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SCOTUS GDRs Trump v. Thompson: Grant, Dictumize, and Retreat
The Supreme Court summarily deems the "central question" of the D.C. Circuit's opinion as "nonbinding dicta" to avoid hamstringing some future, more worthwhile, president.
Last year, the January 6 committee requested certain documents from the Archivist of the United States. Specifically, the committee sought former-President Trump's records concerning January 6, other records concerning Trump's claims about election fraud, and other documents. Trump asserted executive privilege over some of the documents. However, President Biden declined to assert executive privilege of those documents. Trump sued Rep. Bennie Thompson, chairman of the January 6 committee. The District Court ruled against the former President. And in December, the D.C. Circuit affirmed. I blogged about the case here.
Here is how Judge Millett's panel opinion describes the case:
The central question in this case is whether, despite the exceptional and imperative circumstances underlying the Committee's request and President Biden's decision, a federal court can, at the former President's behest, override President Biden's decision not to invoke privilege and prevent his release to Congress of documents in his possession that he deems to be needed for a critical legislative inquiry.
On the record before us, former President Trump has provided no basis for this court to override President Biden's judgment and the agreement and accommodations worked out between the Political Branches over these documents. Both Branches agree that there is a unique legislative need for these documents and that they are directly relevant to the Committee's inquiry into an attack on the Legislative Branch and its constitutional role in the peaceful transfer of power.
Got it? The "central question" concerns the relationship between Biden, the current President, and Trump, the former President.
On December 23, 2021, Trump sought an emergency stay of the mandate, and an injunction pending review. Nearly a month later, the Supreme Court acted on the application. And the result is not what I expected. Rather than a summary denial, the Court included a single paragraph of reasoning. It states that the separation of powers questions decided by the D.C. Circuit "are unprecedented and raise serious and substantial concerns."
The application for stay of mandate and injunction pending review presented to THE CHIEF JUSTICE and by him referred to the Court is denied. The questions whether and in what circumstances a former President may obtain a court order preventing disclosure of privileged records from his tenure in office, in the face of a determination by the incumbent President to waive the privilege, are unprecedented and raise serious and substantial concerns.
But then, the Court pivots! The D.C. Circuit erred by deciding these issues at all.
The Court of Appeals, however, had no occasion to decide these questions because it analyzed and rejected PresidentTrump's privilege claims "under any of the tests [he] advocated," Trump v. Thompson, 20 F. 4th 10, 33 (CADC 2021),without regard to his status as a former President, id., at 40–46.
I'm sure Judge Millett and her colleagues are pleased to know portions of their opinion were inappropriate, and were completely unnecessary. At this point, I would expect the Court to simply GVR--grant the application, vacate those six pages, and remand the case for further proceedings. But no. The Roberts Court doesn't do simple things. Instead, it deems those six pages "nonbinding dicta"!
Because the Court of Appeals concluded that President Trump's claims would have failed even if he were the incumbent, his status as a former President necessarily made no difference to the court's decision. Id., at 33 (noting no "need [to] conclusively resolve whether and to what extent a court," at a former President's behest, may "second guess the sitting President's" decision to release privileged documents); see also id., at 17 n. 2. Any discussion of the Court of Appeals concerning President Trump's status as a former President must therefore be regarded as nonbinding dicta.
Huh? How can the Supreme Court modify a lower-court opinion without granting the application, at least in part? The Supreme Court does not have a roving jurisdiction to simply correct lower courts in the absence of an actual appeal. I welcome FedCourts experts to opine on this point. Has there ever been a case where the Supreme Court modified a lower court decision without granting an application? Then again, the Supreme Court pretends to overrule Korematsu in the court of history, whatever that is.
Ultimately, this entire opinion is a legal fiction--call it dicta, if you will! Indeed, remember Chief Justice Roberts tried to pawn off Roe's viability line as dicta? The Chief is a smart lawyer. This dicta nonsense is insulting to our intelligence. But that's where we are. Once again, the Court punches a ticket good for one ride: Trump loses, but no adverse precedent is set that could hamstring some future, more worthwhile, president.
One of my favorite Scaliaisms of all time is "dictumizer." He used this barb in Schuette v. BAMN to criticize supporters of Footnote 4 of Carolene Products. After all, that famous footnote only garnered four-votes on a seven-member Court. Yet, generations of judge and lawyers have treated this dictum as binding law. It ain't. (Five years after his passing, Justice Scalia continues to inspire us all.)
