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First Circuit Will Consider, En Banc, Important Questions About Government Employee Speech

From today's order granting rehearing en banc in Hussey v. City of Cambridge:
The majority panel opinion relied on First Circuit precedent for the proposition that "speech commenting on public 'issues in a mocking, derogatory, and disparaging manner' is accorded less weight in the [Pickering] balancing test." Hussey v. City of Cambridge, No. 24-1279, Slip Op. (Aug. 15, 2025), at 16 (quoting MacRae v. Mattos, 106 F.4th 122, 137 (1st Cir. 2024), and also citing Curran v. Cousins, 509 F.3d 36, 49 (1st Cir. 2007) ("Speech done in a vulgar, insulting, and defiant manner is entitled to less weight in the Pickering balance.")).
- Is this precedent consistent with the Supreme Court's First Amendment jurisprudence, including but not limited to Rankin v. McPherson, 483 U.S. 378 (1987), and Connick v. [Myers], 461 U.S. 138 (1983)? Please address the propriety of giving less weight to "mocking, derogatory, and disparaging" speech on matters of public concern, and—in doing so—please discuss how the consideration of "manner, time, and place" in the Pickering balance bears on that question. Finally, please address whether the propriety of giving less weight to "mocking, derogatory, and disparaging" speech on matters of public concern depends on whether the speech occurred within the workplace or outside the workplace.
- Is there a more suitable approach, also consistent with First Amendment jurisprudence, for balancing the First Amendment right of a public employee to speak on a matter of public concern against the needs of the public employer?
- How would any proposed change in approach affect the analysis and outcome in this case? Please also discuss whether, and how, the Pickering balancing would differ under such an approach for speech by a public employee holding a different employment position or rank than appellant Hussey.
- If the proper Pickering inquiry considers whether the speech at issue disrupted the workplace without reducing the employee's interest in the speech, is it necessary to remand the case to the District Court? Or did the District Court already make a finding on that score?
Here's an excerpt from the panel majority, by Senior Judge Kermit Lipez, joined by Judge Gustavo Gelpí; the controversy was about police officer Hussey being disciplined for posting the Facebook post excerpted at the start of this post:
First, while Hussey's and the public's First Amendment interests in Hussey's speech are significant, the speech's value was modestly diminished due to its "mocking, derogatory, and disparaging" nature. Second, the Department's prediction that Hussey's post could undermine its relationship of trust with the community was reasonable. Third, there is no evidence suggesting that the Department's decision to discipline him was driven by anything other than that reasonable prediction. Given the importance of that trusting relationship to the Department's public service mission, we hold that the Department's interest outweighs Hussey's in the Pickering balancing test. Therefore, as explained above, our inquiry ends here.
And from the dissent by Senior Judge Jeffrey Howard:
There can be no disputing that a police department's management has a powerful interest in maintaining the public's confidence that the department serves without bias the entire community it is sworn to protect. But a government agency is not free to discipline an employee for simply expressing a viewpoint with which the employer disagrees to friends outside of work. Because Hussey's online comment merits no less than the maximum protection afforded by the First Amendment, and the record belies the reasonableness of his suspension, the Pickering balance tilts decidedly in his favor. I would accordingly reverse the district court's grant of summary judgment.
Finally, recall that, under Supreme Court precedents, the First Amendment protects a government employee's speech from being restricted by the employer if
- the speech is said by the employer as a private citizen, and not said as part of the employee's job duties, Garcetti v. Ceballos (2006), and
- the speech is on a matter of public concern, Connick v. Myers (1983), and
- the damage caused by the speech to the efficiency of the government agency's operation does not outweigh the value of the speech to the employee and the public, Pickering v. Bd. of Ed. (1968).
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I would certainly think that "mocking, derogatory, and
disparaging" speech in the workplace (even on a matter of public concern) could be more disruptive to the employer's activities, and would therefore get less protection. Not saying that's necessarily the *right* result, but Pickering demands a somewhat employer-favorable analysis.
Now, if it were outside the workplace I would think it would have to be *incredibly* disruptive in order to interfere with the governmental employer's mission.
Actually, Pickering doesn't demand an employer-favorable analysis. Please see my long comment below.
SCOTUS precedent is clear that it's not nearly enough for disruption (caused by someone else) to merely follow after speech. See, e.g., N. A. A. C. P. v. Claiborne Hardware Co. in 1982:
"There are three separate theories that might justify holding [a speaker] liable for the unlawful conduct of others. First, a finding that he authorized, directed, or ratified specific tortious activity would justify holding him responsible for the consequences of that activity. Second, a finding that his public speeches were likely to incite lawless action could justify holding him liable for unlawful conduct that in fact followed within a reasonable period. Third, the speeches might be taken as evidence that [the speaker] gave other specific instructions to carry out violent acts or threats."
Regarding the second point, SCOTUS considerably more accurately clarified that governments could prohibit or punish "advocacy" if it , first, "is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action" and second, it "is likely to incite or produce such action.”
SCOTUS also emphasized that “fighting words" (which are limited to "those [words uttered face-to-face and] that provoke immediate violence") "are not protected by the First Amendment."
None of the foregoing could apply to expression such as Hussey's.
About the actual message:
On the one hand, if laws are named after anyone, they should be named after their sponsors. Like Magnuson and Moss, or Buckley, for instance.
