and until the Texas Supreme Court makes such a supremely sensible if not self-evident pronouncement with all deliberate speed. Today the Lone Star Supremes gracefully accepted the invitation.
See here: https://www.txcourts.gov/media/1453499/case-summaries-01-21-2022.pdf (CQ grant synopsis on Page 2, actual order on Order release page for 1/21/2022).
Here is how the 5th Cir. resolved that very issue on 9/1/2022, apparently with ease and no need to consult their erudite colleague, ex-Justice Willett, to channel state supreme thinking and facilitate the panel's divination of Tex-Lege intent: With a regurgiation of the text of SB8 for a plain reading. No guessing, eerily or otherwise. No yanking of entrails for inspection (anthropomancy) and prep for proper encasement of inferior-court wisdom:
"Notwithstanding Section 171.005 or any other law, the requirements of this subchapter shall be enforced exclusively through the private civil actions described in Section 171.208. No enforcement of this subchapter, and no enforcement of Chapters 19 and 22, Penal Code, in response to violations of this subchapter, may be taken or threatened by this state, a political subdivision, a district or county attorney, or an executive or administrative officer or employee of this state or a political subdivision against any person, except as provided in Section 171.208. See also id. § 171.005 (providing S.B. 8 "shall be enforced exclusively through the private civil enforcement actions described by Section 171.208 and may not be enforced by the commission")."
Got it, you-all?
https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=10924895364322746288&hl=en&as_sdt=6,44
BOTTOM LINE: It may be a bit irreverent to comment on the garb of the emperors, but here goes the court jester: 8 out of 9 didn't do well in Reading. And as to the Fifth's protestation that the case wasn't about abortion ... Gee ... Who are trying to fool? Joe and Jane Publico are not suitably schooled to think like a lawyer. So no. At best this will just set off their BS detectors.
That said, can you really blame them for throwing the abortion cultists a bone, given all that clamor, not to mention the in-house exasperation?
Strengthen your silly characterization by citing your earlier statement of same silly assertion. As if there is something suspect about justices quoting the Supreme Court opinions on role in interpreting Constitution. As if asserting finality in Constitutional interpretation is somehow usurping the supremacy of other branches in their roles (i.e., law making, oversight, impeachment, and advice/consent within Constitutional bounds, and Article II functions). Another fail for the ambitious young professor.
“ Once again, Jonathan Mitchell, the genius prevailed. “
Standard English, punctuation in particular, did not.
Who needs an editor when you have South Texas College of Law Houston as a credential?
OK, Boomer. When are you resigning so you can be replaced by a diverse? Make it personal, or STFU.
LOL, Ok that was funny Arthur = Standard English, punctuation in particular, did not.
Thank you.
I see that Meat Loaf has died.
I met him briefly, years ago. He seemed a good man.
I was at a dive bar -- but among the best small stages in the country -- with the house band, whose members had become my acquaintances. They knew Meat Loaf through their promoter, so he showed up.
Backstage, the owner, a crusty but beloved man, saw a large, unfamiliar person blocking the kitchen flow (this place did $60 in food sales on a great night, but thousands in cheap beer). It went something like this:
Owner: 'Hey, big guy, get the _____ out of here. You're in the way.'
Band member: 'Wait, you don't understand. This is Meat Loaf.'
Owner: 'I don't give a shit if he's Fettucine Alfredo. Get him out of my kitchen.'
Later, Meat Loaf joined the band on stage with another established musician (it wasn't Steve Van Zandt, so it probably was Ian Hunter or Mick Ronson), attempting a ragged standard (maybe Johnny B. Goode or Twist and Shout), and Meat Loaf was struggling with lyrics. At one point he just gave up and sang 'fettucine alfredo.'
I miss that place. I will miss Meat Loaf, too.
Great story, Arthur. Thanks for sharing that.
Aim your Google-compatible device at the Meat Loaf story about his "involvement" in the Kennedy assassination (Dallas, Parkland Hospital, etc.). He told it on the Letterman, Stern, and Huckabee shows, I think. Hell of a story.