After reading the Supreme Court's order in Trump v. Thompson, the only word that came to mind was "dictumizer." Indeed, Stern and Gressman should add a new acronym to the lexicon, GDR: grant, dictumize, and retreat.
Justice Thomas was the only noted dissenter. Justice Gorsuch did not note his dissent, but I am not surprised. Gorsuch joined Justice Kavanaugh's concurrence in Trump v. Vance, which was an attempt to separate himself from Trump, without curtailing the executive in the future. Alito may have just exercised his right to remain silent.
Speaking of Justice Kavanaugh, he wrote a three-page statement. Kavanaugh explained that the D.C. Circuit's analysis is not only dicta, but is not "binding precedent"! Another dicta!
As this Court's order today makes clear, those portions of the Court of Appeals' opinion were dicta and should not be considered binding precedent going forward.
You hear that D.C. Circuit! Don't even think of citing portions of the opinion as precedent. And even though it was dicta, and not precedential, Justice Kavanaugh still feels compelled to respond.
Moreover, I respectfully disagree with the Court of Appeals on that point. A former President must be able to successfully invoke the Presidential communications privilege for communications that occurred during his Presidency, even if the current President does not support the privilege claim. Concluding otherwise would eviscerate the executive privilege for Presidential communications.
Kavanaugh has a bit of a vested interest here. He served as President Bush's White House Associate Counsel, and later as Staff Secretary. Every piece of paper that reached the President's desk passed under Kavanaugh's eye. There were countless communications between the President and Kavanaugh that have never seen the light of day. Indeed, during Kavanaugh's first confirmation hearing, the Democrats fought to reveal those documents. Remember Senator Booker's Spartacus moment?! When Kavanaugh expresses this concern, he speaks from personal experience:
If Presidents and their advisers thought that the privilege's protections would terminate at the end of thePresidency and that their privileged communications could be disclosed when the President left office (or were subject to the absolute control of a subsequent President who could be a political opponent of a former President), the consequences for the Presidency would be severe. Without sufficient assurances of continuing confidentiality, [emphasis in original] Presidents and their advisers would be chilled from engaging in the full and frank deliberations upon which effective discharge of the President's duties depends.
But at the end, Kavanaugh acknowledges that Trump loses anyway, so no reason to intervene, other than to vacate six pages of the D.C. Circuit's opinion.
This order may be the most unusual shadow docket order yet.
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"I'm sure Judge Millett and her colleagues are pleased to know that pages 40 through 46 of their opinion were inappropriate, and were completely unnecessary."
Where did the Court say the discussion was "inappropriate"? Calling it dicta means they think it was "unnecessary" but that hardly means it was inappropriate. Courts discuss things that are unnecessary to the ruling all the time - and it is rarely deemed inappropriate. More Blackman rubbish.
Payback for this farcical Inquisition will be wicked. Democrats should prepare to go to camp.
Rubbish? Jumping on one word which means nothing - "inappropriate" - is rubbish. "Unnecessary" and "inappropriate" are so close in definition that it doesn't matter. The fact is that the US Supreme Court decided that in Trump's case, executive privilege means nothing, but future presidents (presumably those who are part of the establishment) will have privilege.
This decision smacks of kangaroo court banana republic nonsense. And you're defending that because Trump.
Unnecessary and inappropriate are very different in meaning, not that it matters to this discussion.
The fact is that SCOTUS did not decide any such thing. Stop being a whiny baby.
I didn't think I'd see an article about non-binding dicta which didn't mention Bush v. Gore.
("Non-binding dickta": lawyer-speak for a male prostitute?)
Republicans of a certain vintage have great difficulty recognizing what that was in public. Considering that particular thread runs right though... Bart O'Kavanaugh himself, there's a lot of required cognitive dissonance there.
It is difficult to believe that this post by Prof. Blackman was written by anyone who has any understanding of how law works. While in the past Prof. Blackman has demonstrated at least an understanding of law even though his conclusions were not substantiated or correct, here it appears as though he is completely ignorant.
Let's understand what the issue is here. The issue before the Court was whether or not to grant an injunction against the dissemination of the Trump papers pending full trial and appellate review. This was not a situation of a ruling on the merits. And the Court, as the law has done in so many situations, will not produce a pre-trial injunction absent major and extraordinary reasons. See Prof. Volokh's writing on prior restraint of speech if you need any convincing.