Or the name could - hear me out here - briefly describe the provisions of the law.
Don't do silly stuff like naming it after (someone you believe to be) a sympathetic person, and don't arrange the letters in the title so it spells something clever.
So even if (especially if) you think George Floyd is a sympathetic person, don't name laws after him.
But the cop is not objecting to the *concept* of overly-clever names for laws, he's just obecting to a law being named after George Floyd in particular. Floyd could have been all kinds of bad person, but bear in mind that Floyd's killer was found guilty of various kinds of criminal homicide by a jury of his peers. I think that it is Floyd's status a *victim* which appeals to Democrats, since victims are cool, you know.
Likewise, the next time the Democrats introduce a gun-contol bill, they'll name it after a well-known victim of gun violence, like Charlie Kirk. /sarc
There's a general rule that "If a law is named after a person, it's probably bad." Oddly, I could not find a name for that principle but I have not yet found an exception to it. Legislation is named after a high-profile victim or given cutesy acronyms with the intent to trigger emotional responses. That undermines the deliberative process that we're suppose to hold our legislators to.
Ever hear of Marsy's Law?
Yes - and I stand by my statement. Like so many other eponymous laws, Marsy's law was well-intentioned but full of poorly thought-out requirements that have resulted in easily-foreseeable negative consequences.
[comment omitted - not thought through enough even by Internet standards]
It appears the speech was not disruptive, but did generate one complaint.
How many members of the public disliked the cop's comment, but didn't want to go on record as a "cop-hater" subject to possible realiation?
The number rounds to zero.
I hate the whole idea of speech of this sort, off the job, being "disruptive".
Look, if at my workplace I start shouting opinions, doesn't really matter if people agree or not, it certainly could be disruptive.
But if after work in a bar I start shouting opinions, they get heard by co-workers, and those co-workers spend the next day at work griping about them, I'm not the one disrupting work, they are.
“Truth may not be the subject of” any type of content-based “sanctions” “where discussion of public affairs is concerned,” so “only” such “statements” proved to be “false” may be punished with “either civil or criminal sanctions.” Garrison v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 64, 74 (1964).
Our Constitution “absolutely prohibits” any content-based “punishment of truthful criticism” of any public servant’s public service. Garrison at 78. Accord Pickering v. Board of Ed., 391 U.S. 563, 574 (1968) (government employee’s “dismissal” precluded “absent proof of false statements knowingly or recklessly made”).
Our “speech on public issues occupies the highest rung of the hierarchy of First Amendment values, and is entitled to special protection.” Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443, 452 (2011) (quoting Connick v. Myers, 461 U.S. 138, 145 (1983)) (cleaned up). See also Snyder at 453 (discussing when “[s]peech deals with matters of public concern”).
A solitary complaint makes it a model of restraint and moderation, by modern Internet standards.
I would answer the order's question b with a couple bright lines:
1. If the employee is purporting to speak on behalf of the employer, no free speech right to that speech.
2. If the employee is speaking using any employer resources (including time, computers, etc), no free speech rights to that speech.
3A. If the employee is speaking entirely using personal resources, is off-duty and (depending on their position in the company) includes a disclaimer that he/she is not speaking on behalf of the employer AND the employee is hired under a contract, contract terms apply.
3B. If the speech is fully-private and the employee is NOT hired under a contract, normal at-will employment rules apply, including any applicable whistleblower or other statutes.
This approach puts public employees on exactly the same footing as private employees. It does create the risk of loyalty tests which I will concede is a greater risk for public employers than private. (A private employer who artificially restricts their hiring of the most qualified candidate on non-job-related factors will lose money and suffer competitively - a factor sadly not applicable to public employers.) Adoption of this approach is significantly easier and less risky the fewer public employees/employers you have.
Alternatively, if you believe the loyalty-test risk outweighs the complexity and confusion of different standards, keep 1 and 2 above but change 3 to
3. If the employee is speaking entirely using personal resources, is off-duty and (depending on their position in the company) includes a disclaimer that he/she is not speaking on behalf of the employer, full free speech rights apply. No balancing tests and any adverse impact to the employer must be based on actual negative consequences. That is, no inferences, assumtions or guesses about possible future consequences. Mere disagreement by other employees is not an adverse consequence. If those other employees bring that disagreement into the workplace, that's their infraction, not the original speaker's.
This all would, however, replace the subjective Pickering balancing test and thus is not something a mere circuit court could simply adopt.
Alternatively, you could simply argue that "conduct unbecoming" (including speech unbecoming) is a viewpoint-neutral restriction and remand with instructions to determine whether the employee was on adequate notice about what "conduct unbecoming" entails.
Rossami, I understand you're merely reiterating the so-called standard stated by some judges on SCOTUS re: "If the employee is purporting to speak on behalf of the employer, no free speech right to that speech." But such a categorical standard is devoid of merit in law or logic.
As Article VI of our Constitution established and emphasized, our Constitution is the paramount law in "the supreme law of the land" and all legislators "and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of [all] States" are "bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support [our] Constitution." So before any speech by a government employee can be punished for any content, the first thing the government must prove is that it violated the employee's oath of office. An employee that speaks out to fulfill his or her oath cannot (constitutionally) be punished.
