The Volokh Conspiracy
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Whole Woman's Health and Texas Fight Over Issuance Of The Judgment
Texas wants to remand to the Fifth Circuit, which can certify the statutory interpretation question on which Justices Gorsuch and Thomas divided.
On Friday, the Supreme Court decided Whole Woman's Health v. Jackson. The majority opinion concluded:
The order of the District Court is affirmed in part and reversed in part, and the case is remanded for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.So ordered.
But nothing happened right away. Under Supreme Court Rule 44, both parties have "25 days after entry of the judgment or decision" to file a petition for rehearing. In the event that the case is urgent, pursuant to Rule 45.2, the Court can direct the clerk "to issue the mandate in [the] case forthwith." For example, the Court took this action in Bush v. Gore and Cooper v. Aaron. Alternatively, the prevailing party can file an application for the Court to issue the judgment forthwith. The petitioner took this course in Boumediene v. Bush.
On Monday, Whole Woman's Health filed a motion to issue the judgment, forthwith. They did not want to wait the usual twenty-five days. Moreover, they opposed a remand to the Fifth Circuit. They sought to transmit the judgment directly to the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Texas. Obviously, they are hoping the District Court Judge promptly issues a preliminary injunction against the state licensing officials.
Texas opposed that motion. The state contends that it would be prejudiced by a remand to the District Court. Why? Only the Fifth Circuit can certify questions to the Texas Supreme Court. The District Court cannot. And Texas suggests that it will certify the question about whether the state licensing officials can in fact enforce S.B. 8.
The Court concluded that "as best we can tell from the briefing before us, the licensing-official defendants are charged with enforcing " 'other laws that regulate . . . abortion,' " so "it appears Texas law imposes on the licensing-official defendants a duty . . . expressly preserved by S. B. 8's saving clause." Slip Op. 13. The Court also observed that the statutory text "suggests" the Texas Legislature did not intend to prohibit all collateral enforcement mechanisms. Slip Op. 13 n.4. The licensing-officials disagree with that reading of Texas law; they believe they have no such authority and do not intend to invoke it even if they do. But in any event, they intend to ask for certification of this dispositive question to the Supreme Court of Texas.
Justice Thomas presaged this argument in his concurrence:
Because the principal opinion's errors rest on misinterpretations of Texas law, the Texas courts of course remain free to correct its mistakes. See, e.g., Estate of Thornton v. Caldor, Inc., 472 U. S. 703, 709, n. 8 (1985).
All things considered, Justice Thomas had the better argument with regard to statutory interpretation. The genius Jonathan Mitchell did not mess this part up. The majority did not adopt the best reading of the statute. My sense? The majority could not go along with a decision that ruled entirely for the state. They had to give some marginal, meaningless relief to the clinics. But still, they opened the door to that relief being eliminated in future proceedings.
Soon enough, the Texas Supreme Court can resolve this issue.
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This might be too clever by half for Texas, because the fact SOME federal court preenforcement review is available to the plaintiffs is the reason the court DIGed the US v. Texas case.
If there's really no federal preenforcement review available for plaintiffs at all, the federal suit is much stronger
If Texas is right that the State licensing officials have no relevant enforcement authority, what difference would the District Court enjoining them make ? They would be enjoined from doing something they have no power to do anyway.
So why would Texas's interests be prejudiced ?
A narrow injunction would do Texas' anti-abortion movement no harm. The problem is the trial judge is angry at Texas, and angry judges do crazy things most judges wouldn't imagine. Perhaps the judge will come up with an injunction cast in the mold of SB8 that binds everybody and can be challenged by nobody.