But wait you say. Does not the failure to enjoin allow the Congress to see the Trump papers? Absolutely, but that is not the issue here. Trump produced absolutely no indication that the material in the papers was in any way related to executive priviledge or would impair the Office of the Presidency. He wanted an absolute right to prevent a legally approved process whereby Congress can acuire documents. And Court, correctly said no, prove your point, that an out of office President has powers when the Constitution provides no power for an out of office President, in court.
But wait, what about damage that cannot be undone. If that is your point then we must assume you are outraged, truly outraged that the Court allowed the Texas law ending most abortion rights to go into effect, damaging thousands of women and denying them rights that are allowed in every other state. But if you support the Court maintaining the injunction in Texas but condemning the Court this ruling them you are at the height of hypocrisy, making decisions on your political leanings, not on the law and legal procedure.
Yes, I am talking about you Prof. Blackman and those who take the same stance. The shoe is a perfect fit.
Too many exclamation marks to be a serious bit of legal writing.
Trump seems to be getting his ass kicked a lot in court notwithstanding that Kraken-good elite legal strike force.
Of course, some of those lawyers are disbarred, fighting disciplinary actions, attempting to dodge subpoenas, trying to figure how to pay court-order financial penalties, and/or working to reconstruct shattered reputations, so . . .
carry on, clingers.
Kavanaugh's words are clear and obvious to anyone who thinks for five minutes about this. It's so obvious that only a lawyer would not think about it.
A privilege that can be waived by the successor in most situations (such as a business) is normal. However, the presidency has a problem. You can practically guarantee that within a decade, one of the successors will not only be philosophically opposed and an open rival, but at numerous points of history, has actively wanted to either embarrass or get his predecessor jailed.
A privilege that the current president can waive is no privilege at all, as that places the privilege in the hands of the one person most inclined to abuse it.
With whom does the privilege rest, according to the Constitution?
What text do you have to suggest that former Presidents have any authority to usurp the decisions of the current President, upon whom the Article II powers and privileges are bestowed?
Donald Trump is not the President. He has no authority anymore.
Your argument is laughable, as you want the former President to have more power than the current President. I wonder why that might be...
Trick question, of course: the Constitution doesn't mention executive privilege at all. It's something people made up because it sounded like a good idea.
But to the extent it exists, it's a power of the presidency, and there is only one president: Joe Biden. Donald Trump is a private citizen who has as much right to invoke executive privilege as Josh Blackman does.
True, except that since "it's something people made up because it sounded like a good idea", the Court can also amend the rule to improve it. That's how common law lawmaking works, you develop rules one case at a time.
And I would argue that privilege is based on the time of the act itself. Donald Trump has permanent executive privilege on everything between his inauguration and Biden's. If he does not, then there is, for all intents and purposes, no executive privilege in the long term.
Now, if this was well documented beforehand, I would agree with you. Tough luck. However, people say things under privilege that they would not normally. If people knew that there would be no privilege, they would act accordingly. It is a bait and switch to change rules mid-stream simply to skewer Trump, and this has now permanently undermined the ability of the executive to discuss things freely with their people.
I don't think that last part would deter Blackman though.
This of course brings into question your view of the Presidency and Presidential authority and decision making. It wouldn't be the worst thing in the world for us to end up with a lot more jailed Presidents, if they have been committing crimes. Should we not expect the President to avoid committing crimes while in office?
No, it wouldn't be the worst thing in the world, but it would be right up there. It would take away what little confidence Americans have in the system we have if current presidents could throw prior presidents in jail.
Your hatred of Trump comes through your comment, even if you didn't mention his name.
Remember, with Trumpkins every accusation is a confession. That Trump had no respect for the institution (or anything else) and acted only out of spite throughout his presidency (and throughout his life) does not mean that other presidents would act that way.
Ok, then ALL communications inside ALL former Democrat administrations should be subpoenaed by the next Republican House majority. You know, to prepare future legislation on amending the APA.
It's a good thing that you're not behaving like a petulant child.
This from the most petulant commenters in the history of Volokh.
You really shouldn't sneak out of daycare so early in the morning.
I am however, a person - singular. "Commenters" just makes you look like the idiot you are.
And we know how that works: You can always avoid delivering up documents by preemptively failing to preserve them in the first place. Look at how often investigations into FBI or IRS conduct run into phones that were mysteriously wiped, hard drives that destructively crashed. How the IRS at the start of the targeting scandal replaced a state of the art data preservation system with a policy of routinely destroying backups after a few months.