Speech that is compelled by our Constitution (e.g., by the Oath and Supremacy Clauses) cannot be punished. Article VI even provides two relevant example. First, it commands that oaths be taken. Second, it precludes any religious test or oath: "no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States."
There is a very well-known analogy. The Fifth Amendment protects our right not to speak under certain circumstances. "No person" (citizen or not) can "be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself." Contrary speech cannot be compelled, and the refusal to speak cannot be punished or penalized.
Rossami, an even better analogy than the ones I already presented was included in Article I. The people expressly protected the speech of particular public servants fulfilling their oaths to support our Constitution: U.S. "Senators and Representatives" cannot "be questioned in any other Place" (e.g., by state officials or by executive or judicial branch officials) because of the content of "any Speech or Debate in either House."
Rossami, public employers would violate our Constitution by putting "public employees on exactly the same footing as private employees." The government isn't even close to being on the same footing as private employers. Our Constitution necessarily governs public employers, and it necessarily generally doesn't govern private employers.
One cannot help but recall Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes' famous line that, "The petitioner may have a constitutional right to talk politics, but he has no constitutional right to be a policeman." McAuliffe v. Mayor of New Bedford, 29 N.E. 517, 517 (Mass. 1892).
I have never been very keen on the idea of public employees having constitutional protections that private employees lacked, but conceding that such is the current state of the law, I still think the panel essentially made the correct decision, though I think the "tone" if the comments should be an extremely minor factor of little, if any, import.
While clearly speaking as a private citizen on a member of public concern, I believe it was reasonable for the city to conclude that his comments would undermine the efficiency of the police department. I think the result would have been different if, for example, he had worked for the water department, as opposed to the police department.
Would it have been reasonable for the city to conclude that his comment would undermine the efficiency of the police department if the cop's post had instead read, "Hope this legislation passes because there are too many homicidal maniacs out there wearing police badges while terrorizing communities, and especially People of Color"?
FD Wolf, if you're going to recall that earlier (not-so-clever unconstitutional) statement by Justice Holmes, it even more important that you recall how he radically changed his judgment of what our Constitution required or permitted.
With the benefit of the wisdom that came with about 20 more years as a judge, Justice Holmes courageously corrected himself in his powerful dissent in Abrams v. United States in 1919:
"the United States constitutionally may punish speech that produces or is intended to produce a clear and imminent danger that it will bring about forthwith certain substantive evils that the United States constitutionally may seek to prevent."
That standard was later adopted by SCOTUS.
FD Wolf, by the way, that wasn't a line by Justice Holmes as a SCOTUS justice. That silly assertion was written when Holmes was a state court judge.
"I believe it was reasonable for the city to conclude that his comments would undermine the efficiency of the police department."
How so? I'm not seeing it. Keep in mind that he didn't say that he opposes the spirit of the bill or even the bill itself. He didn't say that what happened to George Floyd was okay.
He just doesn't believe that the bill should be named after George Floyd. His criticism of Floyd seems rather objectively true, or true enough.
If people can't say THAT, then what is left of free speech in this context that can't be hand waived into the "harms efficiency of the employer" dodge? Because of this comment, the police can't respond to a call in a timely way? Clear cases? What efficiency is lost here?
All this cop did was to describe the life that the idiot Floyd lived - by his own choices. Th, "mocking, derogatory, and disparaging manner" was created by Floyd himself. The cop merely spoke truth.
The truth. Exactly right. Completely factual comment on a matter of public concern.
The presentation at the end of this piece of the import of Pickering is egregiously inaccurate in a profoundly material respect. Pickering required far than that “the damage caused by the speech to the efficiency of the government agency's operation” merely “outweigh[ed] the value of the speech to the employee and the public.”
In Pickering, the Court first emphasized that “we do not deem it either appropriate or feasible to attempt to lay down a general standard against which all such statements may be judged.”
Promptly after that, SCOTUS emphasized that it “unequivocally reject[ed]” the government’s position that “even comments on matters of public concern that are substantially correct” somehow “may furnish grounds for dismissal if they are [merely] sufficiently critical in tone.”
Only after the foregoing did SCOTUS “next consider [the rule governing] the statements” that had been proved to be “false.” SCOTUS re-emphasized that it proceeded to address only “erroneous public statements.” Thus, Pickering picked up the standard laid down by the unanimous court in Sullivan, which was expanded upon mere months later by the unanimous court in Garrison.
“Truth may not be the subject of” any type of content-based “sanctions” “where discussion of public affairs is concerned,” so “only” such “statements” proved to be “false” may be punished with “either civil or criminal sanctions.” Garrison v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 64, 74 (1964).
Our Constitution “absolutely prohibits” any content-based “punishment of truthful criticism” of any public servant’s public service. Garrison at 78. Accord Pickering v. Board of Ed., 391 U.S. 563, 574 (1968) (government employee’s “dismissal” precluded “absent proof of false statements knowingly or recklessly made”).
In Sullivan, SCOTUS highlighted that as early as the Sedition Act of 1798, federal law expressly acknowledged that criticism bringing officials “into contempt or disrepute” or “excit[ing] against them” the “hatred” of the “people” cannot be punished unless such criticism was proved (beyond a reasonable doubt) to be both “false” and “malicious.” Id. at 273-274. So SCOTUS unanimously emphasized that opponents of the freedom of speech at issue here--at the very least--must prove that the speech was false. "The constitutional guarantees require[s]" a "federal rule that prohibits" penalizing criticism of "official conduct" unless such speech is proved to contain a "falsehood." Id. at 279-280.