For the stridently skeptical, I found another account of Mr. Loaf's Fettucine Alfredo story.
The Meat Loaf story has a soundtrack focusing on the bar owner. Great song.
This site's link limit prevents a pointer toward the companion song, Junior's Bar, which features Sugar Miami Little Steven Van Zandt on lead guitar. Also a fine song.
If Mr. Loaf couldn't come up with the lyrics to Twist and Shout, he will drop a bit in my estimation of his musical chops. It's not exactly "We Didn't Start the Fire" or "It's the End of the World as We Know It."
The Chief isn't going to date you, Josh.
>Justice Breyer wrote, "the Court of Appeals ignored our judgment."
As we all should.
Ok law professors, the 5th circuit has asked the TX Supreme Court to 'certify' two questions (read that in another VC post).
What exactly is certification?
Who asks for certification, and why?
How often do certification requests happen?
What happens if the 'certifier' does not answer the question?
In this context certification means a federal court asks a state court for the proper interpretation of state law. For example, the First Circuit recently asked for and received the opinion of the Rhode Island Supreme Court on whether a particular state law required insurance companies to promptly respond to demand letters mailed before a lawsuit had been filed against the insured. The answer was no; the law only applies after a lawsuit has been filed. Certification is rarely requested (probably less than 1% of cases) and usually accepted. If no answer is given the federal court will come up with its own answer.
Ok, so this is a pretty unusual thing to do. But it makes sense, right? You ask the highest court of a state to tell the federal court what the state law actually says and how it applies within their state. Then the federal courts address the issue, using the state provided interpretation.
Your example was great (thank you!). You have contributed to my legal education. 🙂
As I understand it, this is a perfectly normal thing for a federal circuit court or the supreme court to do.
Incidence of Cert Questions in SCOTX
You can look them up here, specifying the time range:
https://search.txcourts.gov/Events/default.aspx?coa=cossup (Select "Cert Question Filed" in drop-down menu for "Event Group")
N=6 since 1/1/2021, so that seems like a small number per year, but certified questions are by definition important while the grant rate in regular appeals is probably about between 10 and 20%. The SCOTX exercises discretionary review and typically decides slightly less than 100 cases on the merits and with opinion annually. More detailed drilldowns on the caseload are available from the Office Court of Administration's Annual Statistical Report for the Texas Judiciary (plus additional data files posted online).
As for the process: Federal appellate courts may and do certify the questions (not federal district courts); SCOTX decides whether to answer, and how.
"a self-avowed judicial supremacist"
You realize nobody, even people who agree with you on lots of things about jurisprudence, takes you seriously on this, right?
Good grief, the blindness of people is staggering.
We all know what the 5th Circuit is about. Now that the Texas law is in effect it is about keeping it in effect as long as possible. The remand to the Texas court is just that, a delaying tactic. It has no basis in law.
If the Supreme Court had not allowed the Texas law to go forward, which is what they should have done under the rule of law, there would be none of these delays.
So right now a state has taken away a Constitutional right for its residents, and the Court and the courts have allowed this to happen all in the name of politics and policy. The rule of law, forgetaboutit.
Please consider a focus on the long term, Sidney r finkel. These hayseeds are doomed in modern America.
The clingers appear to be building the foundation on which the American mainstream are to build a Supreme Court that reflects modern America (instead of a Federalist Society meeting).
Chief Justice Roberts seems to recognize this -- and occasionally asks 'Is this a good idea? Any of you guys ever read Tom Sawyer?" -- but Gorsuch, Thomas, and Alito just keep shouting 'Let's go! More bricks, please!'
(Speaking of building a good foundation and Tom Sawyer: Geddy Lee.)
You sound like the fellow I would like an answer from.
I am unable to see why any of this injunction business matters. If WWH is right and sundry Texas officials have some role in enforcing SB8, and so WWH would like an injunction to stop them, then if they were to prevail, they'd get their injunction, and so the Texas officials could do nothing. If Texas is right and these officials have no such role......then these Texas officials can do nothing.
