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D.C. High Court Opines on Injunctions Against Speech About People
The decision raises more questions than it answers, but it does note that there is no general First Amendment exception for speech about "matters of private concern" (i.e., daily life matters unrelated to bigger ideological questions).
From Mashaud v. Boone, decided today by the D.C. Court of Appeals—the District's equivalent of a state supreme court, though one that generally sits in 3-judge panels—in an opinion by Judge John Fisher, joined by Judge Phyllis Thompson:
The trial court entered a civil protection order (CPO) against appellant Lauren Mashaud based on a finding that he stalked appellee Christopher Boone by sending emails and Facebook messages to Mr. Boone's coworkers, family, and friends informing them that Mr. Boone had engaged in an extramarital affair with Mr. Mashaud's wife….
Mr. Mashaud's wife (Ms. W) was working as an intern at a consulting firm when she began an affair with Mr. Boone, a vice president of the firm…. Two months [after leaning of the affair], Mr. Mashaud sent an email to three senior employees of the consulting firm, "cc'ing" Mr. Boone at his personal and work email addresses. This email stated its intent "to bring a matter to your attention that may be a violation of [the firm's] Code of Conduct and/or other policies, procedures, business ethics, and character or standard"— namely, that Mr. Boone and Ms. W had been "involved in an extramarital affair that took place, primarily, in the workplace." The message went on to state that "[a]side from the potential sexual harassment claims this situation presents, it also involves the inappropriate use of company resources and assets" as the two "have used company time and company resources to further their affair." Mr. Mashaud's email concluded:
"Christopher Boone was previously sent a no contact email from my wife on May 11, 2013 (as attached), but he continues to ignore our request and fails to respect our boundaries to allow my wife and I to heal and to regain the integrity of our marriage …. I will anticipate a response from you once you have investigated these concerns and taken appropriate corrective action."
Attached to Mr. Mashaud's email were copies of several email exchanges between Ms. W and Mr. Boone. Mr. Boone testified that upon receiving this email he felt violated, threatened, and embarrassed. The evidence showed that Mr. Boone replied to the email, stating his willingness to meet and talk the matter through, but that Mr. Mashaud did not respond.
About three months later, Mr. Mashaud informed some of Mr. Boone's friends and family members of the affair through Facebook. As Mr. Mashaud explained in his testimony, Mr. Boone's cover photo and the list of people who had "liked" it were publicly available on Facebook, and for the price of one dollar Facebook allowed users to send messages to any other user, even if the two had no connection. Mr. Mashaud paid this fee and sent messages to at least fifteen users who had liked Mr. Boone's photo.
These messages included much of the same information as the email to the consulting firm, stating that each recipient "should know the kind of person Christopher Boone really is," that Mr. Boone had "had a sexual affair with [Mr. Mashaud's] wife," and that Mr. Boone showed he lacked "integrity and respect for himself" by "fail[ing] to respect the boundaries of a married woman." Attached to these Facebook messages was a photo of Mr. Boone and Ms. W with another firm employee. Mr. Boone testified that when he learned about the messages he again felt violated and threatened, confused as to how Mr. Mashaud had learned his friends' and family members' contact information, and worried for their personal safety.
The evidence at the hearing also showed that Mr. Mashaud created a blog—called "The Power of Light and Truth"—in which he addressed issues relating to the aftermath of affairs. The publicly accessible blog mentioned Mr. Boone by name and included links to his social media accounts and his firm biography. When Mr. Boone saw the blog, he filed a police report. He also initiated the CPO action at issue in this case, alleging that Mr. Mashaud was harassing and stalking him….
The District of Columbia's stalking statute states that a person may not "purposefully engage in a course of conduct directed at a specific individual" intending, knowing, or having reason to know that his or her course of conduct would cause the individual to "[f]ear for his or her safety or the safety of another person;" to "[f]eel seriously alarmed, disturbed, or frightened;" or to "[s]uffer emotional distress." By its express language, however, the statute "does not apply to constitutionally protected activity." D.C. Code § 22-3133(b). (Note the phrasing: "constitutionally protected activity" instead of "constitutionally protected speech"). Thus, if Mr. Mashaud's activity in this case—repeatedly sending emails and messages to third parties with, as the trial court found, a "vindictive motive" and "the intent to cause [Mr. Boone] to feel seriously alarmed, disturbed, or frightened or suffer emotional distress"—was "constitutionally protected," the statute would not encompass his conduct.
