Judging Judges
This week Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist reiterated his criticism of congressional efforts to track federal judges' sentencing practices, in language almost identical to remarks he made in a speech last May. In his annual report on the federal judiciary, Rehnquist warned that the attempt to discourage "downward departures" from the minimums indicated by federal sentencing guidelines "could appear to be an unwarranted and ill-considered effort to intimidate individual judges in the performance of their judicial duties."
There's really no dispute that making lists of naughty judges is an effort to intimidate them. The issue is whether the intimidation is "unwarranted and ill-considered," a threat to judicial independence and the separation of powers, as Rehnquist sees it, or an appropriate response to a "growing problem of downward departures" that is "undermining sentencing fairness throughout the federal system," as House Judiciary Committee Chairman F. James Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.) puts it.
There's an easy answer to the question of how much discretion judges ought to have in sentencing: just the right amount. Either too much or too little can result in unjust punishment, and striking the right balance is tricky. But it's important to recognize that limiting the authority of judges means increasing the authority of prosecutors, who in many cases can essentially determine a defendant's sentence by deciding how to charge him. And given the incentives that prosecutors face, trusting them to sentence people is a bigger threat to fairness than the occasional soft-hearted judge.
The chief problem with the federal criminal justice system is not excessive lenience. If judges can make draconian sentences less harsh (especially for nonpredatory "crimes") without violating the law, more power to them. Unfortunately, Congress seems intent on giving them less.
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Some minimum sentences are set by statute, and in those cases judges have essentially no legal room to maneuver. But judges are permitted to deviate from the penalties indicated by the sentencing guidelines if they have a valid reason. This dispute is largely about what constitutes a valid reason for a "downward departure" and how big a reduction is justified.
In Ed Rosenthal's marijuana cultivation case, for example, Judge Charles Breyer deviated in a big way from the five-year minimum indicated by the guidelines, giving Rosenthal a token one-day sentence. Breyer's main rationale was that, based on California's medical marijuana law and Oakland's designation of him as an "officer of the city," Rosenthal thought he was complying with the law. The prosecutors are appealing that sentence, arguing that a downward departure was not justified.
I read in yesterday's San Diego Union-Tribune that the 'downward departure' numbers are grossly inflated due to immigration cases where the US Attorneys (federal prosecutors) are supportive of the departures. If true, it seriously cuts into Justice's argument that Congress needs to herd a bunch of softy judges.
Being somewhat familiar with federal sentencing guidelines (albeit, it has been several years since I've had cases in federal court), let me attempt to clarify as best I can.
The federal sentencing guidelines put crimes onto a 'grid'. Down one side is the offense level, ranging from 1 to about 41 or so. Across the top is the offender's criminal history level, ranging from 1 to 6. Someone with no previous convictions would be a number 1, and someone with numerous, violent felonies could be as high as 6. So if a person with a few convictions (say, level 3) is charged with a level 20 crime, you look on the grid to where row 20 intersects with column 3 and apply the numbers, given in months.
The offense level can go up or down, depending upon a variety of factors. As you might expect, most of the 'departures' go up. About the only significant downward departures available now are for accpeting responsibility for the crime (i.e., pleading guilty, not 'no contest') and for assisting the government. The presence of weapons, multiple victims, etc., can increase the level of punishment.
By the way, in federal court, there is basically no good time, nor is there probation. If someone receives a 10 year sentence, the first year, they have to serve 365 days. Each year after that, each year they serve, they can receive up to 50 days good time. So a 10 year sentence is served in just over 9 years. Most state systems allow a substantial reduction in actual time in an effort to a) encourage good behavior among prisoners; and b) save the state money by being able to release prisoners early.
The Feeney amendment, introduced earlier this year, is the legislation to which Rehnquist was specifically referring. This amendment would limit even more the ability of judges to reduce the level of the crime.
As noted above, such a position dramatically increases the power of the prosecutor. The prosecutor, by making the charging decision, essentially decides punishment. A common phrase in this business is that "a prosecutor can indict a ham sandwich", meaning that a prosecutor can indict anybody for damn near any charge. If the prosecutor indicts on a level 30 charge, then the judge's discretion to punish is limited to what the sentencing guidelines allow for a level 30 charge, even if the conduct is more appropriately a level 15 charge. This happens all the time, and it is why mandatory minimums and set sentencing schemes are an unlawful violation of the separation of powers in that the executive is taking powers rightfully allocated to the judicial branch. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court does not agree with this position, and the sentencing guidelines have been deemed constitutional.
A good group fighting this type of draconian sentencing is Families Against Mandatory Minimums. Their website is http://www.famm.org. Anybody interested in their goals should check out their website.
Crossing this piece with the citibank one above, it just seems that the system is no longer capable of administrating justice. heck - how can we, the people, be expected to comprehend the current volume of law. We need to first get back to the thou shalt not kill level, then the establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility stuff. The rest of this legalese overlay has to go.
One possible solution, elders that are lay people that oversee the court system. The current systemic abuse is out of control.
First, I haven't a firm opinion on the question,
but I do have a reaction to the debate.
One premise is that we want laws that protect us.
Legislation makes the laws,
the police enforce them,
the courts exercise them.
Another premise is that we want justice,
that the laws are impartial and fair,
from conception to implementation.
One argument against mandatory sentencing rules
is that they aren't just, or fair,
in that they can be too harsh
by trying to avoid being too lenient.