Either way the Texas officials could do nothing. So what difference does it make ?
Private enforcement, as envisaged by SB8 can proceed, regardless of any lack of activity by these Texas officials.
So what's the fuss about ? All I can think of is that WWH are hoping that the District Judge will issue an injunction not merely against the Texas officials in the case, but against the world. But why can't some friendly Texas judge do that anyway ?
Please explain why this spat about whether the Texas officials are incapacitated by a Texas Supreme Court judgement that they have no power, or are incapacitated by a District Court injunction, matters. It must do - since people are getting so excited about it.
It is highly likely the district court will issue an injunction on both private and government enforcement if WWH can bring a pre-enforcement challenge on the basis of some Texas official having a role in enforcement.
And, WWH might find a friendly Texas court permitting a pre-enforcement challenge under Texas law. Or they might not. The federal district court is a friend.
ON INJUNCTING THE WORLD
A little problem here: In WWH v. Jackson there was only 1 private defendant (Mark Lee Dickson), and he got dismissed on the lack-of-standing-rationale. He disavowed a present intent to sue the plaintiffs and is gone (My guess was that the SCOTUS might leave him in the case for a merits hearing on the temporary injunction upon a finding that he wasn't entitled to bring an interlocutory appeal, but that scenario didn't come to pass).
All the other "privateers" in federal court - the ones that didn't disavow or only in part -- intervened in USA v. Texas (3 would-be SB8 suitors represented by Mitchell, Oscar Stilley, and Felipe Gomez, the latter having since thrown the towel in his state-court suit in San Antonio in a bid to getout of Dr. Braid's counter-interpleader in his hometown, Chicago). USA v. Texas will probably be nixed for lack of jurisdiction, rending all five interventions moot.
So, while Judge Pitman sits in both cases, how is he going to issue an injunction against anyone if USA v. Texas (the case, not just the now-stayed preliminary injunction order) goes poof on appeal?
And the injunction against the state licensing officials that already say they have no enforcement authority (they can read the statute too) -- assuming any is entered after the completed excursion to the Texas Supreme Court -- would be an exercise in futility.
Mr. Moore
It's important because Constitutional rights exist in every state, always have. Until Roe and Casey are over-ruled there is Constitutional right to abortion up to 24 weeks of pregnancy.
But in Texas women do not have that right. When they cross into Oklahoma they regain the right. When they go back to Texas they lose the right.
This so violates the concept of Federalism that this nation is built upon that the decisions of the courts here pose a serious and grave danger long term to the legal structure and Constitutional rights that we all enjoy.
Hello, Mr. Moore .... Federalism involves the hierarchical division of powers, so state-by-state variation is a design feature because the constituent units of the federation (states here, provinces, autonomous regions, Laender, cantons in other nations) retain separate policy/lawmaking jurisdiction over their respective territories and inhabitants thereof, thus allowing for diversity in policy regimes among the constituent units.
The opposite setup is the unitary form of government where the national/central government is the sole lawmaking authority and the smaller units of government/public administration are subordinate.
The problem with abortion policy in the USA is that it has been "federalized" by the U.S. Supreme Court. Nationalization of abortion policy and resultant nationwide uniformity is contrary to the idea of federalism as a form of political organization/constitutional structure.
I would suggest the following speculative hypothesis.
Roe v. Wade is toast. Chief Justice Roberts couldn’t get one of the 5 Justiced to his right to sign on to an intermediate position by which thr Mississipi abortion law’s 15 week limit would he upheld but the Texas law’s 6-week law struck down. So when Dobbs opinion gets released at the end of the term, possibly before (it’s only tradition that has really controversial opinions decided at the end), Roe is going to be completely gone, and the Texas law will be entirely constitutional.
Why bother going through all sorts of special procedures to act quickly to strike down a law that’s going to become completely constitutional a few months from now? Why not simply keep things bottled up in limbo until then?
And since Chief Justice Roberts wouldn’t have the votes to do anything about it, why give away that he soesn’t control anything?