If Dickson gets dismissed because he professes no present intent to prosecute a private SB8 action (even though he is a qualifying "person" and authorized to sue) why don't the official-capacity defendants get dismissed likewise, based on their representation (through the Solicitor General) that they are not going to do any enforcing based on their contention that they don't even have authority to do so. Shouldn't that moot the issue of instanter injunctive relief against them for lack of a credible threat to the abortion providers? And who is going to contest the officials' disclaimer of authority when the entire GOP establishment in Texas is (presumably) on their side, including the state supreme court that's all-GOP and could thus lose more than a single vote for a dissent. As for the issue of whether Fifth Circuit should farm out the state-law question to the SCOTX, why can't Judge Pitman do some Erie guessing instead? But perhaps he can't be trusted to guess right, and then we are back in the Fifth with better guessing and certified-question referral capabilties there.
But what will the Fifth Circuit now do with the three intervenors-appellants in US v Texas case who have -- unlike Dickson - declared their intention to become SB8 enforcers, albeit not with respect to those post-heartbeat abortions that are currently protected by Roe/Casey? --- Some more creme-de-la-creme Kremlinology in order.
Speaking of which, I must commend the jolly fellow swamp dweller for admitting that he got his prediction wrong about the SCOTUS handling of WWH v. Jackson. My contemplated scenario (though not an outright prediction) was that Dickson would get remanded to district court for consideration of an anti-suit injunction against him only because he possesses no sovereign immunity (which would perhaps have failed on the evidence to have been presented). But no. So me too. Wrong, that is.
And now Texas Right to Life and Seago may wonder why they agreed to a temporary injunction in state court. Shouldn't they also be in a position to assert that their disavowal of a present intent to sue the Abortion Industry & Friends Plaintiffs in the 14 pending cases against them provides ground for w.o.j. dismissal for lack of a live controversy? Perhaps that could even kill off the attorney's fee claim under the UDJA. Perhaps not.
On the other hand, it would be good to see what happens with MDL Judge Peeples' appellate-brief grade opinion order on appeal (Mind you Texas state trial court judges rarely write such elaborate opinions). But the procedural quirk here is that the denial of the Right to Life Defendant's plead to the jurisdiction is not appealable, while the denial of their motion to dismiss under the Texas Citizen Participation Act is. And that's what's up in Round 1 in the court of appeals. A second appeal may soon follow though, if the partial summary judgment is severed from the main action.
"But what will the Fifth Circuit now do with the three intervenors-appellants in US v Texas case who have -- unlike Dickson - declared their intention to become SB8 enforcers, albeit not with respect to those post-heartbeat abortions that are currently protected by Roe/Casey? "
Why would the Fifth circuit have to do anything? It just so happens that SB8 has applications that aren't precluded by current precedent, (Such as the requirement to check for a fetal heartbeat.) so what is there to do until they do sue, and a the suit is challenged?
RE: "Why would the Fifth Circuit have to do anything?"
Well, it seems to me that they will have to resolve the pending appeal of the preliminary injunction (now that SCUTUS has undone its prejudgment grant of cert), so that presumably means that they will have to reverse/vacate the injunction in whole or in part. If the latter, they could exclude the private intervening defendants (who actually filed their own separate appeal) and let the preliminary injunction stand as that trio, assuming they can remain parties even if the US is out, which I am not sure about. Let the federal procedure gurus weigh in on the matter! But even if the intervention cannot survive a finding that the US does not have standing or does not have an equitable cause of action against Texas, that holding wouldn't pertain to the private SB8 (would-be) plaintiffs. (I haven't followed the docket activity in these 5th Cir. cases, so I will leave that to Kommentariat members with free access to PACER).
Further, that's only three of four intervenors on the defense side of the docket. The fourth one is Oscar Stilley, who hasn't appealed, and then there is another one - Felipe Gomez - whose proposed intervention has never been formally approved. Gomez may be out now, however, because he nonsuited his SB8 suit in Bexar County (effective 12/8/2021 under the Texas nonsuit rule regardless of whether a dismissal order was immediately signed); see docket item #93
https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/60373449/united-states-v-state-of-texas/
But what about Intervener Oscar Stilley? He will have to be dealt with in connection with any summary or final judgment in US v. Texas. The rationale for dismissal of Dickson (in WWH v. Jackson) doesn't apply to Stilley because Stilley has already sued a provider in state court (also Bexar County) and that action remains pending. He could at best be enjoined requesting issuance of citation against Defendant Alan Braid, MD, and litigating anything further, but wouldn't the violate comity and certain noninterference doctrines even if no state judge in Bexar County is directly enjoined by USDC Judge Pitman? A further twist is that Stilley is not a party in WWH v. Jackson, the case that is likely to see district court action sooner than US v. Texas.
