Is the HALT Fentanyl Act Delusional or Just Performance Art?
The bill would permanently schedule fentanyl-related substances as Schedule I drugs—and impede therapeutic research.

On Thursday, the House of Representatives passed the HALT (Halt All Lethal Trafficking) Fentanyl Act. The bill aims to make permanent a Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) temporary emergency rule from 2018, which has been extended twice by Congress. This rule classifies derivatives of the synthetic opioid fentanyl not yet approved by the Food and Drug Administration—known as "fentanyl-related substances"—as Schedule I controlled substances. This extended rule is set to expire in March.
This is nothing new. Lawmakers are not fundamentally altering existing federal fentanyl policy; they are simply continuing a framework that has failed over the past seven years to stop sellers of illicit fentanyl from meeting market demand. Celebrating the passage of the HALT Fentanyl Act as a new effort to combat fentanyl trafficking and overdose deaths is merely an example of performance art.
By classifying a drug as Schedule I, the DEA determines it to have "no currently accepted medical use and a high potential for abuse." The DEA categorizes cannabis, heroin, and psychedelic drugs as Schedule I. Cops may not see these substances as medically valuable, but many physicians might disagree.
No reasonable person would argue that cannabis has "no currently accepted medical use." As early as 1916, William Osler, often referred to as the "father of modern medicine," recommended cannabis as the drug of choice for treating migraines. Cannabis's history of accepted medical use goes all the way back to at least 2,800 B.C. Heroin is a semisynthetic opioid that is considerably less potent than Schedule II hydromorphone and is included in the drug formularies of several affluent countries, such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Switzerland, and Germany, where it is used to manage pain and treat addiction. Nowadays, most people recognize the therapeutic potential of psychedelics, including some members of Congress.
But the HALT Fentanyl Act is also delusional. For decades, Schedule I classification has done nothing to halt the flow and use of cannabis, heroin, or psychedelics. Cannabis and psychedelic use is at historic highs, and heroin use is making a significant comeback after fentanyl nearly replaced it during the COVID-19 pandemic. Why should lawmakers expect things to work out any differently for fentanyl-related substances?
Classifying fentanyl-related substances as Schedule I will hinder progress in therapeutic research. Although the latest version of the HALT Fentanyl Act includes provisions intended to alleviate some burdens, it will not substantially lessen the multiple regulatory challenges that clinical researchers must overcome before the DEA allows them to conduct studies to determine whether Schedule I drugs can be used to treat certain conditions. We may never know if a currently banned fentanyl-related substance could help reverse overdoses or treat addiction.
The HALT Fentanyl Act increases mandatory minimum sentences for the possession or distribution of illicit fentanyl and fentanyl-related substances. Research indicates that this approach does not serve as an effective deterrent. Instead, it merely fills prisons, ruins the futures of drug users, disrupts their families, and provides aggressive prosecutors with coercive plea-bargaining strategies. Additionally, threatening drug dealers with life imprisonment or the death penalty is unlikely to deter the drug trade. Most drug dealers already consider the risk of death when entering the business and, realistically, fear being killed by rival cartels and dealers more than by the United States Department of Justice.
Politicians often refer to the fentanyl overdose crisis as an "epidemic" or an "invasion." However, these metaphors are misleading. Drug trafficking organizations do not propel fentanyl into our country from launch pads in Mexico, soaring through the sky in search of innocent victims. The flow of fentanyl is a reaction to market demand.
More importantly, fentanyl is simply the latest example of what drug policy analysts refer to as the iron law of prohibition: The harder the law enforcement, the harder the drug. Prohibition encourages those who sell banned substances to create stronger variations that they can smuggle more easily in smaller quantities and divide into more units for sale. Prohibition makes the black market dangerous because people who buy drugs on the black market can never be sure of the drug's purity, dosage, or even if it is the drug they think they are buying.
If lawmakers continue to double down on the same prohibitionist policies they have used for over 50 years, deaths from illicit drug overdoses will keep rising. Repeating the same actions, with even more intensity this time, will not produce a different outcome.