SCOTUS also unanimously explained the reason for the rule. All courts must protect all Americans’ “privilege for criticism of official conduct.” Id. at 282. All courts must “support” the “privilege for the citizen-critic of government.” Id. Such “privilege is required by the First and Fourteenth Amendments.” Id. at 283. All “public men” are essentially “public property,” so “discussion cannot be denied and the right” and “duty” of “criticism must not be stifled.” Id. at 268.
Most fundamentally, our “Constitution created a [republican] form of government under which ‘The people, not the government, possess the absolute sovereignty.’ [Our Constitution] dispersed power” in many ways precisely because “of the people’s” extreme “distrust of concentrated power, and of power itself at all levels.” Id. at 274 (quoting James Madison).
Public servants usurping the power to punish people for criticism of public officials' official conduct “reflect[s] the obsolete [seditious libel] doctrine that the governed must not criticize their governors.” Id. at 272 (citation omitted). “The interest of the public” in the truth about our purported public servants “outweighs the interest” of “any [offended] individual. [Clearly,] protection of the public requires” both “discussion” and “information” about judicial misconduct. Id.
Our “speech concerning public affairs” is “the essence of self-government,” and it “should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open,” and it may “include vehement, caustic,” and “unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public officials.” Garrison at 74-75. Accord Snyder at 452; Rosenblatt v. Baer, 383 U.S. 75, 85 (1966).
"[The public has] a strong interest in debate on public issues [including] about those persons who are in a position significantly to influence the resolution of those issues. Criticism of government is at the very center of the constitutionally protected area of free discussion. Criticism of those responsible for government operations must be free, lest criticism of government itself be penalized." Rosenblatt at 85.
Moreover, “[t]he constitutional protection” (due process of law) “does not” necessarily “turn upon” the “truth, popularity, or social utility of the ideas and beliefs which are offered.” Sullivan, 376 U.S. at 271 (quoting Button, 371 U.S. at 445). Due process is determined by public servants injuring people for petitions and speech for viewpoint and content regarding public issues.
The government must prove it “determine[d] the constitutionality of” each content-based “restriction” with “strict scrutiny.” Republican Party v. White, 536 U.S. 765, 774-775 (2002). Accord Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155, 163-164 (2015).
“Content-based” punishments or penalties are “presumptively unconstitutional.” Reed at 163.
Garrison, by the way, was a government employee. He was a lawyer employed by the government. Moreover, he was punished for the tone of his speech. He publicly accused 8 judges of being at least inexcusably lazy and potentially even criminally corrupt.
Garrison, followed mere months after New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, in which SCOTUS emphasized that the "repression" of expression at issue here "can be justified, if at all, only by a clear and present danger of the obstruction of justice." New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 273 (1964).
Any “forfeiture of the privilege” to criticize public officials official conduct must be preceded by proof of each material fact; any material fact is “not presumed but is a matter for proof.” Sullivan at 284. Moreover, “the proof presented to show” each material fact must have “the convincing clarity which the constitutional standard demands.” Id. at 285-86. The “First Amendment mandates a ‘clear and convincing’ standard” of proof regarding each material fact. Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc., 477 U.S. 242, 252 (1986). The “clear-and-convincing-evidence requirement must be” applied whenever “New York Times applies.” Id. at 244. Anyone wishing to repress (punish, penalize or preclude) any criticism of any judge’s official conduct “must bear” the “actual quantum and quality of proof necessary to” comply with “New York Times.” Id. at 254.
Illinois criminalizes “open and notorious” adultery.
https://www.ilga.gov/documents/legislation/ilcs/documents/072000050K11-35.htm
The courts hace long interpreted the statute as requiring people to have so found out about the affair as to create a scandal in the community. In a 1970s case, the Supreme Court of Illinois held that the defendants had conducted their affair sufficiently discretely that they managed to keep themselves on the legal side of the law, and ordered their conviction reversed. A few people had found about about it, enough for somebody to complain to the police, but not very many.
The First Circuit’s approach to Pickering appears to suggest a similar analysis here. The primary issue is not the content or degree of objectionableness of the opinions themselves in the eyes either of the enployers or the judges. The issue is whether, and the extent to which, the employee expressed these opinions so openly and notoriously as to create a public scandal.
If the employee was sufficiently discrete about it that the opinions were expressed on a Facebook page limited to friends, and resulted (as has been suggested) in only one complaint by some particularly nosy busy-body or other, then I think the employee is as much in the clear as the adulterous couple was. There is no need to examine the content. If there is no scandal sufficient to be disruptive, then there is no government interest that needs to be balanced.
Wood v. Georgia is highly analogous. Wood was a government employee (a sheriff) whom the government sought to punish for speech that supposedly interfered with official functions. SCOTUS emphasized that the government was required to prove how Wood's speech actually interfered with any government function.