This has happened at the Presidential level, too: The Clinton administration was something of a black hole to historians, because they stopped maintaining all sorts of records that previous administrations had kept. They'd have meetings, film the introductions, and then shut off the camera.
All that's going to happen is that every administration going forward is going to preemptively destroy every possible record of what it had been doing. Well, at least it should save money on Presidential libraries...
I don't think a lot of what you wrote here is true. If the FBI is deleting records to hide their wrongdoing, they're doing an awful job of it. And the IRS did not change their data retention policy recently that I know of.
This is just your usual conspiracy theory. No one is breaking the Federal Records Act, including sending stuff to the National Archives.
FBI agents from Mueller's investigation team destroyed or wiped 27 of their government phones before the IG could review the data. Yes, the FBI is deleting records. 1 or 2 might not be suspicious. But 27? Come one man!
https://news.yahoo.com/least-27-phones-special-counsel-212933558.html
And that was also against procedure, IIRC.
I'm not saying the FBI is pure and virtuous.
I'm saying Brett's story of a government-wide conspiracy to delete records to cover up investigations has no support, and in fact would be caught pretty quickly, as you example shows.
Those agents were not punished...so discussing how it's against procedure but NOBODY suffers any consequences, hard to argue the government is not implicitly approving it.
Which, again, means that sunlight laws are now utterly useless.
Can you at least agree the FBI agents in this case purposefully destroyed records?
Sarcastro, there is the official procedure and effective procedure. I'm a safety guy. We know the importance of the difference. An official procedure to follow every appropriate step isn't worth the paper it's written on if people do otherwise.
I don't think any of what he wrote here is true.
The reality is that there are far far far more records than ever before. Things that used to be handled by telephone (thus creating no record other than call logs) are now handled by email and text (thus creating a record of their content).
The sphincters in Trumpworld must be tightening. The House January 6 committee will get to see Trump´s documents, and the committee has issued subpoenas for Rudy Giuliani, Sidney Powell and Jenna Ellis. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/01/18/rudy-giuliani-sidney-powell-house-committee-subpoeanas/
I wonder if these three, like their colleague and co-conspirator John Eastman, will invoke their privilege against self-incrimination. An attorney for Giuliani yammers about attorney-client privilege, overlooking the principle that the privilege is inapplicable where the attorney assists the client in perpetrating a crime or fraud. See, 18 U.S.C. 1512(c)(2) and 1512(k).
"We've finally got him this time!" the Democrats giddily exclaimed for the millionth time in the last five years.
Kevin McCarthy has made clear he won't let the gross abuses of power the House Democrats have engaged in for years go unanswered. We know the Democrats love issuing subpoenas. I wonder how much they will enjoy receiving them.
"...gross abuses of power the House Democrats..."
Your delusions are showing themselves again. Better up your meds.
They are gross abuses of power. They just happen to be on your side, so you're incapable of being objective.
I do believe that I've repeated myself numerous times on this issue, so I can only conclude that you're incapable of comprehending basic English.
I am not a Democrat. I am not a Republican. I am unaffiliated with any political party and will remain so until the day I die.
Learn to read, dumbass.
It is not even a legitimate special committee.
The law says otherwise.
Kevin McCarthy failed/refused to put down the crazies in his own caucus, so he's unlikely to have any say in the matter if the GOP takes over in 2022; they're going to force him out in favor of someone loonier.
Trump was attempting to run out the clock with the House committee. The documents will now be produced in time for a preliminary report in the summer and a final report in the fall.
Let's hope there is a criminal referral to the Department of Justice along the way.
We got him this time!!
I think we can forget about Trump being criminally charged in connection with 1/6/21. I think it's much more likely that any criminal charges against him and his family will be the result of federal and state investigations into his pre-presidency behavior.
Only? That's a majority.
The fact that only seven justices sat for a given case does not affect whether the opinion created precedent. As long as a court has a quorum sitting, then it can create precedent if a majority of the judges agrees on the reasoning behind a result. Whether a given sentence in an opinion is precedent or dicta is a different question, and much more akin to the question of whether lower courts should follow an unpublished decision. In both situations, you are usually much better off being able to quote dicta or an unpublished decision to support your client’s position than to be the one arguing to ignore the prior decision because it’s dicta or unpublished.
Especially when discussing SCOTUS; most circuits have a rule that Supreme Court dicta is essentially binding.