Until lawmakers abandon their tired rituals of prohibitionist theater, they will continue to fuel needless suffering and loss.
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If lawmakers continue to double down on the same prohibitionist policies they have used for over 50 years, deaths from illicit drug overdoses will keep rising.
Well, as it turns out, just legalizing them isn't the panacea we thought it would be either so it seems there is no 'winning' there.
I do wonder if 'harder' versions of drugs would exist even if the black market went away. Pot certainly didn't get weaker after legalization, I notice, and consumers often want more for less.
I'm not really convinced that legalization of opioids would result in weaker drugs.
When "legalizing" means 'loading them with so many regulations and restrictions that the black market is still popular', I don't think you can call that a failure. I don't even think you can call it real 'legalization'.
I think you have a reasonable question about whether real legalization would return them to their older, weaker forms. I think there are solid lessons from Prohibition, however. Before Prohibition, beer and wine were the preferred alcohols. During Prohibition, tastes shifted toward distilled spirits in large part because those more concentrated alcohols were easier to transport and conceal. After Prohibition was repealed, distilled spirits did not go away, though the preference for it did decline over the course of generations. But the bathtub gin with its lead poisoning and other unintended toxins did go away pretty close to immediately.
By analogy, we should expect opiods to remain at current strength, desire for them to decay slowly, but purety, safety and collateral damage problems to improve quickly.
The black market has been greatly reduced for pot, and yet potency continues to rise.
I'd be the first to say that the opioid market may not be the same as the pot market, but saying potency would only go up under a black market is a statement without much support.
For example, more potent pot isn't likely to kill you whereas more potent opioids will. Also pot is not physically addictive, opioids are.
I'm not really arguing one way or the other on prohibition, merely that I don't think this particular point is well supported.
I don't think your argument works because the pot market has been so over-regulated that the black market has not in fact been reduced significantly, much less greatly.
While pot is now legal in some jurisdictions, it remains illegal in others and particularly at the federal level (making its legality at the state level of questionable effect). And even in the states that have legalized it, they've loaded on so many exhorbitant taxes, regulations and restrictions that the black market remains economically robust.
By the way, I'm not saying that potency only goes up under black market conditions - I am saying that black markets incentivize increases in potency. Potency might go up under free market conditions but it is greatly more likely to go up under black market conditions.
Potency might go up under free market conditions but it is greatly more likely to go up under black market conditions.
I think you underestimate people's desire to get really high or product makers to make new formulations to push product. Note that most soda is the exact same stuff with minor variations, yet there are thousands of varieties.
Saying that markets don't incentivize product creation or reformulation is belied by our lying eyes.
Saying that government fiat has more control than the market is belied by the existence of black markets.
Not that I'm saying that I'm certain I'm correct, that would be foolish given the lack of real data, but I am quite sure that the author doesn't know if they are correct either. Black markets and their effects have proven to be difficult to nail down, but I really doubt that in a totally legitimate market there wouldn't be thousands of different types of opioid products as well.
Just look at how many varieties of pot there are which are, in fact, identical in their effects even while people pretend they are not. I don't know about you, but I've smoked pot for a while and this whole fetishization of pot strains didn't really become a thing until it started being legalized.
"Is the HALT Fentanyl Act Delusional or Just Performance Art?"
What difference, at this point, does it make?
They're morons in either event.
In any event, legalise it all and let Darwin do his thing.
It's stupid, like all drug laws, but so is elevating doctors as some sort of unquestionable arbiters of all things medical related. Obviously they deal with medicine every day, but that doesn't mean they are necessarily right, or put medicine over politics.
Let's not forget that doctors said it was great to go out and riot during Covid.
Fixed it for you.
I'm guessing that the folks who approve of this act have never cared for or known a relative or friend living (?) through their last six months or year with incurable metastatic cancer. Fentanyl works, it helps, and rescheduling it would be a deliberate act of unthinkable cruelty. Unthinkable for me and families I've known, that is, but apparently not for the drug warriors.