“It is imperative that, when the effective exercise of” First Amendment “rights is claimed to be abridged,” all “courts should ‘weigh the circumstances’ and ‘appraise the substantiality of the reasons advanced’ in support of the challenged regulations” or punishment. Thornhill v. Alabama, 310 U.S. 88, 96 (1940). “[W]hen it is claimed that” First Amendment “liberties have been abridged,” courts “cannot allow a” mere “presumption of validity of the exercise of” prior judges' “power to interfere with” the court’s “close examination of the substantive claim presented.” Wood v. Georgia, 370 U.S. 375, 386 (1962).
Prior judges’ mere conclusory contentions certainly “may not preclude” or in any way diminish each court’s “responsibility to examine” all relevant “evidence to see whether” the evidence “furnishes a rational basis for the characterization” that was previously “put on it.” Id. at 386. Due process of law requires more than the mere “enunciation of a constitutionally acceptable standard” purportedly “describing the effect of the conduct” at issue. Id. at 386.
The government must PROVE HOW the speech being punished actually “interfered with” anything implicating “the administration of justice.” Id. at 387. “Unlike those cases in which elaborate findings have been made to support such a conclusion, this record is barren of such findings.” Id. The court “called no witnesses to show that the functioning of the” government “was in any way disturbed; no showing was made that” any person “upon reading” the published “comments” was for any reason “unable or unwilling to complete” his or her “assigned task because” Hussey's criticism actually “interfered” with any court function. Id. “There is” literally “nothing in the record to indicate that” any legitimate function of any government office “was not ultimately successful or, if it was not, that” Hussey's “conduct was responsible for” any such “failure.” Id. “What interference to” any proceeding “or what harm” any Hussey “assertion might inflict on the administration of justice is not stated in” any “opinion. Nor is there any evidence of either in the record.” Id. at 388.
Courts purporting to lawfully punish or penalize Hussey's criticism must at least “cite” and “discuss the Bridges, Pennekamp or Harney cases” (and Wood, New York Times, Garrison, Pickering, Button, Primus, Mosley, Johnson and Cohen) and “display an awareness of the standards enunciated in those cases to support a finding of clear and present danger.” Id. at 387. The First Circuit could “find no such danger in the record before” it. Id. at 388.
In Wood, SCOTUS emphasized the principles and prior SCOTUS decisions that protect Hussey's speech (because nobody proved how it actually interfered with any government function.
"In Bridges v. California" SCOTUS had "held that 'the only conclusion supported by [our] history is that the unqualified prohibitions laid down by the framers were intended to give to liberty of the press, as to the other liberties, the broadest scope that could be countenanced in an orderly society.' "
Hussey's criticism of Congress (and its decision to honor someone with legislation) is analogous to "out-of-court publications" that purportedly justified proceedings for contempt of court. SCOTUS in Wood quoted Bridges to emphasize that such publications "were to be governed by the clear and present danger standard, described as 'a working principle that the substantive evil must be extremely serious and the degree of imminence extremely high before utterances can be punished.' " Obviously, Hussey's speech did not interfere with any government proceeding. Equally obviously, there is no evidence that his speech directly interfered with any government function.
Then, SCOTUS in Wood addressed Pennekamp v. Florida. "[A]fter noting that 'free discussion of the problems of society is a cardinal principle of Americanism -- a principle which all are zealous to preserve' [SCOTUS] "reaffirmed its belief that the 'essential right of the courts to be free of intimidation and coercion . . . [is] consonant with a recognition that freedom of the press must be allowed in the broadest scope compatible with the supremacy of order." In other words, a substantive harm such as intimidation or coercion "must be extremely serious and the degree of imminence extremely high before utterances can be punished."
Then SCOTUS in Wood addressed Craig v. Harney, in which SCOTUS "held that to warrant a sanction 'the fires which [the expression] kindles must constitute an imminent, not merely a likely, threat to the administration of justice. The danger must not be remote or even probable; it must immediately imperil.' "
In Pickering also, SCOTUS focused on the actual effect of speech, but (again) only the speech that was false:
"the fact that particular [statements were] false would not normally have any necessary impact on the actual operation of the schools, beyond its [mere] tendency to anger the Board. For example, Pickering's letter was written after the defeat at the polls of the second proposed tax increase. It could, therefore, have had no effect on the ability of the school district to raise necessary revenue, since there was no showing that there was any proposal to increase taxes pending when the letter was written."
In Craig v. Harney, SCOTUS emphasized that "freedom of speech and of the press should not be impaired through the exercise of [official] power, unless there is no doubt that the utterances in question are a serious and imminent threat to the administration of justice." "But there was here no threat or menace to the integrity of" any legitimate government function.
In Bridges, SCOTUS reiterated that the "bad tendency" test of when speech may be punished is unconstitutional:
"The basis for punishing the publication . . . [was its purported] ‘inherent tendency’ [or its purported] ‘reasonable tendency’ to interfere with the orderly administration of justice . . . . In accordance with what we have said on the ‘clear and present danger’ cases, neither ‘inherent tendency’ nor ‘reasonable tendency’ is enough to justify a restriction of free expression. But even if they were appropriate measures, we should find exaggeration in the use of those phrases to describe the facts here."
The majority of Hussey's First Circuit Panel misrepresented that “the disparaging nature of Hussey's speech simply means that it is not on the ‘highest rung’ of the First Amendment ‘hierarchy.’ " Their misrepresentation ignored the highly-relevant manner in which SCOTUS, itself, directly said the opposite, specifically, in the context of disparaging decisions to honor the dead. SCOTUS said exactly that kind of "speech" (and worse) is “the essence of self-government,” so such “speech” necessarily “occupies the highest rung of the hierarchy of First Amendment values, and is entitled to special protection.”