The Honorable Senator Edward Kennedy,
who regularly sits in judgement of others,
those appointed to Federal judgeships,
called the move an:
"ongoing attack on judicial independence"
This is the same man who, as a law student,
drove his car off a bridge into the water,
abandoning both the car and his 'date' (who died)
to run away and report the accident 10 hours later.
Kennedy did not serve the mandatory sentence.
There were serious questions of a 'fixed' case,
from the investigation, to charges, to the trial.
This is a man who later asked:
Do we operate under a system of equal justice under law?
Or is there one system for the average citizen and another for the high and mighty?
The answer is the latter, or so it would seem,
as evidenced in the life of Ted himself,
A man whose family, wealth, and connections
kept HIM from receiving the mandatory sentence.
The high and mighty is where he still holds himself.
Kennedy, forever a fine example of
the hypocrisy of the privileged
is against mandatory sentencing in his words,
yet his life is testimony for it.
The abuse of sentencing can be shown
in either light -- too harsh, too easy.
Justice does not have to be fair!
When judges exercise a wide range of sentencing,
those differences are used to argue for leniency.
The pendulum is now swinging back,
and it is coming down.
Call it a sign of the times -- code orange!
Prosecutors do not need more power, that's for sure. In most all jurisdictions, their job performance is unfairly (for the public at large, that is) judged by the percentage of convictions they ring up. Secondarily they are judged by how many convictions overall. More convictions can create a misperception that 'Crime is up and I'm protecting the public better'.
A study in Canada I think I saw here at H&R (a couple months ago?) from 2000 or 2001 showed that the number of 'criminals' was flat or down throughout the country, but the number of 'crimes' was at an all time high. Examination revealed that more charges were being laid by prosecutors per offender. The primary reason was to overpower the offender's possible desire to take the principal charge to trial. The prosecutor sez in essence, "Try and defend yourself on this one charge and I'll see to it that you're charged with multiple other offenses", or "...take my plea bargain on this one charge and I'll not pursue the many possible others".
I'm not referring here to just the burglar with some drugs in his pocket. Rather it would be the burglar who is charged with: Burglary, breaking and entering; damaging property during entrance; possession of stolen property; attempting to sell stolen property; not paying taxes on the ill-gotten profits; etc, etc.
Or in the case of a drug offense; possession of illegal drug; at just slightly larger quantities - intent to sell; within 1500 feet of school or church; repeat offense mark-ups; while in a vehicle (presumed impairment); etc etc
The drug offender is most often able to contest a possession charge, given the many ways that law enforcement violates 4th Amendment, but if given choice between pleading guilty to possession (short jail term and probation/drug testing) or facing a stack of six other charges and sentences, he'll acquiesce to the more subtle reaming.
A question on sentencing guidelines: Are these guidelines actual legislation (Congress enacts a law saying "Anybody convicted of such-and-such offense must serve at least X number of years")? Or are these things where Congress sets a very low threshold, but then some advisory body (created by one or more branches of gov't) says "Any reasonable judge should really exceed the minimum required penalty by at least such-and-such amount"?
If the former, then I don't have much sympathy for a judge who violates the guidelines. I don't like draconian penalties for minor offenses, but there's a right way and a wrong way to change the law.
On the other hand, if these "guidelines" are not hard-and-fast laws, then judges should be given the benefit of the doubt when they use their discretion. There may be individual judges out there who have a pattern of giving ridiculously lenient sentences, but I wouldn't automatically infer than simply from a tendency to ignore "guidelines" that aren't part of the law that the judge is sworn to uphold.
Can anybody clarify this?
Thoreau,
In general, Congress sets the maximum punishment when it enacts a criminal law, e.g. "punishable by not more that 10 years in prison," while the details are set by the U.S. Sentencing Commission. More than you ever wanted to know at http://www.ussc.gov.
"By the end of 2001, one in every 37 adults in the U.S. has either done time in a prison or were incarcerated in a state or federal prison. If current incarceration rates hold, 6% of all Americans, 11% of all men, 17% of Hispanic men and 32% of all African American men born in 2001 are likely to end up in prison at some point in their lifetime.?
- National Resource Center on Prisons and Communities
"If current incarceration rates hold...."
...everyone will be in jail by the end of the century, and when they get out, they will go back in again.
Such statistics are meant to scare, alarm, point out, but not predict.
Justice is difficult.
Someone takes a life in anger:
Someone strong-arm robs you, knocking your teeth out:
How long should they be in jail?
How soon should they be back on the street?
A stranger murders his wife in a jealous rage.
A stranger breaks and enters your house to get money for drugs.
Which one do YOU want to see on the street next?
One guy shoots at someone, but misses.
Another shoots at someone and kills them.
Which guy is the most dangerous?
Judging isn't easy!
Our justice system is in trouble because citizens have abandoned morality and personal responsibility. Judges, politicians, lawyers: they're all drawn from the ranks of the people. When the people do what is right in their own eyes, what do you expect our popularly elected officials and their appointees to do?
Or, as I once saw on a billboard somewhere: "When values are present, laws are not needed. When values are absent, laws are not enforceable."
I agree with DJ when he (she?) states that judging isn't easy.
However, I trust professional judges to accomplish that difficult task *significantly* more than I trust the ignorant politicos in Washington D.C.