The more Texas intervenes to defend this law, the more apparent it is that lawsuits are private in form only.
The more the Biden administration intervenes to oppose this law, the more apparent it is that abortions are private, voluntary, or not racially influenced in form only.
Michael, I'm going to assume you hadn't had your morning coffee yet before you added that comment.
I've never seen a post from him that would indicate having had a morning coffee resulted in anything different
Re: "The more Texas intervenes to defend this law."
Huh? .... AG Paxton's lieutenants were no-show in the "Peoples Court" although given due notice (as required for constitutional challenges). See Order Declaring Certain Civil Procedures Unconstitutional and Issuing Declaratory Judgment in Allison Van Stean, et al v. Texas Right to Life, et al, Cause No. D-1-GN-21-004179 (Master MDL case number/file), by Judge David Peeples, sitting for the 98th District County by assignment) (Dec. 9, 2021)
Ditto (at least so far) in Alan Braid's interpleader in U.S.D.C ND, Illinois. Nor has AG Paxton agreed to appear (and arguably waive immuity) in Gomez's attempted state-court declaratory judgment/interpleader action in Bexar County (which he recenlty nonsuited, as pointed out in previous comment above).
No weighing in by amicus curiae either, though authorized by SB8.
When the State is sued, of course, the AG is the State's lawyer. Ditto for state officials.
I think it was improvident, for Kavanaugh and Barrett to have signed on to an opinion wholely dependent on the Texas legislature having made a purported screw-up in drafting the legislation. Perhaps the Texas Supreme Court will eventially find that the Texas Legislature did not make this screw-up. And the Texas Legislature could simply amend its statutes to clarify the dangling cross-reference.
What then?
The Texas legislature is not as flexible as most. I don't think it's expected to reconvene until 2023. The governor would have to call it into special session for the emergency purpose of clarifying that a doctor's license may not be revoked for performing certain illegal abortions.
That’s not the basis of the exploit. The basis was an existing provision giving them general authority to enforce the chapter that SB8 was added to. The argument is that since they could enforce the entire chapter, they could enforce SB8. The legislature would need to amend the relevant section in their authorizing statute so they would have authority to enforce the entire chapter except for SB8. And look for and fix other dangling cross-references as well.
For Gorsuch and Alito I suspect it was intentional. But for Kavanaugh and Barrett, they may have believed this was a general solution to laws of this type.
It isn’t. It is strictly a zero day exploit, a hack of a specific vulnerability in the individual Texas law. And it is a vulnerability that can be removed rather easily.
How should I put this. The Supreme Court has been increasingly relying on zero-day exploits to resolve cases involving controversial issues without making long-term decisions by identifying and targeting specific vulnerabilities in the law or other facts of the specific case. This shows creativity and cleverness. But it only goes so far. There are times when relying on hacks to solve an immediate problem may not be in the Supreme Court’s best long-term interests.
Blackman is beyond comical. "Mitchell is a genius. Mitchell didn't win. Therefore, the judges who ruled against him are wrong." I guess he's lucky that there are literally no professional standards for a tenured law professor (at least with respect to their outside writings.)
If there was, he wouldn't care anyway. Having met him in person, his behavior was unlike that of any other law professor or speaker that I ever encountered. Blackman simply has no shame.
Just as the terrorists who attacked the World Trade Center were not cowards, Mr. Mitchell is not dumb. Underestimating the other side can lead to behaving rashly amd overconfidently, and losing. Sober and realistic intelligence about the other side does not reflect a lack of commitment to ones side. It is doing ones own side a service to give people a clear idea of what one is up against, and makes it more likely ones side’s plans to counter them will work. It avoids useless waste like the charges with fixed bayonets and calvary into machine gun nests that occurred in the beginning of World War I.