We have not delineated the contours of the statutory exception for "constitutionally protected activity," and the text of D.C. Code § 22-3133(b) does not provide an unambiguous answer. One view is that the government may not criminalize any speech except for that which falls into "existing, well-established First Amendment exceptions" such as libel, threats, or obscenity. The exception might, on the other hand, be read as a safety valve which states a truism—that the stalking statute "doesn't mean to cover that speech or action that it isn't allowed to cover." We need not decide today where the line between constitutionally protected and unprotected conduct falls because we encounter at the outset an analytical misstep which requires a remand.
The majority concluded that the trial court erred in assuming that the speech was constitutionally unprotected because it was merely about "matters of private concern":
The Supreme Court has differentiated between matters of public and private concern to explain why speech involving matters of public concern warrants heightened protection. But the Court has rejected the proposition that speech must relate to a matter of public interest to merit First Amendment protection. See, e.g., Engquist v. Oregon Dep't of Agric. (2008) (stating that the government "could not generally prohibit or punish, in its capacity as sovereign, speech on the ground that it does not touch upon matters of public concern"); Connick v. Myers (1983) ("We in no sense suggest that speech on private matters falls into one of the narrow and well-defined classes of expression which carries so little social value, such as obscenity, that the State can prohibit and punish such expression by all persons in its jurisdiction.").
In sum, a communication does not lose First Amendment protection merely because it discusses matters of private rather than public concern. We therefore remand for the trial court to consider in the first instance whether the evidence proved stalking given that speech about matters of private concern may enjoy constitutional protection.
But the majority also flagged some other matters that it expected the trial court to consider on remand. First, it seemed to suggest that speech about highly personal topics might be less protected, even if speech on broadly "private" matters—in the sense of daily life matters that aren't connected to broader debates—is generally protected:
While the trial court did make the analytical misstep we have described, it is not clear to us whether the misstep ultimately affected the court's conclusion about stalking. The court repeatedly focused on Mr. Mashaud's course of conduct intended to cause serious alarm to Mr. Boone by taking steps to contact his co-workers, friends, and family, in a manner designed to come to Mr. Boone's attention, about "very personal matters" involving Mr. Boone. The court repeatedly used the phrase "personal matters such as," suggesting that it was not the particular content of the Mr. Mashaud's messages, but instead the very personal nature (potential sexual harassment, an extramarital affair) of what Mr. Mashaud chose to expose to people who were in Mr. Boone's circle but with whom Mr. Mashaud did not have relationships, that drew the trial court's focus. It appears to us that the trial court might have reached the same conclusion even if it had understood that communications about particular matters of private concern enjoy a measure of constitutional protection.
The court also suggested that the trial court should consider "whether … the course of conduct here 'served no legitimate purpose other than to harass and intimidate.'" And it flagged the question whether Mashaud's speech could be seen as fitting within an exception for "speech integral to criminal conduct" (a subject I discuss in detail in this article):
"[S]peech integral to criminal conduct" [is a First Amendment] exception that generally applies to speech used to induce or procure the commission of a crime, such as conspiracy and solicitation. See Giboney v. Empire Storage & Ice Co. (1949) (upholding injunction barring labor union from picketing in an effort to pressure a company to violate state trade laws); United States v. Williams (2008) (holding that offers to provide or requests to obtain child pornography are unprotected under this exception). In Mr. Boone's view, Mr. Mashaud's speech was "integral to criminal conduct, the criminal conduct in this case being that of 'stalking' as statutorily proscribed."
Some courts have rejected such reasoning as circular, see, e.g., Matter of Welfare of A.J.B. (Minn. 2019) (concluding that "the communication itself" criminalized by a stalking statute did not fall into speech integral to criminal conduct exception), and have held that the "speech integral to criminal conduct" exception applies only where the speech is integral to conduct forbidden by a separate criminal prohibition. See United States v. Hobgood (8th Cir. 2017) (affirming appellant's conviction under interstate stalking statute because the speech that formed the basis of the stalking charge was integral to the separate crime of extortion); Burroughs v. Corey (M.D. Fla. 2015) ("[S]peech is unprotected where it is integral to criminal conduct forbidden under another statute …." (emphasis added)), aff'd (11th Cir. 2016).