Shortly after I started practicing, I tried to explain to a trial judge that even though something was written in a supreme court opinion, he was still allowed to do something different.
I have not made that mistake again.
Forget it, he's rolling.
The statement that the lower court's decision is nonbinding dicta is itself nonbinding dicta.
It’s logically coherent. Characterizing portions of an opinion as dicta doesn’t change the opinion, it merely interprets it. A district court, faced with an opinion from a Court of Appeals offered as a precedent, would have the authority to say that a statement in the opinion wasn’t necessary to the holding, and hence is dicta and not binding on it. Since the Supreme Court here is doing exactly the same thing, what any district court can do, it isn’t exercising any appelate powers at all and it isn’t changing the opinion in any way. That’s why it can do it without granting the cert petition.
I’m not sure if the Supreme Court is correct here, because the Court of Appeals relied on President Biden’s opinion about the relevance of the documents. But it did appear to suggest it thought President Biden’s opinion correct, and this may have been the basis for the Supreme Court’s view that it made an independent determination of the appropriateness of the subpoena.
Of course, the Court of Appeals thought it was doing the opposite. It thought its reliance on President Biden’s determination was the basis for its holding, and that its own view was dicta. This sort of reframing things may well be a Chief Justice Roberts special.
Since, with the reframing, the Supreme Court didn’t disturb the Court of Appeals’ judgment and didn’t disagree with its reasoning, there was no need to remand for any purpose.
I was interested in the comment Justice Cavanaugh would be very familiar with the type of material that passes between advisors and the President. He is therefore also likely to know that material that could criminally implicate the President should not be passed in any form that could be requested later. Should he therefore have little or any sympathy for an administration foolish enough to do just that.
Working in the Bush Administration, Justice Cavanaugh would also understand that Presidents, whatever their philosophical difference share a common experience that no others have had. He understands that Presidents will protect each other whenever possible and that President Biden reluctance to protect ex-President Trump is because he does not deserve that protection.
Biden will likely love when his successor does not feel he warrants such protections either.
Might also be worth investigating Obama more heavily.
The current office holder protects the Presidency not the person. That is what President Biden is doing and I would expect the same from his successor. If there is a crime to investigate the records should be released. I don't think there is any crime that can be connected to Biden or Obama. That is the difference.
We will only know with vigorous investigation.
I'm not worried about what is actually criminal. I am worried about them inventing new ways to charge Trump and comrades by making up laws or twisting quotations into emoluments, sedition, or conspiracy charges, or just publishing every off-color joke Trump ever told and then charging him with sexual harassment for saying "good morning" to someone who identifies as female.
After two nonsensical impeachments that both our current president and vice president were more guilty of than Trump, I have less than zero trust in Congress on this matter.
That is the difference of course. Because ex-President Trump's crimes tend to be right out in the open. As he noted, he could shoot someone and his supporters would not care. Presidents like Obama and Biden, people like Hillary Clinton can be investigated forever and nothing comes up.
Investigated forever, perhaps, but not investigated thoroughly or seriously.
Depends on what your goal is, is it to investigate or is it get something for a fund-raising letter?
“If you’re innocent, why are you taking the Fifth Amendment?”
--Donald Trump
I thought he had said something to that effect. What is interesting is that Ex-President Trump has a history of wavering on use of the 5th Amendment and has actually used it himself in depositions.
"Moreover, I respectfully disagree with the Court of Appeals on that point. A former President must be able to successfully invoke the Presidential communications privilege for communications that occurred during his Presidency, even if the current President does not support the privilege claim. Concluding otherwise would eviscerate the executive privilege for Presidential communications."
Since former President Trump was not successfully able to invoke the Presidential communications privilege, then, according to Justice Kavanaugh's own words, the executive privilege for Presidential communications is now eviscerated. That is, according to Kavanaugh, there is no longer an executive privilege for such communications. Full stop.
If the Court subsequently hears a case involving executive privilege of Presidential communications, Kavanaugh, to stay true to his own conclusion here, would have to acknowledge that the privilege no longer exists.
You are misunderstanding his point.
Normally, a privilege of an office is passed down to someone with a similar interest. A CEO has all the same interests as his predecessor in protecting the company.
However, the president's office will pass to a rival in a relatively short period of time. A rival with a MASSIVE conflict of interest in holding the presidential privilege. In fact, a president's interest is primarily to destroy the credibility of his predecessor and opposing political party.
That conflict of interest is what eviscerates the privilege