In 2011, SCOTUS issued a decision with multiple opinions in Snyder v. Phelps. Chief Justice Roberts chose to author the majority opinion. He was joined by Justices Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor and Kagan. Justice Breyer also filed a concurring opinion. Justice Alito, alone, dissented.
In Snyder, SCOTUS justices emphasized the freedom to use even a particular backdrop and even to use particularly hateful messages about Americans who had been killed in the service of this nation. Picketers targeted funerals (and the friends and family) of servicemembers who had been killed in combat. SCOTUS reported that, according to one source, “nearly 600 funerals” had been “picketed.” So not only were hundreds of funerals and families picketed, but SCOTUS justices somewhat immortalized and significantly elevated what picketers said and did by protecting it by, first, granting the petition, and, second, writing a strong, detailed decision.
The signs that SCOTUS justices went out of their way to protect included, “Thank God for Dead Soldiers,” “God Hates the USA/Thank God for 9/11,” “America is Doomed,” “Don’t Pray for the USA,” “Thank God for IEDs” (improvised bombs used to kill servicemembers), “Pope in Hell,” “Priests Rape Boys,” “God Hates Fags,” “God Hates You,” “Fag Troops,” “Semper Fi Fags,” “God Hates Fags,” “Maryland Taliban,” “Fags Doom Nations,” “Not Blessed Just Cursed,” “You’re Going to Hell.”
To protect such hateful, disparaging speech at or near hundreds of funerals, the majority of SCOTUS justices emphasized that those “views” were “particularly hurtful to many, especially to” families of the fallen. But “any distress” was caused by “the content and viewpoint of the message conveyed.” And “the point of all speech protection” is “to shield just those choices of content that in someone’s eyes are misguided, or even hurtful.”
“Such speech cannot be restricted simply because it is upsetting or arouses contempt.” No “government” official may “prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself offensive or disagreeable.” “[I]n public debate” we all “must tolerate insulting, and even outrageous, speech in order to provide adequate breathing space to the freedoms protected by the First Amendment.”
The “speech” on the signs, above, “is fairly characterized as constituting speech on a matter of public concern,” and not even “the funeral setting” can “alter that conclusion.” Such “speech” is “on matters of public concern,” so it “is at the heart of the First Amendment’s protection.” In fact, such “speech” is “the essence of self-government,” so such “speech” necessarily “occupies the highest rung of the hierarchy of First Amendment values, and is entitled to special protection.”
The majority clarified: “Speech deals with matters of public concern when it can be fairly considered as relating to any matter of political, social, or other concern to the community” or “when it is a subject of legitimate news interest; that is, a subject of general interest and of value and concern to the public.” “The arguably inappropriate or controversial character of a statement is irrelevant to the question whether it deals with a matter of public concern.”
SCOTUS reiterated the foregoing even more recently in 2023 in 303 Creative v. Elenis:
"As [multiple SCOTUS decisions] illustrate, the First Amendment protects an individual’s right to speak his mind regardless of whether the government considers his speech sensible and well intentioned or deeply “misguided,” [citation omitted] and likely to cause “anguish” or “incalculable grief,” [quoting Snyder v. Phelps]. Equally, the First Amendment protects acts of expressive association. [citations omitted]. Generally, too, the government may not compel a person to speak its own preferred messages. [citations omitted]. Nor does it matter whether the government seeks to compel a person to speak its message when he would prefer to remain silent or to force an individual to include other ideas with his own speech that he would prefer not to include. [citations omitted]. All that offends the First Amendment just the same."
The majority of the First Circuit Panel in Hussey purported to address “Viewpoint Discrimination,” but the Panel majority, itself, clearly violated SCOTUS precedent outlawing viewpoint discrimination. So did the so-called precedent in MacRae targeting speech because it was "mocking, derogatory," or "disparaging."
The majority of the Panel misrepresented that “the disparaging nature of Hussey's speech simply means that it is not on the ‘highest rung’ of the First Amendment ‘hierarchy.’ " Their own viewpoint discrimination (and the viewpoint discrimination obvious in MacRae) proved that at least the Panel majority violated the Constitution.
They expressly supported punishing Hussey because of the mere “disparaging nature of Hussey’s speech.” Judges “target[ing]” Hussey’s “particular views” committed “blatant” and “egregious” “violation[s] of the First Amendment.” Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of the Univ. of Va., 515 U.S. 819, 829 (1995).
SCOTUS has expressly and specifically emphasized that punishing “derogatory” speech is “the essence of viewpoint discrimination;” it “reflects” mere “disapproval of a subset of messages” that judges merely consider “offensive.” Matal v. Tam, 582 U.S. 218, 221 (2017). Judges’ “viewpoint discrimination” unconstitutionally “singled out a subset of messages for disfavor based on the views expressed.” Id.
Any “regulation of speech because of disagreement with the message it conveys” violates our Constitution. Ward v. Rock Against Racism, 491 U.S. 781, 791 (1989). Any “restrictions on the time, place, or manner” of “speech” must be proved “reasonable.” Id. (collecting cases). If sanctions can be “justified without reference to the content” of “speech,” they must be “justified” with proof they were “narrowly tailored to serve” a “significant governmental interest” and proof they “leave open ample alternative channels for communication” of relevant “information.” Id.