That view is not unanimous, however, as various cases applying the interstate stalking statute, 18 U.S.C. § 2261A, illustrate. Although the facts of United States v. Gonzalez (3rd Cir. 2018), are different from those presented here, the court's analysis is instructive. The defendants had been convicted of interstate stalking and conspiracy to commit that offense based on a concerted effort to gain custody of three children to whom they were related. Their conduct included sending correspondence to Belford (the mother) and her children, contacting third parties, and posting derogatory information on the internet. The Third Circuit rejected arguments that the convictions violated the First Amendment. The conduct of Gonzalez was defamatory (an exception not invoked here), but "[e]ven if it were not defamatory," the court held, "this speech is still unprotected as it falls squarely into the 'speech integral to criminal conduct' exception. The defendants' speech served no legitimate purpose other than to harass and intimidate Belford, conduct that is illegal under [18 U.S.C.] § 2261A." The speech was part of a course of conduct, and the criminal conduct was the stalking itself. "[I]t is the intent with which the defendants engaged in this conduct, and the effect this conduct had upon the victims, that makes what the defendants did a criminal violation."
Other courts have reached similar conclusions, emphasizing that the interstate stalking statute does not criminalize speech itself, but a course of conduct. See, e.g., United States v. Ackell (1st Cir. 2018) ("By its own terms, § 2261A(2)(B) regulates not speech, but conduct—or, to be precise, 'course[s] of conduct.'"; because the statute does not target speech, it cannot be "an impermissible content- or viewpoint-based restriction on speech"); United States v. Osinger (9th Cir. 2014) ("Any expressive aspects of Osinger's speech were not protected under the First Amendment because they were ''integral to criminal conduct'' in intentionally harassing, intimidating or causing substantial emotional distress to V.B."); United States v. Petrovic (8th Cir. 2012) ("the interstate stalking statute is viewpoint neutral"; it is directed toward courses of conduct, not speech); see also Giboney ("[I]t has never been deemed an abridgement of freedom of speech or press to make a course of conduct illegal merely because the conduct was in part initiated, evidenced, or carried out by means of language, either spoken, written, or printed.")….
Judge Corinne Beckwith dissented:
On the merits, the most sensible reading of § 22-3133(b)'s statement that the stalking statute "does not apply to constitutionally protected activity" is that it applies only to constitutionally unprotected activities—specifically, activities that fall within the categories of speech the Supreme Court has recognized as unprotected by the First Amendment…. This interpretation of the statute is both more plausible and less prone to constitutional challenge than any suggestion that § 22-3133(b) exempts only speech that the government cannot constitutionally restrict (because, for example, it would fail a strict-scrutiny test)…. [I]n addition to being superfluous, [such a] "broader interpretation"—that § 22-3133(b) refers only to "activity that the statute can't constitutionally restrict"—"poses serious constitutional problems" ….
And she rejected the speech-integral-to-criminal-conduct argument:
As my colleagues in the majority point out, a number of courts have rejected such reasoning as circular, concluding that "speech cannot be unprotected only because it is criminal in the challenged statute." This view makes sense…. "It is not enough that the speech itself be labeled illegal conduct …. Rather, it must help cause or threaten other illegal conduct …."
Reading Giboney so expansively to deny constitutional protection to any speech that has been criminalized would also be in tension with the fundamental rule prohibiting content-based restrictions on speech. The Giboney exception is best understood as a rationale for our "long established criminal proscriptions" on speech "intended to induce or commence illegal activities."
She would therefore have reversed the injunction outright, without need to remand to the trial court.
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"...The court also suggested that the trial court should consider "whether … the course of conduct here 'served no legitimate purpose other than to harass and intimidate.'" And it flagged the question whether Mashaud's speech could be seen as fitting within an exception for "speech integral to criminal conduct" (a subject I discuss in detail in this article):..."
