Our expectations must be much higher for the unaccountable Supreme Court than the popularly-elected President.
None of the usual rules will apply when the ACLU says there is an emergency.
The remedy would not involve Rule 23.
A response to questions from Justices Kagan and Barrett.
There are eight, and possibly nine votes against Trump on the merits. But the Court is far too fragmented on the injunction issue.
Presented at the Orlando Federalist Society Chapter.
Vance mentions Justices Thomas and Alito as exhibiting this courage, but none of the Trump appointees.
Nearly a month has elapsed since the ACLU's very good Friday.
If the Court's can't coalesce on a single rationale, we might see a redux of Department of Regents.
High School Students from Oregon and Texas argued before a panel of three federal judges and visited the United States Supreme Court.
There are certainly five votes on the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment, but there are not five votes about nationwide injunctions.
More than 100 days into the new administration, the Foreign Emoluments Clause returns to the fore.
The Justice was "emphatic" that his papers would be available only fifty years after his death.
Comparing Navy Seals and Shilling.
I offer five tips on how you can get a TROLP bobblehead.
My personal account of the Section 3 litigation.
The Chief moved quickly, but extended the review period out.
Is Justice Jackson trying to set a new standard?
The Court moves heaven and earth to block removal of alleged gang members who are almost certainly removable, but stays silent when citizens of Maine lose their elected representative.
And she is considering holding the Florida Attorney General in contempt for pointing out the limits of the judge's order
The Reorganization Plan of 1966, standing by itself, is not a statute that could vest "by law" the appointment power authority in the Secretary.
Cooper v. Aaron is not a model the Roberts Court should try to emulate.
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