MACHINE GUN FODDER
May the mass-slaughtered Aussies at Gallipoli rest in peace.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gallipoli_(1981_film) (but note the discussion of historical inaccuracies)
That said, the analogy regarding underestimating the strategic command on the other side of the trench does not seem apt when it's a matter of the grunts being deemed expendable and sacrified en masse.
And then one might again question why every conflict over public policy in the USA has to be framed as a "war" or likened to combat. Undue rhetoric.
Civil discourse anyone? Instead of (un)Civil War.
Fair point. But I think military analogies are less inappropriate in discussing legal strategy than in general civil discourse.
I remember watching that movie without knowing about the battle. The ending was a bit of a surprise.
I don't think Mitchell is dumb. I think that SB8 was pretty cleverly drafted to accomplish its ends. But "Whoops; it didn't quite work, therefore this proves the judges got it wrong" is pure hackery.
" The genius Jonathan Mitchell did not mess this part up. "
Genius?
Or, as Volokh Conspiracy fans might put it, "genious?"
Open wider, clingers.
Which issue will mainstream American history identify as the most direct and important precipitate of the 2020s enlargement of the United States Supreme Court?
__ guns
__ abortion
__ voting rights
__ bigotry (racism, misogyny, xenophobia, gay-bashing)
__ special privilege for superstition-based claims
__ SB8-type statutes
__ partisanship/gridlock/election results
__ pandemic management
I for one never thought I would ever read a statement like this
"All things considered, Justice Thomas had the better argument with regard to statutory interpretation."
but I never thought flying pigs would exist either.
But all of this is irrelevant. In refusing to stay the Texas law the Supreme Court has allowed a clearly unconstitutional law to remain in force, something that should terrify everyone regardless of their position on the merits of the Texas law or their opinion about enforcement rights.
See, as long as Casey and/or Roe have not been overturned, women in Texas are denied rights that Casey and Roe conferred upon them. Constitutional rights are applicable to all citizens regardless of their state of residence. But we now have full constitutional rights in 49 states and a 50th state where some constitutional rights do not exist. And of course if some can be denied constitutional rights, then it is possible that all can be denied constitutional rights.
Why any conservative would not be horrified at this situation is beyond me. As for Prof. Blackman, should he not be leading the fight against the current Court ruling if he is to have any credibility as a Constitutional scholar?
But this is life when the Cowardice Coalition on the Court reigns, they being wanting to overturn Roe and Casey but without the political courage to do so.
YET MORE ABORTION UEBER ALLES & AVERSION TO FRUITS OF PASSION
Gee ... the sky is falling again ... meanwhile, thanks to ample media coverage and outrage propagation, Texans (him and her) are on notice that a convenient home-town abortion may not be available as a fall-back means of birth control, and can adjust their sexual and contraceptive practices accordingly. Not to mention enjoying Loving-protected partner choice. What's the harm going for good-man good baby-daddy material to limit risk exposure in connection with fortuitious fertilization events?
1. The only thing forced birthers have accomplished is denying legal access to poor women and girls in Texas. Texans of means will *never* have a problem accessing legal abortion. Never. 2. Impoverished women and girls will now be forced to seek out black market options if they want to terminate their pregnancies. It appears forced birthers are only interested in resurrecting the coat hanger days for poor women by denying them the choice to end their own pregnancies legally.
So a congratulations on their Pyrrhic victory is certainly an order, needlessly putting poor women and girls at risk of death and injury is quite a feat. How very pro-life.
FROM INSTA-CERT TO STATE-LAW FARMOUT BY CERT. QUESTION
Here we go:
Dec 16 2021 Application (21A220) for an order to issue the judgment forthwith granted by Justice Gorsuch, and the judgment is issued to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.
https://www.supremecourt.gov/search.aspx?filename=/docket/docketfiles/html/public/21-463.html