How could any court possibly come to the conclusion that the conduct served no legitimate purpose? A few obvious proper purposes: (a) It lets a company know that an employee is engaged in clandestine sexual activity with a co-worker, which obviously might lead to lawsuits down-the-road. (b) It lets a company know that the person in question is stealing from the company (if it was, in fact, true that sexual activities were sometimes happening while one or both were on the clock.).
If I let our company execs know that John Smith has been embezzling (to make an easy case), then I presume that this is a good thing for the company to know and is therefore proper, EVEN IF I don't give a fig about the company's economic health and I'm doing it only to harm Mr. Smith. Or am I wrong about this...is my "bad" motive something that can legally trump the otherwise laudable effect of making the company aware of Smith's shenanigans?
That, "laudable," effect you mention is how tyrannical inquisitors have justified themselves for centuries. You give yourself an advantage in this instance by presuming the role of an employee of a company to whom you owe loyalty. That does not seem to match the case in question.
This is yet another crap case of private animus, of a sort which would never have achieved extensive publication prior to the internet. Pretending this conduct ought to be protected by time-honored precedents handed down in a bygone context is not helpful for understanding the problem these cases pose.
That, “laudable,” effect you mention is how tyrannical inquisitors have justified themselves for centuries.
My recollection is that tyrannical inquisitors down the ages have traditionally used force, not excluding racks, thumbscrews and a toasty hot pokers, to extract either information or confessions from folk who do not want to offer them up. The connection between them, and a fellow who does no more than flap his lips to reveal to the world what he already knows, sans rack, sans thumbscrew, sans toasty pokers, escapes me.
This is yet another crap case of private animus
Should we not be permitted to share our private animus with the public, including our reasons for feeling animated ?
In Lathropworld, is gossip illegal ?
Lee Moore, your recollection is not working hard enough. Or maybe you don't number J. Edgar Hoover among tyrannical inquisitors. I do.
In the general case, maybe you should not be permitted to publish your private animus world wide. I suggest that question is ripe for more discussion than it is getting.
The context that frames the discussion for me is that for generations non-celebrity, non-public persons rarely got their private animus published. Private editing ruled it out.
The law of free speech—including precedents EV cites when he brings up these cases—was tailored with that as a tacit premise. Changing that expectation (and the legal support for that customary omission, which law and practice afforded) is now at issue, as it was not before. Has the change been good for the public life of the nation, or good for the law of speech, or good for political support for speech freedom, or good for personal expectations of privacy, are a few topics heedlessly bypassed by reflexive resort to precedent amidst unacknowledged change in context and customary practice.
By the way, conflating world-wide publication with, "gossip," has always been stupid, but I get that in the case of celebrity publishing it has served a financial purpose to pretend otherwise.
The context that frames the discussion for me is that for generations non-celebrity, non-public persons rarely got their private animus published. Private editing ruled it out. The law of free speech—including precedents EV cites when he brings up these cases—was tailored with that as a tacit premise.
This is complete nonsense.
The 1st Amendment is not limited to "published" speech. It covers both freedom of speech (oral communication) and of the press (written communication.) Oral communication, before radio, was not capable of being "published" at all, and yet nearly 250 years ago, it was thought necessary and desirable to protect the freedom of oral communication. And that certainly includes gossip.
Lee Moore, you seem to be conceding my point. Go ahead and gossip, but use oral communication and you will get no rejoinder from me.
The issues come when you publish private gossip world wide. Publishing and oral communication are not the same. Press freedom does not merely apply to, "written communication." Indeed, private written communication, as for instance with personal letters, is more appropriately governed and protected under speech freedom. Press freedom and speech freedom are separately enumerated for a reason. Press freedom is not a right owned exclusively by authors. It also includes freedom for publishers, to do things which authors never engage in unless they themselves undertake to become publishers.
Beyond that, there has also been a separate and different legal tradition applied to publishing, and not to oral speech. Joint liability for publishers and authors is one hallmark of that separate legal status. There is no joint liability doctrine applied to oral gossip.
You are not failing to take note of those differences. You avoid to take note of them. Doing that affords you convenience to ignore questions you ought to address, such as the four specific questions I asked in my comment above. Just try the first one, why don't you? Explain how world-wide publishing of private animus between embittered former spouses (who are completely unknown to the world at large) improves the public life of the nation.