Like Chief Justice Burger before him, who wrote a now wierd-sounding concurrence to Roe saying the Court was not in any way legalizing abortion on demand, Chief Justice Roberts may choose to vote with the winning side so that he can pick the Justice to write the majority opinion who thinks will do the least damage.
And his decision to vote with the winning side in an attempt to exercise some measure of control over them may have started here.
Of course, as happened with Chief Justice Burger on this issue, his effort may fail.
I do not expect the Chief Justice to control the Court's wingnuts, .
Better Americans will, though. Losing a culture war has consequences. So does stale, ugly thinking.
Justice Sotomayor may be assigning most of the majority opinions soon enough (unless Chief Justice Roberts ditches the clingers and joins the mainstream).
Either way, I will be content.
What timeframe are you envisioning when you say "soon enough"?
Could be a year or two. Could be six or seven. Maybe a few more than that, but not too many more.
What is your forecast? Are conservatives likely to diminish the liberal-libertarian tide of American progress? Stop it? Reverse it? When?
Thank you.
I assume you accept that Democrats holding both houses of Congress and the presidency at the same time for this to be even a possibility.
I don't see any realistic prospect of it happening before this Congress adjourns. And it seems vanishingly unlikely that the Democrats are going to retain control of both houses in the midterms, which would take "a year or two" off the table. And of course a Republican win in 2024 leave it until 2029 before the conversation was even possible.
Or do you see an alternative?
A Republican senator could be replaced by a Democratic senator consequent to illness, death, scandal, or retirement (North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Kansas, etc.).
A Republican senator or two could be persuaded to vote for progress (Sen. Murkowski, for example, seems disenchanted by her party's ugliness).
Elections (Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, etc.) could make Sens. Manchin and Sinema irrelevant (or, one might hope, worse than irrelevant).
The action will likely be in Congress. Republicans -- already at substantial disadvantage -- seem destined to encounter more and more difficulty in national elections consequent to American progress. And it is becoming more likely that Republicans will not realize for several reasons the advantage from redistricting that they might have expected.
Judge Edith Jones
"A 1990 report from The New York Times cited her as George H.W. Bush's second choice for the Supreme Court vacancy filled by Justice David Souter." wikipedia
A tragedy she never became a supreme.
Why are conservatives so unconcerned about laws like Texas' abridging other rights? Bounties for suing gun owners, conservative speakers, etc. I think none of these are justified by Texas' law, but good luck convincing today's results-oriented people to put good-government principles first...
Mu hypothesis above addresses that. If Dobbs completely overrules Roe and makes all abortion laws including the Texas one uncontroversially constitutional - if abortion simply dissappears from the list of constitutional rights - then this stops being an appropriate case to test whether a state can make an end run around constituional rights. There has to be a constitutional right present in the first place for this to be an issue. If it’s clear no constitutional right is implicated, then using private attornies general as an enforcement mechanism isn’t really a big constitutional problem.
The Supreme Court has already upheld federal statutes with private attornies general enforcement mechanisms and loose standing requirements. Havens Realty was a notable example. If the federal government can use private attornies general to enforce laws that don’t implicate any constitutional rights, there probably isn’t a problem with Texas also doing so.
Actually, I'd say that SB8 has constitutionally problematic features even if abortion ceased to be treated as a constitutional right. Not the private AG feature, as you explain. And the requirement to test for a fetal heartbeat is pretty unproblematic.
"(e) Notwithstanding any other law, the following are not a defense to an action brought under this section:
(3) a defendant's reliance on any court decision that has been overruled on appeal or by a subsequent court, even if that court decision had not been overruled when the defendant engaged in conduct that violates this subchapter;" seems a bit problematic to me.
Likewise,
"(e) The affirmative defense under Subsection (b) is not available if the United States Supreme Court overrules Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) or Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992), regardless of whether the conduct on which the cause of action is based under Section 171.208 occurred before the supreme Court overruled either of those decisions."
I could easily see the Supreme court being just a tad offended by a state law saying that people can't rely upon Supreme court rulings.
I love watching liberals complain about the very same tactics and strategy that is just pulled from their playbook.