A unanimous U.S. Supreme Court decision very recently re-emphasized that “[a]t the heart of the First Amendment’s Free Speech Clause is the recognition that viewpoint discrimination is uniquely harmful to a free and democratic society.” NRA of Am. v. Vullo, 602 U.S. 175, 187 (2024). Public servants “cannot” (constitutionally) “use the power of the State to punish or suppress disfavored expression.” Id. at 188 (citing Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of the Univ. of Va., 515 U.S. 819, 830 (1995) (explaining that governmental actions seeking to suppress a speaker’s particular views are presumptively unconstitutional)).
In Iancu v. Brunetti in 2019, SCOTUS re-emphasized how all justices unanimously concluded in Matal v. Tam that government discrimination against expression because it was "disparaging" or "derogatory" violated the First Amendment:
Two Terms ago, in Matal v. Tam [ ] (2017), this Court invalidated [a federal statute's discrimination against] “disparag[ing]” [expression]. Although split between two non-majority opinions, all Members of the Court agreed that the [statute] violated the First Amendment because it discriminated on the basis of viewpoint.
[In Tam] all the Justices agreed on two propositions. First, if [discrimination is] viewpoint-based, it is unconstitutional. And second, the disparagement bar was viewpoint-based. The Justices thus found common ground in a core postulate of free speech law: The government may not discriminate against speech based on the ideas or opinions it conveys. [citing Rosenberger v. Rector and Visitors of Univ. of Va., in 1995] (explaining that viewpoint discrimination is an “egregious form of content discrimination” and is “presumptively unconstitutional”). In Justice Kennedy’s explanation [in Matal], the disparagement bar allowed [expression] if it was “positive” about a person, but not if it was “derogatory.” That was the “essence of viewpoint discrimination,” he continued, because “[t]he law thus reflects the Government’s disapproval of a subset of messages it finds offensive.” Justice Alito emphasized that the statute “denie[d] registration to any mark” whose disparaging message was “offensive to a substantial percentage of the members of any group.” The bar thus violated the “bedrock First Amendment principle” that the government cannot discriminate against “ideas that offend.” Slightly different explanations, then, but a shared conclusion: Viewpoint discrimination doomed the disparagement bar.
The following is relevant to the request for information re: b. (“a more suitable approach, also consistent with First Amendment jurisprudence, for balancing the First Amendment right of a public employee to speak on a matter of public concern against the needs of the public employer”)
The majority of the Panel used the word “protection” repeatedly. In doing so, the majority essentially flipped the Constitution on its head. The Panel majority essentially misrepresented that SCOTUS in Connick (and essentially the First Amendment) were primarily concerned with mere government “protection.”
In Connick, SCOTUS was clear that any government protection of speech served a far more important and far more fundamental purpose of the First Amendment and even the entire Constitution, i.e., “self-government.”
The following was included in the majority opinion in Connick:
"[Speech] concerning public affairs is more than self-expression; it is the essence of self-government." Connick quoting Garrison v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 64, 74-75 (1964). Accordingly, the Court has frequently reaffirmed that speech on public issues occupies the "'highest rung of the heirarchy of First Amendment values,'" and is entitled to special protection.
In [multiple] cases, the precedents in which Pickering is rooted, the invalidated statutes and actions sought to suppress the rights of public employees to participate in public affairs. The issue was whether government employees could be prevented or "chilled" by the fear of discharge from joining political parties and other associations that certain public officials might find "subversive." The explanation for the Constitution's special concern with threats to the right of citizens to participate in political affairs is no mystery. The First Amendment "was fashioned to assure unfettered interchange of ideas for the bringing about of political and social changes desired by the people." Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476, 484 (1957); New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 269 (1964).
The four dissenters in Connick emphasized the same:
It is hornbook law, however, that speech about "the manner in which government is operated or should be operated" is an essential part of the communications necessary for self-governance the protection of which was a central purpose of the First Amendment. Mills v. Alabama, 384 U.S. 214, 218 (1966).
Any public servant truly fulfilling his or her oath to support our Constitution must recognize that “self-government” refers, essentially, to “the sovereignty of the people.” In New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, SCOTUS unanimously emphasized how our freedom of expression and communication are a mere reflection of the sovereignty of the people:
Our “Constitution created a [republican] form of government under which ‘The people, not the government, possess the absolute sovereignty.’ [Our Constitution] dispersed power” in many ways precisely because “of the people’s” extreme “distrust of concentrated power, and of power itself at all levels.” New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 274 (1964) (quoting Madison).
One reason for “the right of freely examining public characters and measures, and of free communication among the people thereon” is that those particular powers were “deemed” to be “the only effectual guardian of every” individual “right.” Id. (quoting Madison). But our freedom of thought, speech, press and assembly truly flow from our sovereignty. So in our “Republican Government,” the “censorial power is” necessarily generally “in the people over the Government, and not in the Government over the people.” Id. at 275 (quoting Madison).
Clearly, courts cannot “give public servants an unjustified preference over the public they serve” by giving any public servant more “immunity” than the people, themselves, “granted” their public servants. Id. at 282-283. But the people’s immunity flows directly from the people’s sovereignty.