Publishing and oral communication are not the same.
No indeed. Except in respect of their protection under the 1st Amendment, which is identical.
Press freedom and speech freedom are separately enumerated for a reason.
Yes. The reason being that "freedom of speech" does not cover all the things they wanted to cover. When a supermarket wishes to offer a 20% discount on apples and bananas, it puts up a sign saying "20% off apples and bananas" rather than "20% off apples." For the same reason.
such as the four specific questions I asked in my comment above
I deduce these to be :
Has the change been good for the public life of the nation, or good for the law of speech, or good for political support for speech freedom, or good for personal expectations of privacy, are a few topics heedlessly bypassed
They may be of interest to those who wish to debate what the law ought to be. I ignore them because they are completely irrelevant to what the law is.
But since you insist, it seems to me a good thing that technology allows the poor and weak to speak nearly as loudly as the rich and powerful. And it seems to me that it would be a bad thing if the rich and powerful were successful in twisting the law to keep their "inferiors' from criticising them.
But as I say, my - and your - value judgements on these questions are irrelevant to what the 1st Amendment protects.
No indeed. Except in respect of their protection under the 1st Amendment, which is identical.
It is not identical, as I already noted. Leaving joint liability aside as already ignored by you, there is no analogy in the law of speech for the protection extended to the activity of news gathering, for instance. As a practical matter, punishments for libel are justifiably harsher than for slander. Press freedom necessarily includes protections for certain kinds of business activity which are irrelevant to protecting speech. There are laws governing what may and may not figure in advertising, including a special body of law for political advertising. Some states protect press activity with a privilege to withhold the names of sources in court.
Conflation of press freedom and speech freedom is a dodge practiced widely by folks who dislike press freedom, and who wish to see the free press hampered and burdened. To apply the law of speech freedom as the sole standard governing publishing accomplishes that, while permitting a tyrannical impulse to parade as egalitarian.
There are many folks now who are vociferous opponents of press freedom—including, of course, the ones who habitually revile the, "mainstream media." They all show up to insist that speech freedom is all you need, and to denounce advocates for press freedom.
Tell me, do you suppose that it would assist the poor and the weak to criticize the rich and powerful if the poor and weak were able to practice libel with impunity? Do you think practical abolition of the civil law of libel for online publishing is a good thing? Do you favor government compulsion to make sure private publishers serve all points of view equally? Do you think the mainstream media, "censor," right-wing speech? Do you think the internet has become the principal way the nation gathers and distributes the information it requires to conduct its public life? Do you think professional news reporters are an oppressive elite?
However you answer those and similar questions, you can be certain that there are many millions of folks, particularly on the political right, who are foolish enough to say yes to all of them. I hope you are not among them.
Leaving joint liability aside as already ignored by you, there is no analogy in the law of speech for the protection extended to the activity of news gathering, for instance.
So what ? I'm not claiming that oral speech and the printed word are the same thing. I'm just saying what is obvious from the words of the First Amendment - that the Congress is equally prohibited from abridging either of them.
Thus in the 2nd Amendment, the right to bear arms encompasses, inter alia, (a) swords and (b) bows and arrows. Because {swords} and not the same as {bows and arrows} it is possible for Congress to try abridging the right to bear {bows and arrows} in ways that do not affect swords. By for example requiring that arrows must be made from cardboard not wood.
But such a law would still be unconstitutional. The Constitutional prohibition extends to any means the Congress might attempt to abridge the right to bear arms, whether the abridgement affects only some things and not others.
If the Constitution bans Congress from doing X and from doing Y, then sure X and Y are different. But not in respect of the protection that the Constitution affords. The Congress prohibits bans on X and on Y equally.
Suppose he he did house burglaries as a side business. Private animus? There too, all activity takes place entirely in private homes, and has nothing to do with the company. And he gets his work done.
I think you're absolutely right about (a) but wrong about (b). Consulting company employees are pretty much invariably salaried. As long as they both got their required real work done, whether their sexual activities were "on the clock" is irrelevant.