Numerous opinions of SCOTUS majorities or other groups of justices recognize that self-government means the sovereignty of the people.
“[T]he critical postulate” of our Constitution is “that sovereignty is vested in the people.” United States Term Limits v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 794 (1995). “[T]he animating principle of our Constitution” was “that the people” are sovereign and the “source of all the powers of government.” Ariz. State Legis. v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 576 U.S. 787, 813 (2015). Accord id. at 819 (“The people’s ultimate sovereignty”).
Irrefutably and clearly, “the Constitution begins with the principle that sovereignty rests with the people” inasmuch as “the people” did “ordain and establish the Constitution.” Alden v. Me., 527 U.S. 706, 759 (1999). This was “an assertion that sovereignty belongs” to “the whole of the people.” Gundy v. United States, 588 U.S. 128, 152 (2019) (Gorsuch, Thomas JJ., Roberts, C.J., dissenting). Next, Articles I, II and III “vest[ed] the authority to exercise different aspects of the people’s sovereign power in distinct entities.” Id. Our Constitution expresses “the people’s sovereign choice” about when and where “to vest” any part of the people’s “power” specifically “to protect their liberties, minority rights, fair notice, and the rule of law” as it is stated in our Constitution. Id. at 156.
From the first three words (“We the People”) to the last three words of the Bill of Rights (“to the people”) the Preamble and every article and amendment emphasized and established political sovereignty of the people over our public servants and the personal sovereignty of individuals over themselves. “In our system of government, ultimate sovereignty rests with the people, and the people have the right to control their own destiny.” Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. 644, 741 (2015) (Alito, Scalia, Thomas, JJ., dissenting).
Speaking of the sovereignty of the people (as many opinions of SCOTUS and groups of justices or individual justices have) and speaking of the privileges of the People as a function of our sovereignty (as SCOTUS did in Sullivan), the best way to think of the speech and debate clause in Article I is as a mere part or a mere reflection of the privilege that the sovereign people enjoy.
As the first words of our Constitution emphasize, "We the People" acted as the first and the supreme legislative body for the United States to "ordain and establish [our] Constitution" to "secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves." It is important to bear in mind that from June 21, 1788 until April 1789, the People constituted the only legislative body for the United States.
As the first words of Article I emphasize, the People "vested in a Congress" only part of our legislative powers, i.e., only the "legislative Powers herein granted." Article I also made the entire House of Representatives directly accountable to the People (voters) every two years.
With the 17th Amendment, the People made Senators directly accountable to the People (voters) every six years (1/3 every two years). Originally, Senators were chosen by State legislatures, and they were expected to express the will of State legislatures as much as of state citizens.
To secure the legislative powers that the People had delegated to our directly-elected representatives in Congress, the People also declared that Congress must benefit from the relevant part of the People's freedom of speech and the freedom of speech of our state representatives (state governments). The people expressly protected the speech of particular public servants fulfilling their oaths to support our Constitution: U.S. "Senators and Representatives" cannot "be questioned in any other Place" (e.g., by state officials or by executive or judicial branch officials) because of the content of "any Speech or Debate in either House."
The Speech and Debate Clause of Article I indicates and reflects our own freedom of expression and communication regarding any legislation--indeed, any purported public service of any purported public servant--that purportedly represents us.
The First Amendment was written in 1789 and ratified by 1791 to secure every individual's right to oppose abusive (purported) public servants and to protect us as we do so. It was written and ratified to encourage Americans of every generation to be as active and outspoken as the first generations of Americans were.
Multiple SCOTUS decisions have highlighted a highly enlightening statement by the First Continental Congress in 1774 about the meaning of our freedom of expression, communication and association ("the freedom of speech" and "press" and "the right of the people" to "assemble" declared in the First Amendment). That Congress included such lions of liberty as George Washington and John Adams (our first two presidents), John Jay (the first SCOTUS Chief Justice), Patrick Henry (first governor of independent Virginia), Samuel Adams and John Dickinson.
In a letter to the people of Quebec (to try to recruit them to join the United States) they declared our “five great rights.” One of the “great rights” was “the freedom of the press.” Fortunately, the First Continental Congress did more than merely write that right. They shed vital light on its power and purpose:
"The importance of this consists," in very significant part, in the "diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of Government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential promotion of union among them, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated, into more honourable and just modes of conducting [public] affairs."
SCOTUS justices included the foregoing in majority opinions in Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697 (1931) and Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476 (1957), as well as in in Thornhill v. Alabama, 310 U.S. 88 (1940) (where SCOTUS substituted “ashamed” for “shamed”) and in a dissenting opinion in Herbert v. Lando, 441 U.S. 153 (1979).
The Thornhill SCOTUS justices faithfully supported our Constitution with the following crucial elaboration:
"The freedom of speech and of the press guaranteed by the Constitution embraces at the least the liberty to discuss publicly and truthfully all matters of public concern without previous restraint or fear of subsequent punishment. The exigencies of the colonial period and the efforts to secure freedom from oppressive administration developed a broadened conception of these liberties as adequate to supply the public need for information and education with respect to the significant issues of the times. . . . Freedom of discussion, if it would fulfill its historic function in this nation, must embrace all issues about which information is needed or appropriate to enable the members of society to cope with the exigencies of their period."