Instead, I'd add (c) that even without the threat of future litigation, the company has an ethics and reputation risk that management deserves to know about. A VP with this level of ethical standards may be equally cavalier with customers, suppliers or work product. And if any of those customers require the VP to carry a security clearance, making yourself blackmailable could be a disqualifying event.
In short, the trial court got this very wrong and the dissent is correct that this should have been summarily overturned, not sent back for remand.
I think you weaken your point by making John Smith's case too easy. Make it harder. Suppose that John Smith has done nothing wickeder than lawfully reduce his taxes by some complicated scheme. And that some, though by no means all, people would regard this as morally reprehensible on the basis that it detracts from the principle that everyone should bear their fair share of taxes.
John Smith has broken no law, nor - let us suppose - does his employer object.
If you should come by this information about John Smith lawfully - eg suppose he mentions it to you over a cocktail - and suppose that you disapprove, and think that other people would also disapprove if they knew.....whatever would prevent your decision to publicise the fact that John Smith is a tax avoider being "legitimate: ?
The whole notion that saying things about them that other people might prefer you not to say is not "legitimate" is ridiculous.
Lee Moore, you are far afield. If you can't distinguish publishing private animus from publishing a public policy discussion, you may be irremediably tone deaf.
I can distinguish them fine, it's just that the First Amendment does not contain any qualification limiting the prohibition on abridging "the freedom of speech, or of the press" to speech about public policy.
Lee Moore, if you are able to distinguish unlike examples, you ought to do it, instead of deliberately conflating them. You must have noticed that I am trying to engage you in a discussion about why 1A legal doctrine may need revision, because of changes in publishing practices brought on by the internet.
That means we are discussing what qualifications the First Amendment ought to contain under a transformed practical regime, and we are not discussing the body of precedents you cite tacitly when you announce, "the First Amendment does not contain any qualification limiting the prohibition on abridging 'the freedom of speech, or of the press' to speech about public policy."
I am not suggesting that would be the right thing to do. I am asking more specific questions about certain non-public-policy uses of press freedom, and you are dodging those questions. To insist baldly, as proof, without supporting argument, on precedents I suggest may need revision, is circular reasoning.
As mentioned above, I am discussing what the 1st Amendment actually says - and it treats speech and press equally - you are discussing what the 1st Amendment ought to say - and your view appears to be that it ought to treat speech and press differently. I disagree.
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"Christopher Boone was previously sent a no contact email from my wife on May 11, 2013 (as attached), but he continues to ignore our request and fails to respect our boundaries to allow my wife and I to heal and to regain the integrity of our marriage...."
Attached to Mr. Mashaud's email were copies of several email exchanges between Ms. W and Mr. Boone. Mr. Boone testified that upon receiving this email he felt violated, threatened, and embarrassed. The evidence showed that Mr. Boone replied to the email, stating his willingness to meet and talk the matter through, but that Mr. Mashaud did not respond.
<<<
They said "go away and never talk to us again", and this nimrod refused to go away.
And now he's whinging that they're exposing his behavior to the world?
Talk about "people deserving no sympathy"!
She's married. She wants to get back with her husband and put you behind her. STFU and go away!
This is not difficult to understand, Mr vice president of a consulting firm.
I didn't follow the 'more info' part, but does the truth of the statements and emails ever enter into this?
The problem here is there is no allegation they are false. If falsity were an essential element, it should be dismissed for failing to allege it. You have to give people notice so they can prepare a defense. You can’t simply spring an essential element on them.
I don’t understand the basis of the claim that this is not, as a matter of constitutional law, a matter of public concern.
A US President was, not so very long ago, impeached over an affair, and a past one’s affairs were the subject of a great deal of discussion. Adultery is illegal in a substantial number of states.
If adultery is relevant to the fitness for office of the President of the United States, why in the world isn’t it relevant to the fitness for office of the vice president of a public corporation? And why in the world isn’t that a matter of public concern?
The idea that these are purely private matters has no basis in Supreme Court precedent.
No; he was impeached over perjury and obstruction of justice.
Exactly. That it was perjury and obstruction of justice in the context of a sexual harassment lawsuit hardly means he was impeached over the affair he'd lied and suborned perjury concerning.
I don't know what public corporation you're referring to, but why would the fact that someone works for a public corporation — by which you mean a publicly-traded corporation — make his personal activities a matter of public concern?
Perhaps he is conflating "publicly owned shares" and "government-owned".
OK, suppose he runs a house-burgling ring on the side.
Purely personal activity. Everything takes place entirely in private homes. Nothing at all to do with the corporation.
So if someone talks about it, he can sue for invasion of privacy? It’s not the corporation’s business, right?
Seems like Mr. Mashaud would have been the first who "felt violated, threatened, and embarrassed" when he found out about the affair.
The court repeatedly used the phrase "personal matters such as," suggesting that it was not the particular content of the Mr. Mashaud's messages, but instead the very personal nature (potential sexual harassment, an extramarital affair) of what Mr. Mashaud chose to expose to people who were in Mr. Boone's circle but with whom Mr. Mashaud did not have relationships, that drew the trial court's focus.
Can someone explain the difference between :
1. "the particular content of Mr Mashaud's messages"
and
2. "the very personal nature (potential sexual harassment, an extramarital affair) of what Mr. Mashaud chose to expose to people"
I'm struggling to see how these are not precisely the same. The "particular content" was the "potential sexual harassment" and "the extramarital affair"
The court also suggested that the trial court should consider "whether … the course of conduct here 'served no legitimate purpose other than to harass and intimidate.'"
Neither "harass" nor "intimidate" appear in the statute. The nearest statutory approaches to Mr Boone's likely feelings are "disturbed" or "feel emotional distress." Whatev.
Although the grammar suggests merely annoying Mr Boone is a "legitimate purpose", the sense is that it is not. But why not ? If a man wrongs you, annoying him by making his wrong publicly known is entirely legitimate, even if you have no "social" purpose in publicising his wrong, and all you are after is a measure of (peaceful) revenge.
But the court's language is not even limited to Mr M's purpose, it's "served no purpose" which encompasses hypothetical purposes that Mr M may not have held. In this case the modest deterrent effect of alerting potential seducers of married interns to the risk of public exposure seems obvious.
And what was :
Note the phrasing: "constitutionally protected activity" instead of "constitutionally protected speech"
all about ?
Yeah, sure, we've noted it. But since Mr M's "activity" did not include anything other than "speech" why would we need to note what is in this case completely irrelevant ?
The overall impression is that the court is bending over backwards to avoid the obvious conclusion that the application of the statute to mere speech is unconstitutional.
Why is harrassing and intimidating the sonofabitch who is having an affair with your wife not a legitimate purpose? It may be the only legitimate purpose.
Krayt, it is not a legitimate purpose because your wife is free to do as she pleases.
D.C. High Court Opines on Injunctions Against Speech About People
This, "Speech About People," category? Is it a legal thing in anyone's mind except EV's? He comes back to it from time to time. Seems to me he has some notion he is trying to promote to a bright line distinction, but I haven't seen it used by anyone else. Am I just missing something?
Suppose the individual had, instead of having an affair with your wife, burglarized your house. Why wouldn’t publicizing that also not be constitutionally protected? It’s a private affair taking place entirely in a private home that has nothing at all to do with the person’s employer. What purpose would such publication serve other than private animosity and embarassment? Why wouldn’t the two cases be exactly the same?
Let’s further suppose that there’s a recently discovered loophole in the burglary law thst the legislature hasn’t closed yet. So while you may personally feel it’s morally wrong, it’s legal.
I agree with the Supreme Court of Michigan’s opinion in the Kevorkian libel case when it said that calling someone who committed conduct that could be made a crime a criminal isn’t libelous and is constitutionally protected, because as long as something can be made a crime, there needs to be robust public debate on whether it should be a crime, including whether or not it is wrong to begin with. If it could be made a crime, talking about it is constitutionally protected.
And of course not only can adultery be made a crime, it is a crime in a number of states. Also a civil tort.
In particular, it is absolutely Orwellian that a the speech of an arguable crime victim reporting an arguable crime against him could be regarded as itself crime speech.
This is what makes the case closely resemble the burglary case.
It is one thing to legalize what was formally a crime. It is quite another to punish its victims for the act of complaining about it.
To do that is to turn the Constitution into an instrument of tyrrany.